‘IT SHOULD BE UP TO HISTORIANS TO CONTRIBUTE TO AN OPEN DEBATE ON 1915’
Today’s Zaman
Dec 27 2011
Turkey
In the midst of a haunting debate over the fairness of ruling the
events of 1915 as genocide and seeking punishment of its denial in
parliaments, President of the Swiss Confederation and Foreign Minister
Micheline-Calmy Rey has expressed the Swiss belief that genocide
judgments should best be left to historians, who could contribute
with their findings to an open debate on the issue between Armenia
and Turkey.
The head of the country that mediated the Zurich protocols signed
between Turkey and Armenia in 2007 with the aim of normalizing ties
between the two countries, Calmy-Rey reaffirmed Swiss impartiality in
the resolution of conflicts, in an exclusive interview with Today’s
Zaman during her working visit to Turkey on Monday. Calmy-Rey voiced
hope regarding the ratification of the protocols by both countries, as
she offered that a solution to the long-standing “Armenian genocide”
problem could finally be reached by a sub-commission of experts from
Turkey, Armenia, Switzerland and other parties, as foreseen by a
provision included in the protocol.
Switzerland, a country hailed most significantly in the global arena
for its neutral stance and respect for human rights, has no “denial
law” like that the French parliament is working to ratify soon nor
a law categorizing any event in history as genocide. However, it has
a penal code article that punishes acts of racism, including public
denial of genocides, established against the backdrop of right-wing
attacks targeting asylum seekers in the country two decades ago,
a measure Calmy-Rey said was fundamental to fight xenophobia in the
country. She added that today, Switzerland, with its 500,000 Muslims,
hosts people from various cultures, religions and ethnicities,
living in peace and integrity, and Switzerland prides itself on
“building bridges” between different cultures.
Touching on the controversial minaret ban her country instituted in
2009, a decision Calmy-Rey described as “a real and painful shock”
for her, she said the ban conflicts with Swiss foreign policy as
well as the values the country stands for, and believes it could be
understood through people’s fears of globalization and the risks it
that come with it, such as economic crises and terrorism. However,
she underlined that Muslims were free to practice their religions
in mosques in Switzerland, a country 22 percent of whose population
comprise foreigners and which has very strong ties to all corners of
the world.
The Swiss president also dwelled on the importance of relations with
the EU, as she noted that Turkey and Switzerland share a similar
position with regard to the fact that their histories, cultures and
economies were “closely linked” to that of Europe, in which she said
Turkey should have its place. An extensive and effective presence in
the world is a policy Switzerland pursues, Calmy-Rey added, in words
that rang the possibility of Switzerland and Turkey having more in
common than one imagines.
Switzerland holds a policy of neutrality in international relations.
How does the Swiss decision to recognize the tragic deaths of Armenians
in 1915 as “genocide” and punish its deniers fit into that policy?
You refer to a decision of the lower Chamber of the Swiss Parliament
and not to the official position of the Swiss government. In the debate
of this petition of the parliament, the Swiss government stressed
that it deplores and condemns the mass deportations and killings of
Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. It also underlined that it should
be up to the historians to do additional research and contribute
with their findings to an open debate on this issue in Armenia and in
Turkey. It encouraged the dialogue in the region itself and suggested
initiatives such as the setup of a Turkish-Armenian reconciliation
commission or improved access for researchers to relevant archives. It
recommended therefore rejection of the petition.
As you know the Swiss-mediated Protocols on the Establishment of
Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Republic
of Turkey — the Zurich Protocols — contain a provision that foresees
a sub-commission on the “historical dimension in order to implement
a dialogue with the aim to restore mutual confidence between the
two nations,” in which Turkish, Armenian as well as Swiss and other
international experts shall take part. This would be a very good way
to address these issues, and for that reason among others, we very
much hope that the Protocols can soon be ratified.
