Author: Nahapetian Samvel

ARKA News Agency, Armenia
July 14 2005

RA PRESIDENT CONGRATULATES FRENCH EMBASSY OFFICIALS ON NATIONAL
HOLIDAY

YEREVAN, July 14. /ARKA/. The RA President Robert Kocharyan and the
First Lady Bella Kocharyan visited the French Embassy in Armenia on
the occasion a French national holiday, Bastille Day. The RA
presidential press service reports that Robert Kocharyan
congratulated the Embassy personnel and expressed confidence that the
warm relations between two countries will successfully develop in the
future as well. A.A. -0–

PanArmenian News
July 12 2005

MENTIONING OF ARMENIAN GENOCIDE IS NO LONGER PROSECUTED IN TURKEY

>From now on in Turkey one can speak aloud about the events of 1915
without being afraid of criminal prosecution.

OSCE welcomes the decision of Turkey to withdraw from the new
criminal code the article that calls for criminal responsibility for
the mentioning of Armenian genocide. The idea was expressed on
Thursday in Vienna by the OSCE special representative on freedom of
media Miklosh Harazsti. The special representative expressed hope
that the review of the regulations in the criminal code will enable
Turkey to start negotiations on EU membership. Meanwhile it should be
mentioned that the renewed criminal code has not yet been put into
effect.

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The Turkish parliament has approved the amendments
on June 29, but the President has not signed the law yet. As it is
known, the amendments in the criminal code were initiated by the
Prime Minister of Turkey Rejeb Erdogan. This allows to suppose that
there will be no problems with the final approval of the document.
Two points were excluded from the article 305 which is entitled
“offences against fundamental national interests of Turkey”. The
first point prescribed punishment for calls for the withdrawal of the
Turkish Army from Cyprus and the second point that was excluded from
the text of the article prescribed legal persecution for the
mentioning of Armenian genocide. It should be reminded that the
reform of the Turkish criminal code was made not long ago, but at
that time both of the mentioned points were kept in the document
without any considerable changes.

However it is notable that Turkish authorities perceived the criminal
code article concerning the punishments for the mentioning of
Armenian genocide as a preventive measure rather than a punitive
mechanism. The thing is that throughtout the existence of the
shameful article in the criminal code there has been only one case
when an action was brought against a citizen who dared to qualify the
events of 1915 as genocide. Only the existence of the article was
undoubtedly a restricting factor and even the most objective and
principal Turkish historians and right protectors did not risk to
call things by their proper names and qualify the massacres of 1915
as genocide. At the same time Turkish authorities did not hurry to
imprison those courageous people. They preferred to pretend not to
notice their actions “offending fundamental national interests of
Turkey”. This was for example the case with the well-known writer
Orkhan Pamuk who plucked up his courage and shared with his
compatriots about the monstrous crimes of the Young Turks against
Armenians. The term “genocide” has repeatedly come from the lips and
the pen of the writer. But Turkish authorities did not try to
concentrate on that. The reason is clear. Erdogan did not want to
tease Europeans on the eve of the negotiations on Turkey’s possible
EU membership.

But for all that, the authorities brought an action for the
“propaganda of the invented Armenian genocide”. The thing took place
in February, however the “crime” itself was committed yet in
November, 2004. The crime consisted in the fact that during some
official ceremony the well-known attorney Madani Ayhan said, “In 1915
the Ottman Empire played a great role in the extermination of 1.5
million Armenians who struggled for unification and prosperity. I bow
down before the beautiful and oppressed Armenian people and join them
in their grief”. This is what was done by Ayhan who was called for
criminal responsibility fraught with three years of imprisonment.

While, in Turkey they agree not to imprison people who speak aloud
about Armenian genocide, in Europe they think of introducing criminal
responsibility against those who try to cast doubt on the fact of
Armenian genocide…

Lraper Church Bulletin 11/07/2005
Contact: Deacon Vagharshag Seropyan
Armenian Patriarchate
TR-34130 Kumkapi, Istanbul
T: +90 (212) 517-0970, 517-0971
F: +90 (212) 516-4833, 458-1365
[email protected] <mailto:[email protected]>
[email protected]
<;

THE PATRIARCH CONGRATULATES THE UNIVERSITY GRADUATES

On Monday evening, 4 July 2005, His Beatitude, His Beatitude Mesrob II,
Armenian Patriarch of Istanbul and All Turkey, met in the visitors’
lounge in the garden of the Patriarchate with Kamer Toker from the YERID
Group and about fifty of his friends.

