FORUM 18 NEWS SERVICE, Oslo, Norway
The right to believe, to worship and witness
The right to change one’s belief or religion
The right to join together and express one’s belief
========================================== ======
Thursday 29 November 2007
TURKEY: WHAT CAUSES INTOLERANCE AND VIOLENCE?
The trial in Malatya of those accused of murdering three Protestants has
drawn attention again to the question of what causes such intolerance and
violence. Güzide Ceyhan, a Turkish Protestant, in a personal commentary for
Forum 18 News Service <;, identifies three trends
behind the murders: disinformation by public figures and the mass media;
the rise of Turkish nationalism; and the marginalisation of smaller groups
>From Turkish society. All three trends feed off each other, and all of
Turkey’s smaller religious communities – those within Islam and
Christianity, as well as Baha’is and Jehovah’s Witnesses – are affected by
them in various ways. Many Turkish people – of all religions and none – are
committed to furthering democracy and human rights, while civil society is
growing stronger. But for the fundamental right of all Turkish citizens to
freedom of thought, conscience and belief to be truly protected, a human
rights-based approach is indispensable.
TURKEY: WHAT CAUSES INTOLERANCE AND VIOLENCE?
By Güzide Ceyhan
After speaking at the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly on 3
October, Turkey’s newly-elected President Abdullah Gül insisted to
journalists that members of various religions live in harmony in Turkey. He
called the murders of Hrant Dink, an Armenian Turkish journalist, and Fr
Andrea Santoro, a Catholic priest, "politically-motivated killings", but
did not discuss the recent murders of three Christians in Malatya.
Fr Santoro – an Italian – was murdered in his church in Trabzon in
February 2006 (see F18News 9 February 2006
< e_id=724>). Dink was murdered in
Istanbul in January 2007. April 2007 saw the murders in Malatya of the
three Protestant Christians – two ethnic Turks, Necati Aydin and Ugur
Yuksel, and one German, Tilmann Geske (see F18News 10 July 2007
< e_id=990>). These three attacks
have resulted in the murder of five people not belonging to the Sunni
Muslim majority. This causes Turkey’s smaller religious communities to view
their future with fear and insecurity.
Turkey has many different religious communities. They include Alevi
Muslims (the largest religious minority, with perhaps 17 million people);
Islamic brotherhoods (the Sunni Nakchibendis, Mevlevis and others as well
as the Shi’ite Bektashis); new Islamic movements (such as the Nurcus and
Suleymancis); Protestant Christians; Catholic Christians; Armenian
Apostolic Christians; Syriac Orthodox Christians; Greek Orthodox
Christians; Georgian Orthodox Christians; Jehovah’s Witnesses; and Baha’is
(see F18News 10 July 2007
< e_id=990>).
Intolerance against various groups varies over time. The experience of the
community I know best, my own small 3,000-strong Protestant community,
illustrates the problems that these communities face. In the case of the
Protestants, these ultimately resulted in the Malatya murders. Other
communities also suffer intolerance and violence. Because many Protestants
are converts from an Islamic background, theirs is a very good "test case"
to examine how far tolerance in Turkey can accommodate true religious
freedom.
What is the source of the intolerance that has fuelled violence against
Christians? I think three trends can be identified:
1. disinformation about Christianity in statements by public figures and
through the media;
2. the rise of Turkish nationalism;
3. and the implicit and explicit approval both of the marginalisation of
Christians from Turkish society and also of actions – including murders –
against them.
All three trends feed off and interact with each other.
1. Disinformation
Disinformation about Christianity was highlighted in the European
Commission’s latest progress report on Turkey, released on 6 November. In
the "human rights and the protection of minorities" section, under "freedom
of religion", the Commission notes the continuing depiction of missionaries
by both the authorities and the media as "a threat to the integrity of the
country and non-Muslim minorities as not being an integral part of Turkish
society". And it adds: "To date, use of language that might incite hatred
against non-Muslim minorities has been left unpunished." (The report is
available at
< uments/2007/nov/turkey_progress_reports_en.pdf> .)