As for your question regarding our neutrality and impartiality — I
just don’t see the point. The very fact that we were able to mediate
a long and difficult process between Turkey and Armenia, leading
to a mutually acceptable outcome that both countries felt confident
enough to sign, is proof enough that we were entirely impartial —
and more importantly, that we are perceived as such. And believe me,
this is not only true in this particular context.
France has recently come under fire in Turkey for the lower house
approval of a genocide denial bill. Switzerland also holds denial
of the Armenian genocide punishable. How is the current diplomatic
atmosphere between Switzerland and Turkey now, and how did relations
survive the denial law?
As my presence in Turkey today indicates in particular, the relations
between our two countries are very good. Over the years, I developed a
very close working relationship with my colleague Minister Davutoglu
and with President Gul. There is no “denial law” in Switzerland,
and there is no law that recognizes a specific situation as “genocide”.
The article to which you refer, art. 261bis of the Swiss penal
code, punishes acts of a openly racist and xenophobe character,
inter alia the public denial, trivialization or justification of
genocide and crimes against humanity. The article was established on
the background of an alarming increase in racist attacks from right
wing groups on asylum seekers and refugees in the late 80s and early
90s of the last century. It also stems from our obligations as party
to the UN International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of
Racial Discrimination. The aim is very clear, fight against racism
and xenophobia, its application by Swiss courts has been balanced,
and it has proved useful in that regard.
A couple of years after the minaret ban controversy, how have ties
between Christians and Muslims of Switzerland fared?
The vote on the minarets was a real and painful shock for me, because
it was so much in contradiction with our foreign policy, with what
Switzerland stands for, as a neutral country, building bridges between
different cultures. Over the world, Switzerland is considered as
a reference in the field of human rights. When there are issues to
solve, you can’t find solutions by closing yourself down to others. I
explained to our partners in the Muslim world that this vote was not
against Muslims but that it was a reflection and an expression of
fears related to the globalization, to the global risks affecting us,
like the economic crisis or terrorism. Muslims in Switzerland can
pray in mosques and practice their religion in complete freedom.
Are you concerned over the possibility that the current economic
crisis might trigger an increased sense of xenophobia and Islamophobia
in Switzerland?
Switzerland is a country open to the world. Economically, half of our
national income is made abroad. The foreign population comprises 22
percent of Switzerland. This is a very high percentage in Europe, but
relations between Swiss people and foreigners is exempt from severe
tensions, thanks notably to the good integration of foreigners on
the labor market. Those past few years, it was also thanks to the
immigrants in our country that our economy experienced growth and
faced the crisis. Unemployment is very low (3 to 4 percent) compared
to other countries in Europe. I don’t think that the economic crisis,
which affects Switzerland less than other countries, will provoke
more xenophobia. The fear from what is foreign relates rather to
violent manifestations of Islamist extremism. And as I said, it is
also a reaction to the globalized world we live in. But it is not
linked or directed to people who are well integrated. In Switzerland,
there are about 500,000 Muslims, coming mainly from Turkey and the
Western Balkans. They are well integrated and have a well-recognized
position in our society.
How would you compare Turkish and Swiss policies, both domestic
and foreign?
Turkey is a priority-country of Swiss economic and foreign policy. Let
me underline the growing importance of trade and economic relations
between our two countries and the economic potential of Turkey. The
major Swiss companies are active in your country. They cover a vast
range of activities, belonging to the following sectors: machines,
pharmaceuticals, chemicals, banking, insurances, tourism, food,
transportation, trading, etc. There are a number of issues in the
field of energy, where Switzerland and Turkey can benefit from each
other’s experience and by pooling our capacities.
For Switzerland, a European Union that allows both its member states
and their people to have different speed and depth of integration is
an evolution in our direction. When I speak about different speed and
depth of integration on the European continent I assume that this
would also be the preferred option for a country like Turkey. I am
convinced that Turkey should have its place in Europe. The situation
for Turkey is similar to that of Switzerland: Its history, culture
and economy are closely linked and intertwined with Europe.