His Beatitude the Patriarch celebrated Kamer’s graduation last week from
the International Relations Department of the Business and
Administrative Sciences Faculty of Koc University. In Kamer’s person he
praised all of the youth who graduated from the universities this year,
saying, “As educated youth, you will play a major role in the future of
our country, our community, and our church.”

Before cutting the celebratory cake, Kamer Toker made a speech.

“I thank you very much for sharing the happiness of graduation with me.
It is truly meaningful and a source of pride for me to celebrate such a
day in this beautiful Patriarchal building, restored after much long
effort.

“I came to know YERID, meaning I came to know you, when I was in the
preparatory class at university. Now four additional years have passed
and our friendship has broadened and become more permanent. It was a
smart move to found YERID, and its formation has been a first in our
community. Some of the special things I remember are the gathering of
about 3000 youth at the New Year reception at the Lutfi Kirdar Congress
center; the New Year party at the Bezciyan Hall and the party at the
Divan Hotel, which was organized without the slightest mistake; and the
Antioch, Caesarea, Cilicia, Ephesus and Sirince trips from among the
events organized outside of Istanbul. Most of these proceedings and
others were carried out according to a standard and level of quality
that is unforgettable.

“In spite of the slowdown in organizing and activity that the laziness
of summer brings on, I am certain that it will not last long at all
among the many valuable people that are here.

“In fact, I know that many of you already have ideas and projects for
fund-raising in the community and for modern education. We must take
many more serious and essential steps to realize these plans.

“But it must not be forgotten that we cannot expect people who do not
help themselves to be helpful to those around them. That is why we
should complete our education, and when we apply what we have learned to
our professional or academic careers, we can become useful individuals
in the full sense. But when I say “education,” I mean education in the
modern sense. And when I say “work,” I mean work that goes beyond the
borders of Turkey, work of high global standard. We can blend our own
ethical and cultural roots with modern forms, become world citizens, and
realize the goal of becoming a society integrated with the world, as
members of the fourth generation community in Istanbul. It is along
these lines that I am planning to continue my education abroad, as are
many of my friends here. But I love my country and my community, and I
will return as soon as possible.

“Friends, let us finally not forget that if we want to move to the
future with hope and strength, we must never let go of each other’s
hands.”

Today, Azerbaijan
July 6 2005

Andreas Gross: `There is hope, but there is no confidence in
elections to be held democratically in Azerbaijan’

06 July 2005 [10:09] – Today.Az

There is hope, but there is no confidence, that the forthcoming
parliamentary elections in Azerbaijan will be held democratically,
the rapporteur on Azerbaijan, the deputy from Switzerland, Andreas
Gross told journalists at the briefing, staged on 5 July after the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) monitoring
committee sitting in Baku.

Deputy chairman of the PACE monitoring committee, Mrs. Severince,
the PACE co-rapporteur on Azerbaijan, Andres Herkel, the PACE
rapporteur on the Nagorno Karabakhconflict, David Atkinson, as well
as the leader of the Azerbaijani parliamentary delegation to PACE,
Samed Seyidov took also part in the event. (Trend)

Andreas Gross noted as the negative fact that during the discussions
of supplements and changes to the Election Code at the Milli Mejlis
(Parliament), recommendations of the CE Venice Commission have not
been taken into consideration. The same concerns the proposals of the
oppositional parties on the change of the election committees’
composition. He noted that they are concerned over the unequal
formation of the electoral commissions’ composition.

The co-raporteur noted that the fate of the elections will be defined
not in the capital city, but in the regions, therefore they will
visit the regions of Azerbaijan.

Another co-rapporteur of the PACE monitoring committee, the Estonian
deputy Andres Herkel noted, that some problems in the human rights
field still exist in Azerbaijan and among them he emphasized the ban
for holding rallies. As confirmation of his words he gave the
example: the oppositional parties planned to hold rally on 2 July in
17 regions, but only 4 of them took place. Furthermore, the
co-rapporteur voiced discontent by the delay of the Public TV
operation, the absence of political debates between the authorities
and opposition, and etc.