Such disinformation – particularly around the topic of conversion to
Christianity – is widespread in both the national and local media. The
lawyer of the Turkish Kurtulus (Salvation) Protestant Churches, Orhan Kemal
Cengiz, told Bianet (a respected independent journalism network) soon after
the Malatya murders that although "missionary activity" is not a crime in
Turkey, politicians and the media have by constant repetition invented such
a crime. Individuals then decide to punish this "crime" (see
< m>).
The submission of the Prosecutor in the trial of the alleged killers of
the three Christians in Malatya, which began on 23 November 2007, is a case
in point. The Prosecutor’s submission makes much of the missionary
activities of the victims, not the actions of the accused. Cengiz, the
lawyer representing the victims, complained that "they are trying to
demonstrate that missionary activity is ‘unjust provocation’ which might
then decrease any sentence," Milliyet newspaper reported on 20 November.
The newspaper also reported that Cengiz thinks that this claim, along with
the Prosecutor providing much information on the victims’ activity, "opens
the door to new attacks".
In news reports which started before the trial (which will resume on 14
January 2008), some parts of the mass media are continuing to attack the
murder victims, not the murders. Ihlas News Agency, a major video news
agency, persistently linked the lawyers for the victims with the legal
defence of both suspects from the PKK terrorist organisation, as well as
Hrant Dink’s son who has been accused of "insulting Turkishness" under
Article 301 of the Criminal Code. Ihlas also gave prominence to a statement
>From one of the accused that one of the murder victims said that
"Christianity and the Bible were good and praised the PKK. I became angry
at what he said." The Bianet news agency noted on 24 November that this
kind of reporting was dangerous, as it was "putting the lawyers into the
dart board."
Mustafa Aydin, retired Head of the Interior Ministry’s intelligence
agency, the Security Directorate, also pointed to the increasing
sensitivities over missionary activity. In an interview in the weekly news
magazine Aksiyon just after the murders, he blamed statements about
missionaries – by people without due authority which are then picked up by
the media – that are "unnecessary, exaggerated and even have negative
intent" (see < t;).
Scores of television programmes have negatively covered Protestants,
particularly those who have converted from Islam to Christianity. The
popular TV series "Kurtlar Vadisi" ("Valley of Wolves") recently depicted
missionaries as people who buy the faith of poor families and offer them a
new religion. Professor Zekeriya Beyaz, Dean of Marmara University’s
[Muslim] Theology Faculty, takes the same line in his many articles and
talks on missionaries and Christians. (Professor Beyaz is also
controversial in some Muslim circles, because of his support for Turkey’s
university headscarf ban. For this, he himself has been the victim of a
knife attack.) Speaking on Star TV’s programme "What’s Happening There?" in
September 2007, he complained that "missionaries are making all our young
people Christians and are opening unlawful churches under the protection of
the law".
In Turkey, it is a fairly new phenomenon that people have experienced
their fellow-Turks and foreign missionaries actively sharing non-Muslim
beliefs such as Christianity. This has had a significant impact on Turkish
society. In the 1980s, Turkish Protestants were a mere handful of people,
becoming more numerous only in the past 20 years. But instead of seeing
this change in society as a topic that needs unbiased investigation and
reporting (which my fellow Turkish Protestants would welcome), Turkey’s
media has reacted with suspicion, hostility and stereotyping.
This societal change is commonly portrayed as the result of a plan by
foreign missionaries with a number of alleged motives: to deceive those
ignorant of Islam and those who are financially vulnerable and to weaken
the national loyalty of Turkish citizens so as to ultimately divide the
country. These alleged purposes are widely disseminated in publications and
on scores of websites. In one of many examples of this, the Istanbul
newspaper Üsküdar Gazetesi published a book of allegations called "Dikkat
Misyoner Geliyor" ("Beware, Missionary coming"). Media coverage has mostly
been sensationalist and has not given those accused the opportunity to
respond. Disturbingly, the media has published the addresses of places of
worship and names, putting individual Protestants at physical risk.