Switzerland is a country of people with various backgrounds who
speak several languages. What is Swiss policy on increasing tolerance
towards differences in society?
The functioning of our democracy is complex. It is made of a balance
between regions, political parties, languages and cultures. It is
politically very stable, with a government encompassing all major
political sensitivities, combined to a system of direct democracy. The
Swiss society is culturally, linguistically and religiously mixed.
This helps foster tolerance towards other communities coming from far
away. But globalization provokes a certain anxiety, for citizens feel
like they don’t have any control anymore on events that are affecting
them. This makes it all the more important to have an active and
committed foreign policy, for more and more issues are being dealt
with on the international scene.
How strongly is Switzerland affected by the increasing economic crisis
in the European Union? What are the president’s thoughts on the future
of Europe?
As a European country par excellence, Switzerland remains closely
tied to the fate of Europe. This is a fact of geography and has been a
decisive element in our history. The European Union is one of our most
important partners by far, both because of their economic and political
strength and their geographical and cultural proximity. For a decade
now, 50 percent of our exports have gone to the EU and 80 percent of
our imports have come from the EU. Switzerland has developed a European
policy sui generis, characterised by a network of bilateral agreements
that have been approved by the Swiss people. The development of this
bilateral architecture and its adaptation to today’s conditions are
priorities for the Swiss government.
Switzerland is also affected by the ongoing crisis in the EU, notably
because the strong value of the Swiss franc is having a negative
influence on our exports. We thus have a great interest in seeing
Europe find solutions to the financial and economic crisis. Our
welfare depends also on Europe’s welfare.
Switzerland has traditionally opted to stay out of the EU and
several other multinational unities, but still maintains an active
diplomacy with most countries. What is the Swiss take on current
global developments; does this policy distance Switzerland from the
rest of the world, or keep it impartial?
Switzerland has succeeded in positioning itself by promoting dialogue
and respect for reciprocal interests. In recent years, Switzerland
has thus been actively involved in some 20 peace processes, either
as a direct mediator or by playing a decisive role in international
teams or with other acknowledged mediators. It has committed itself
in regions where it has an interest in being active and where it is
capable of adding value thanks to its policy of neutrality and to
the privileged contacts it has already made by implementing other
facets of its foreign policy. Switzerland, for example, exercises a
protective power mandate for the United States in Iran and in Cuba,
for Georgia in Russia and for Russia in Georgia. Georgia and Russia,
moreover, have asked Switzerland to mediate in the negotiations for
the entry of Russia into the WTO.
Even though Switzerland is very different from Turkey in many respects,
I see a certain parallel in our wish to pursue an original approach in
order to promote our interests. Switzerland is not a great power. It
pursues targeted policies in order to have an extensive and effective
presence in the world. Turkey is a regional power in the Balkans as
well as in the Southern Caucasus and the region of the Caspian Sea. We
are therefore interested in strengthening our cooperation with Turkey
with a view to contributing to greater stability and more well-being
for the countries and their populations in these regions.
Throughout the year 2011, what has been your major concern and point
of focus regarding Switzerland?
Relations with the European Union, policies based on universal
presence, activities on behalf of peace and human rights: by pursuing
the three priorities that I have just outlined, Switzerland follows
a path of its own. It is a neutral country, it is not a member of
any alliance, it is country that engages in dialogue with all actors
and seeks to build bridges between viewpoints that are sometimes
diametrically opposed.
Being one of the rare women leaders of the world, what has been the
major obstacle in your career path leading to presidency?
The obstacles I had to face in my political career were those facing
all women who want to engage in political activities: tensions between
professional and family life, and the fact that a woman always needs
to prove more than a man that she deserves a job. My secret is that I
learned very early to delegate. For instance, many women do not want
to put their children into somebody else’s care while they attend
meetings outside. I did it and it worked. I learned that men use
alliances and associations to get to power. Women need to do some
networking as well to get what they want.
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