The PACE rapporteur on the Nagorno Karabakh conflict, David Atkinson
noted the necessity to involve the representatives of Parliaments of
Armenia and Azerbaijan to negotiations, held within the OSCE Minsk
group.

URL:

NKR NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF THE 4th CONVOCATION

Azat Artsakh – Nagorno Karabakh Republic [NKR]
05 July 05

ASHOT VLADIMIRI GHULIAN, SPEAKER OF NKR NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, was born in
the village of Khndzristan, Askeran region, in 1965. In 1990 graduated
from the department of history of Stepanakert Teacher Training
Institute, with the specialty of historian-jurist. In December 1992 was
appointed senior consultant to the Committee on foreign Affairs of the
Supreme Council of NKR, in September 1993 ` assistant to the speaker of
the Supreme Council. In January 1995 was put in charge of the department
of Diaspora and bilateral relationships of the NKR Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, in January 1998 was appointed head the political department. On
December 13, 1998 was named vice minister of foreign affairs. In June
2001 left the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, being elected co-chairman of
Artsakh Democratic Union. In October 2002 was appointed minister of
foreign affairs of NKR. In December 2004 was named minister of
education, culture and sport of NKR. In January 2005 was elected
chairman of the Democratic Party of Artsakh. Has a diplomatic status of
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. Is married, has three
children. Was elected member of the National Assembly on the Artsakh
Democratic Party ticket. RUDIK LEVONI HYUSNUNTS, VICE SPEAKER OF NKR
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, was born in the town of Martakert in 1963. Finished
school No. 1 of Martakert. In 1980-1986 studied at the Stepanakert music
college after Sayat-Nova. Served in the Soviet Army in 1983-1985. In
1989-1993 studied at Yerevan State Teacher Training University,
department of cultural and educational activities and methods. In
1992-1993 was the Deputy Commander in charge of the political department
of the NKR Defence Army. In 1994 was elected deputy of the Supreme
Council of NKR from the electoral district No. 7 of Stepanakert. Since
1988 has been in charge of the Artsakh Union of Armenian Church Devouts.
Member of the political party Azat Hayrenik. Is married, has five
children. Was elected to the parliament from the electoral district No.
13. VAHRAM SERGEYI ATANESSIAN, CHAIRMAN OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE ON
FOREIGN RELATIONS, was born in the village of Arachadzor, Martakert
region, on December 7, 1959. In 1977 finished the secondary school of
Arachadzor. In the same year entered the department of philology of
Stepanakert Teacher Training Institute and graduated in 1981. In
1981-1988 taught Armenian language and literature and was the vice
director of the school of Arachadzor. In 1989 was the correspondent of
the newspaper Soviet Karabakh in Martakert region. In the meeting of the
deputies of Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region in 1989 was elected
member of the National Council of Artsakh and on December 1, 1989
participated in the session of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet
Socialist Republic of Armenia and the National Council of Artsakh. In
1990 was elected deputy to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Socialist
Republic of Armenia, member of the standing committee. In 1992-1994 was
in charge of one of the departments of the official newspaper Artsakh;
then headed the NKR Department of Information and Press. In January 1995
was appointed editor-in-chief of the NKR Defence Army newspaper Martik.
>From December 1996 to March 1997 served in the Defence Army of NKR as
Deputy Commander of the company, then the training battalion. Since
March 26, 1997 is a reserve first lieutenant. In 1997-1998 worked for
the official newspaper NK Republic as editor. From September 1998 to
June 2000 was the correspondent of Liberty in NKR. In 2000 was elected
to the National Assembly of NKR, was the chairman of the Committee on
Foreign Relations. Is married, has two children. Was elected to the
National Assembly from the electoral district No. 20. BENIK HOVHANNESI
BAKHSHIYAN, CHAIRMAN OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE ON PRODUCTION AND
INDUSTRIAL INFRASTRUCTURE, was born in the village of Dahrav, Askeran
region, on January 10, 1955. Finished school No. 2 of Stepanakert in
1973. Served in the soviet army in 1974-1976. In 1976-1981 studied at
Yerevan Institute of Agriculture. In 1981-1985 did a post-graduate
course and got the degree of Candidate of Sciences in biology. In
1985-88 worked at the Institute of Biology of the Academy of Sciences of
Armenia as researcher. In March 1988, on the eve of the Karabakh
movement moved to Nagorno Karabakh. Worked for the collective farm of
the village of Astghashen as senior agronomist. Founded and managed a
private food processing factory till 2001. In 2001 was appointed NKR
minister of agriculture, in December 2004 ` adviser to the NKR prime
minister. Member of the Democratic Party of Artsakh. Is married, has 3
children. Was elected to the National Assembly from the electoral
district No. 10. ARAYIK VLADIMIRY HARUTYUNIAN, CHAIRMAN OF THE STANDING
COMMITTEE ON BUDGET, FINANCE AND ECONOMIC MANAGEMENT, was born in
Stepanakert, on December 14, 1973. In 1990 finished Stepanakert School
of Physics and Mathematics. In the same year entered Yerevan Institute
of Economy. Later shifted to the department of economy of NKR State
University and graduated in 1990. In 1992 was conscripted into the
defence forces of NKR, fought in Artsakh war. In 1996-1998 took the
post-graduate course in economics at Artsakh State University. In
1995-1997 worked at the NKR Ministry of Economy and Finance as assistant
to the minister. In 1997-1999 was the manager of the Askeran branch of
Hayagrobank. In 1999-2004 was manager of the Stepanakert branch of
Hayagrobank. Currently owns Karabakh Gold CJSC. Is married, has 1 child.
Was elected to the National Assembly from the electoral district No. 4.
ARPAT SANJANI AVANESSIAN, CHAIRMAN OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL
AFFAIRS, was born in the village of Chartar, Martuni region, in 1944.
Finished the local secondary school in 1960. In 1966 graduated from the
department of radiophysics and electronics of Yerevan State University,
majoring in radiophysics. In 1965-1968 worked at the Institute of
Radiophysics and Electronics of the Academy of Sciences of Armenia as
junior researcher, senior engineer. In 1968 started working at the chair
of nuclear physics of Yerevan Polytechnic Institute as assistant
professor. In 1972-1981 took a post-graduate course and got the title of
Candidate of Sciences. In 1983 received the title of docent. In January
1990 was appointed director of the Stepanakert department of extension
courses of Yerevan Polytechnic Institute. In 1991 was appointed director
of the Stepanakert branch of Yerevan Polytechnic Institute. The first
rector of Nagorno Karabakh State University (founded in 1992, now
Artsakh State University). Since July 1994 docent of the chair of
physics of NKSU. In 2000 was declared `Person of the Year’ by the
American Biographic Institute. Head of the chair of physics of Artsakh
State University since October 2004. Member of the Academy of Pedagogy
and Psychology since March 2005. Member of the political party Azat
Hayrenik. Is married, has 3 children. Was elected to the National
Assembly by the party ticket of Azat Hayrenik Party.