The government’s Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) has also viewed
the growing number of converts as a concern (see F18News 26 July 2006
< e_id=817>). The Diyanet has the
mission "to engage in activities related to worship and ethics of Islamic
Religion and enlighten people on religion and management of worship
places". The Diyanet prepares and distributes Friday sermons to all
mosques. Mosques under its control are the only ones allowed in Turkey, and
these sermons are the only Friday sermons allowed in Turkey. (The Diyanet
also runs mosques outside Turkey, in countries such as Germany.) In March
2005 a Friday sermon was distributed to all imams on the dangers of
missionary activity, which described it as "a scheme of foreigners to steal
the faith of the young".
Echoing this thinking, a day after the murders in Malatya, Niyazi Güney, a
senior official in the Justice Ministry, remarked to Turkish
parliamentarians that "missionary work is even more dangerous than
terrorism and unfortunately is not considered a crime in Turkey". He
repeated this view in the Milliyet newspaper. Terrorism – which remains a
great threat in Turkey – and missionary activity are thus seen as
connected. And almost any manifestation of Christian belief – including
gatherings in church buildings – is seen by those who hold these views as
"missionary activity". I am fearful of what this approach implies for the
safety of Christians in Turkey.
Missionary activity has also been on the agenda of the National Security
Council (MGK), which is chaired ex officio by President Gül and also
comprises the Chief of the General Staff, the commanders of all the
branches of the Turkish Armed Forces and several government ministers. In a
February 2005 evaluation of current and future challenges to Turkish
security, the MGK drew attention to "a need for social activities that will
prevent the spreading of organisations and ideologies that will have an
impact on Turkey’s unity". It suggested that "abusive missionary activities
should not be permitted". What exactly was meant by "abusive missionary
activity" was not defined.
2. Nationalism
The second factor fuelling violent attacks, nationalism, has always been
strong in Turkey. This has risen in recent years, sparked, some Turkish
observers think, by increased terrorist attacks by the separatist Kurdistan
Worker’s Party (PKK) and the socio-economic effects of globalisation. The
rise in votes gained by the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), from 8.3 per
cent in the November 2002 parliamentary elections to 14.3 per cent in the
July 2007 parliamentary elections, is a marker of this (see F18News 28 June
2007 < 983>).
The current rise in nationalism has some extremely alarming
characteristics. There is the expectation that every Turkish citizen will
have ultra-nationalist "feelings". Nationalist discourse seems to define a
Turk as only someone who is a Sunni Muslim Turkish nationalist.
Nationalists see themselves as called to defend Turkey against "threats"
>From "others", who are frequently Turks who do not fit the nationalist
stereotype. This approach alienates those defined as "others".
One victim of this approach has been the Alevi community, who are Turkish
and Muslim but not Sunni. An illustration of this was a 9 October judgement
of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) on Hasan and Eylem Zengin v.
Turkey (Application nr. 1448/04) (see
< em=1&portal=hbkm&action=html&highlight =1448/04&sessionid=3585479&skin=hudoc-en&g t;).
In the case, brought by Alevis, the ECHR noted that "the Government have
recognised, however, in the ‘religious culture and morals’ lessons, the
religious diversity which prevails in Turkish society is not taken into
account." The classes are optional for those who are recorded on their
identity cards as being either Jews or Christians (see F18News 26 July 2006
< e_id=817>).
The ECHR is becoming increasingly important in defending freedom of
thought conscience and belief in Turkey (see F18News 18 January 2007
< e_id=901>).
A related nationalist strand also sees violence as acceptable, if used
against "others" labelled as a threat to Turkey. References to the 1919-23
War of Independence are used to claim that "extraordinary measures" are
still necessary against "threats". The person accused of Hrant Dink’s
murder was pictured standing in front of the Turkish flag, with a quote
>From Mustafa Kemal Atatürk: "Extraordinary times call for extraordinary
measures." Protestant Christians’ religious beliefs are often perceived as
a "threat" which has the alleged purpose of weakening national identity, as
being a Sunni Muslim is considered an indispensable part of this identity.
Ultimately, Protestants are seen as having the aim of destroying the unity
of the state. A July 2007 survey by the nationalist Turkish Education Union
claims that 54 per cent of people consider that "missionaries" are the
biggest threat to Turkey (see
< hp?name=News&file=article&sid=627>).