AA.
05-07-2005

PRESS RELEASE
Catholicosate of Cilicia
Communication and Information Department
Contact: V.Rev.Fr. Krikor Chiftjian, Communications Officer
Tel: (04) 410001, 410003
Fax: (04) 419724
E- mail: [email protected]
Web:

PO Box 70 317
Antelias-Lebanon

Armenian version:

THE CATHOLICOSATE OF CILICIA PARTICIPATES IN DOHA’S CONFERENCE FOR THE
DIALOGUE OF RELIGIONS

The Sharia and Islamic Studies Department of Qatar University convened Doha’
s third conference on the dialogue of religions on June 29-30 in Doha. His
Holiness Aram I was invited to the conference held under the patronage of
the prince of Doha. He delegated Archbishop Sebouh Sarkisian, Primate of the
Diocese of Tehran, to participate in the conference on his behalf.

For the first time ever, the conference included representatives of the
Jewish community of France, Britain and the United States. All the
participants highlighted the importance and timeliness of such conferences
and the necessity for their continuity.

Archbishop Sarkisian presented a special lecture entitled “Dialogue and
mutual respect.” He conveyed His Holiness Aram I’s greetings to the
participants and the attendants of the conference. He reminded them that His
Holiness had organized a similar conference in the Geneva headquarters of
the World Council of Churches.

The two-day conferences ended with significant decisions and proposals and
the determination to plan and well prepare future conferences.

Archbishop Sarkisian met with the Armenian community of Doha during his stay
in Qatar.

##

View pictures here:

*****

The Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia is one of the two Catholicosates of
the Armenian Orthodox Church. For detailed information about the Ecumenical
activities of the Cilician Catholicosate, you may refer to the web page of
the Catholicosate, The Cilician Catholicosate, the
administrative center of the church is located in Antelias, Lebanon.

Copley News Service
June 30, 2005 Thursday

‘Yes’

by David Elliott Copley News Service

Yes to “Yes.” A few more words, to confirm affirmation:

This is a He and She story, written and directed with inspiration by
Sally Potter (“Orlando”), who began this as a short film written
right after the 9/11 disaster. The romance of He and She involves Us,
for it seems to press the flow of both public and private events into
a very deep bond of feeling.

Simon Abkarian, who is Armenian, plays He, a Lebanese surgeon driven
by his homeland’s strife to London, where he can only wield the blade
as a cook at a fancy hotel. She (Joan Allen) is an American scientist
with knowledge of strife because of her Northern Irish family, and on
edge because her research runs right into the abortion controversy.

She’s married to a successful Englishman (Sam Neill), who is
unfaithful and can barely verbalize emotions (with funny sadness, the
husband grooves alone to blues recordings, his private vent). Fed up
and lonely, She falls quickly for the honeyed advances of He, the
unemployed surgeon who can still cut to the heart (Abkarian has some
aura of a dark-eyed Arab prince in exile).

In an audacious gamble that first nibbles our ears, as an odd
surprise, and then becomes the true music of narrative, the
characters speak in loose rhymes. Not in too fussy a way, but with a
soft pressure of melodious accent and echo (often speaking mentally,
as when She says: “I’ve sung the song of science, I’ve sung it every
day. But I could agree that’s how I pray”).

The effect is not rap, nor a clever afterglow of Shakespeare, but
akin to the vernacular, chatty charms of Vikram Seth’s popular verse
novel “The Golden Gate.” Full of finesse, a touch pretentious, it
soon seems the way that these smart hearts (and even some fairly
crude kitchen workers) must speak. It’s funny and moving.

Potter combines verbal filigree with Alexei Rodionov’s wonderfully
fluent and intuitive camerawork. The movie dances with chances,
including political implications. Potter made the illicit courtship
and the sex as richly alive as any we’ve seen in modern films; the
self-consciousnessness doesn’t have the frosty manipulation that
seemed to put diagram lines between the actors in “Closer.”

Abkarian, going beyond suave pursuit into touching exposure, is even
finer than he was as Arshile Gorky in “Ararat.” And Allen continues
her fantastic year. She was wonderful in “Off the Map,” even better
in “The Upside of Anger,” and now her angular tautness is just the
instrument for the supple and often conflicted feelings of She.

Neill is movingly lost, Stephanie Leonidas as a godchild is deeply
touching, and Samantha Bond is She’s cherishable friend. Sheila
Hancock as She’s dying old aunt barely moves, but her long speech of
memory and longing, in Irish English voice-over, becomes the still
poetic fulcrum of the movie.

The other chief wisdom is provided, amusingly but with mounting
implication, by a canny hotel maid (Shirley Henderson). She stares
into the camera pertly, like a squirrel gazing into Buddha’s eye.

This very female movie is also empathetic with men, and its sexy
candor is not depersonalizing, but spiritualizing. He is a wayward
Muslim, modern but not rootless. She professes atheism. But the world
is being rudely divided by hot believers, and for all their
resistance these urbanites want spiritual grounding.

The crisis of the face-off of East and West, very post-9/11 but
echoing (like an old rhyme) back through the British Empire, is
delicately incarnated. He and She are never Its. They remain people,
not symbols.

The affirmation of “Yes” is in its worried, wondering love for
everyone. The poetry spreads from the dialogue into everything. It’s
a great film.