3 . Marginalisation
The third factor fuelling violent attacks (closely connected with
disinformation and nationalism) is the approval – both implicit and
explicit – of the marginalisation of Christians in Turkish society. As
noted above, this has even led to the approval of murders. Although state
officials were careful to condemn the Malatya murders, one could detect the
"yes, these killings are horrible but these missionaries had it coming"
attitude from some officials’ statements and media comments. (See F18News 9
February 2006 < 724> for
comments after Fr Santoro’s murder and F18News 10 July 2007
< e_id=990> for comments after the
murders of the three Protestants.)
Related to this is the use made by some Muslims in Turkey of the Koran to
glorify the killing of so-called "apostates". Those who murdered the three
Christians in Malatya mutilated their victims in ways reminiscent of the
language of Sura 8:12 of the Koran.
Turkish history indicates that groups stigmatised as "unacceptable" or
"threats to the nation" can very quickly become the victims of violence by
other citizens. Istanbul’s Armenian and Greek communities suffered from the
July 1955 pogrom, while in 1993 Alevi Muslims in Sivas suffered in a bomb
attack which left 37 people dead. Sadly, such stigmatising is still
happening. Turkish citizens of Kurdish origin are now being unlawfully
stigmatised as PKK sympathisers. Turkish citizens who are Protestant, as an
October 2007 statement from the Alliance of Protestant Churches noted,
suffered "scores of threats or attacks" on congregations and church
buildings in 2006.
"The perpetrators have not been found. At times, the security authorities,
acknowledging that there is such a threat, advised the use of private
security companies," the statement continues. It is surely right for the
Alliance of Protestant Churches to point out that "this is unacceptable
when the State should be guaranteeing freedom of religion and the security
of individuals and property."
The need for a human rights-based approach
There is much to be concerned about within Turkish society. But despite
this, Turkey has made genuine efforts to implement its national and
international commitments to protecting human rights in general and freedom
of religion and belief in particular. Turkey has great potential to become
a well-functioning, stable democracy and has made significant progress in
complying with human rights commitments. Many Turkish people – of all
religions and none – are committed to furthering democracy and human
rights, while civil society is growing stronger. It would be simply untrue
to say that individuals who do not conform to Sunni Muslim Turkish identity
experience constant hardship.
Fundamental human rights are protected to a great extent, although
challenges remain in providing consistent daily protection of those rights
for all. Steps must be taken to ensure that President Gül’s statement in
Strasbourg becomes Turkish reality. The first step must be to understand,
disseminate information on and train officials – at all levels – on what
the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion and belief actually
means.
Freedom of religion and belief, as understood in international human
rights law, means among other things the right to have and change one’s
belief and manifest such belief in worship, teaching, practice and
observance. It can only be restricted under certain clearly defined
circumstances and criteria. Establishing places of worship, teaching one’s
belief to the followers of the belief, sharing one’s beliefs with those of
different beliefs, and engaging in humanitarian assistance are all
protected by the right to freedom of religion and belief. Yet as we have
seen, in Turkey such activities are viewed with suspicion and hatred. This
fundamental right of all Turkish citizens – whatever their religion or
belief (including such beliefs as atheism) – is threatened by
disinformation, nationalism and the marginalisation of minorities.
A human rights-based approach to these problems is an indispensable part
of the solution. If this approach is put into concrete action, there will
be genuine cause to hope that President Gül’s statement on living together
in harmony will become a reality for the members of all Turkey’s smaller
religious communities. (END)
– Güzide Ceyhan, a Turkish Protestant, contributed this commentary to
Forum 18 News Service <;. Commentaries are personal
views and do not necessarily represent the views of F18News or Forum 18.
PDF and printer-friendly views of this article can be accessed from
< e_id=1053>. It may freely be
reproduced, redistributed or quoted from, with due acknowledgement to Forum
18 <;.
More analyses and commentaries on freedom of thought, conscience and
belief in Turkey can be found at
< mp;religion=all&country=68>.
A printer-friendly map of Turkey is available at
< s/atlas/index.html?Parent=mideast&Rootmap=turk ey>.
(END)
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