A Sony Pictures Classics release. Director, writer: Sally Potter.
Cast: Joan Allen, Simon Abkarian, Sam Neill, Sheila Hancock, Samantha
Bond, Stephanie Leonidas and Shirley Henderson. Running time: 1 hr.,
40 min. Rated R. 4 stars (out of 4.)

ARMENIAN GOVERNMENT APPROVES NEW PROJECT OF MEGHRI-KAPAN MOTORWAY

YEREVAN, JUNE 29, NOYAN TAPAN. At the June 29 meeting, the Armenian
government made a decision to recognize as invalid the project of the
republican motorway Megri-Shvanidzor-Verishen-Shishkert-Tsav-Kapan and
the RA government’s decision N 600 made taken on May 5, 2005. According
to the RA Government Information and PR Department, by the same
decision a new project of the motorway – 96.4 km long and covering an
area of 185.6 ha – was approved. The respective ministers, the chairman
of the RA Government-Affiliated State Committee of the Real Estate
Cadastre and the regional governor of Syunik marz were instructed
to conduct joint stidies with the community heads of Meghri, Kapan,
Aldara, Shvanidzor, Shishkert, Tsav, Arashen, Shikahogh, Chakaten,
Geghanush and Gomaran and submit, within 1 month, to the government
a proposal for the necessary changes in the categories of the lands
located in this area, as well as the compensation for land plots
owned by other persons.

AllAfrica.com, Africa
June 27 2005

The Spread of the Genocide Ideology Within the Great Lakes Region:
Challenges for Rwanda

The New Times (Kigali)

OPINION
June 27, 2005

Brig. Gen. Frank K. Rusagara
Kigali

………….Continuation .

4) The RPF/A’s Anti-racist struggle

In the period after the overthrow of Idi Amin in Uganda in 1979, the
Rwandan refugees in the country were scapegoated and at times blamed
for the excesses of the Idi Amin regime. And when the National
Resistance Movement started the guerrilla campaign in 1981, President
Obote blamed Rwandans for supporting Museveni who derogatorily was
being referred to as a Rwandan and therefore a refugee or alien.

Come 1982, Rwandan refugees in Uganda alongside some Kinyarwanda
speakers in the country were expelled, thereby disenfranchising the
latter. These Rwandan refugees and Uganda Rwandaphones found
themselves stranded and were refused entry into Rwanda by the
Habyarimana Government. This provoked a new sense of Rwandan
nationalism within the region. In the meantime, the Habyarimana
regime tightened its noose around the Tutsi in Rwanda, the perennial
enemies of the regime. Thus the “racial” hatred within Rwanda
deepened under government orchestration with continued Tutsi pogroms.

Against this background the Rwanda Patriotic Front was formed to end
the discrimination and gain back their natural, inalienable rights as
Rwandan citizens, even if it meant use of force. The continued
pogroms in and outside Rwanda led to the RPF gaining in strength and
membership. It also led to the RPF resolve to end the regional
conspiracy and menace against the Rwandans through armed struggle,
beginning with the October 1990 RPF invasion of Rwanda.

It was with this invasion, however, that the Habyarimana regime felt
persuaded to put in place a genocidal machinery that was informed by
the entrenched racial ideology against the Tutsi. In time, with the
other RPF struggles to prevent Tutsi killings, there would come into
being the 1993 Arusha Peace Agreement between the Government of
Rwanda and the RPF, which was brokered by the International community
within the Great Lakes context to prevent further bloodshed.

Arusha was an African initiative in which both the OAU and several
African states played a central role. The president of Tanzania was
the facilitator of the process. But western nations were involved as
well, including just about every party that should have some
presence. The OAU was instrumental not only in bringing the parties
to the bargaining table, but also in setting an agenda that addressed
the imagined root causes of the conflict.

In a series of separate negotiations, most of the major issues were
tackled: the establishment of the rule of law and a culture of human
rights; power sharing in all public institutions; the transitional
arrangements that would obtain until elections were held; the
repatriation of refugees; the resettlement of internally displaced
persons; and, the integration of the two opposing armies.

The Arusha Protocol III on military integration was the most
difficult part of the negotiations, as it was based on ethnically
perceived quotas that would still ensure the Hutu domination of the
military. For instance, the RPF/A were allotted 40% of the men in the
military, and the FAR 60% on the understanding that the former were
Tutsi and the latter Hutu. This illustrates how the root cause of the
conflict, that is, the constructed racism, was not addressed, but
used as part of the solution by allotting quotas to the supposed
different people and parties.

Thus, the Arusha Peace Agreement could not prevent the 1994 Rwanda
genocide that led to over one million people dead. That is despite
the warning of Colonel Theoneste Bagosora, the Rwanda Government
chief negotiator, about the “apocalypse deux” after the signing of
the Agreement. The aftermath of that “apocalypse”, also saw the
massive exodus of 2.5 million Rwandan refugees into the region.
Alongside, the refugees was the fleeing genocidaire Government that
in exile would only rekindle the latent “racial” divisions in the
already fragile Great Lakes Region.

5) Post-genocide Rwanda in the DRC

As the situation unfolded, the genocidal forces continued their
“racial” mission in the Kivus with the complicity of the Mobutu
government and the French collaboration through the Turquoise
arrangement. There followed UN resolutions in which it was
acknowledged that the Interhamwe and ex-FAR were a menace in the DRC
and continued their genocide ideology, as illustrated in the killing
of the Tutsi in the Kivu region. The targeted Congolese Tutsi fled to
Rwanda in 1995 and 96 and settled in Gisenyi Prefecture. When the
insurgency broke out in Rwanda in 1997 and 98, these Congolese Tutsi
and their Rwandan brethren were targeted by the ex-FAR and
Interahamwe insurgents.

At the same time, the 2.5 million Rwandan refugees in the Kivus were
held hostage by the genocidaire military, who converted humanitarian
assistance into military hardware to destabilize the new government
in Rwanda. This called for preemptive attacks on the ex-FAR and
Interahamwe bases in the refugee camps in 1996. It resulted in the
repatriation of the 2.5 million Rwandan refugees and the eventual
overthrow of Mobutu. Laurent Desiré Kabila was installed the new
President of Zaire in May 1997.

Despite the propping up of Kabila as an ally in Rwanda’s intention to
neutralize the genocidaire forces, Kabila reneged on “a gentleman’s
agreement” and turned around to support the Interahamwe and ex-FAR.
This resulted into increased insurgency operations in North and
Western Rwanda in the years 1997 and 1998, taking advantage of the
security vacuum created by the increased Rwanda Patriotic Army
deployment in the DRC. In August 1998, the RPA relaunched into
Eastern Congo to deny the insurgents in the North and Western Rwanda
a rear base and supply of arms from Laurent Kabila.

Meanwhile, the same security concerns predicated on the racist
paradigm in the genocide ideology of the ex-FAR and the Interahamwe
reappeared under Laurent Kabila’s sponsorship, this time pleading a
Tutsi/Hima (Rwanda/Uganda) conspiracy against his regime. This
“racist” interpretation found sympathy with President Mugabe of
Zimbabwe, himself a professed victim of white racism, and, as Mamdani
would say, informed his “conservative nationalism” that saw the
replacement of the “settler prerogative” with the “native
prerogative” demonstrated in the current Zimbabwe land policy.
However, the Zimbabwean opposition saw Mugabe’s intervention in Congo
as a ploy to scapegoat his domestic problems while pleading
pan-Africanism.

Mugabe used his position as the Chairman of the SADC Military
Commission to draw into the conflict countries that included Namibia
and Angola. In the case of Angola, however, their involvement was
subject to Laurent Kabila denying Jonas Savimbi of UNITA a rear base
in Congo. The conflict, pitting Uganda and Rwanda on one side, and
all the above countries on the other, led to the Lusaka Peace
Agreement of July 1999. Some of the provisions in the agreement
included the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Congo.

6) Regional Peace Initiatives

In the case of the Rwanda, the Rwanda Defense Forces’ withdrawal was
subject to the disarmament, demobilization, re-assemblement and
repatriation (DDRR) of the ex-FAR and the Interahamwe. Implementation
of the agreement stalled, leading to Rwanda’s unilateral withdrawal
in October 2002. This means that the issue of the ex-FAR and the
Interahamwe and their genocidal racist ideology remains unresolved,
as they continue to receive unqualified support from President Joseph
Kabila, who took over from his assassinated father.

South Africa, being a regional power with economic interests in the
Congo, has of late become a dominant actor in the Great Lakes
conflict system. Unfortunately, in pursuing its national interests
South Africa is blind to the racist paradigm within the region’s
conflict system as exemplified by the ex-FAR and Interahamwe bigotry
with complicity from Kabila.

South Africa fails to grasp that the false racial paradigm in the
Great Lakes Region, unlike in Zimbabwe and South Africa, is not as it
used to be in black against white and vice versa, but an enduring
colonial construct of false white (Tutsi) against Negroid Bantu
(Hutu) black, as typified by the perpetual nationality debate in the
DRC.

Likewise, the current Burundi peace process which is facilitated by
the former Vice President, Jacob Zuma, ironically recognizes the
Tutsi and Hutu as separate institutions (i.e. political parties,
quotas in the military, etc) and therefore antagonistic parties in
the conflict. This is predicated on the wrong premise that this is a
civil war between the Hutu and Tutsi, when it really is a power
struggle between elites thriving on the ignorance of the Burundi
masses and peasantry.

Challenges for Rwanda

This Hutu-Tutsi dichotomy entails the security dilemma in Burundi and
the region through the balkanization and institutionalization of the
political life along the unsustainable racial constructs, which find
expression in the current political parties and quotas in the
national army in Burundi. How can a sectarian Hutu or Tutsi party or
army serve national interests? It can only be a recipe for continued
antagonisms and conflict locally and in the region. A clear example
of this is the recent massacres of the Congolese Tutsi in Gatumba
Refugee Camp in Burundi by the FNL/PALIPEHUTU party militia. Our
experience in Rwanda is that the Tutsi genocide may not have
happened, had it not been for the sectarian Hutu military that
planned and executed it. This genocide has continued to be a
challenge for Rwanda.

The challenges for Rwanda, however, are both internal and external,
and are defined by the genocide ideology. But these internal and
external challenges are intertwined in the solution for Rwanda and
the region. In other words, charity must begin at home, which means
that regional integration must be preceded by national integration.

The Rwandan genocide entailed disintegration and collapse of the
state, leaving the Government with no resources to address the
socio-economic concerns of the population – a population that was
desperately wretched and polarized by the very act of the genocide.
The complexity and peculiarity of the Rwandan genocide was that it
was between close relatives, in which siblings set on each other and
neighbour killed neighbour.

Contrasting it to the Holocaust or the Armenian genocide, the Germans
decimated the Jews and the Turks the Armenians. In both of these
cases there was a socio-cultural difference between the victims and
perpetrators, as opposed to Rwanda which had none whatsoever between
its people.

While the Armenian and Jewish survivors found a solution by going
home or finding place to run to, the Rwandans had nowhere else to go
and had to live with each other. Given that dilemma, it was through
the dynamism of the Rwandan heritage, that a homegrown solution had
to be found in the Gacaca as a re-integration mechanism.

Through this all-inclusive process of intra-community mediation,
Rwanda is being re-born through reconciliation predicated on truth
and justice. This will ensure the unity of a people, in whose
strength, even the external challenges such as those posed by the
unrepentant Interahamwe and their cohort genocidaires will be
checked.

To achieve that national unity and re-integration, the Gacaca as a
people-driven process will provide the renaissance or rebirth of the
nation in the aftermath of colonialism and the genocide. To this end,
there is a six step approach in the Gacaca’s overall strategy.

These are “the coming out with the truth among the stakeholders;

” the administration of justice;

” dispelling any perceptions of impunity;

” the collective ownership of the tragedy;

” reconciliation through the concept of intra-community conflict
mediation; and,

” socio-economic and political development, both at the individual
and national level.

In this entire process, the truth forms the basis of success of the
six step Gacaca strategy towards national integration. There are some
truths, foremost of which is the truth about the unity of the Rwandan
nation. It is this truth that has all along eluded Rwandans and many
Rwanda scholars, since the coming of the colonialists. It has been
about the Rwandan identity and how Rwandans historically related to
each other. It includes the truth about their social relations and
the alleged “historical wounds” that continue to impact on the
current social discourse. It is also the truth about the social
categorization of Rwandans into different races. There is also the
truth about colonial reconstruction of the Rwandan society that
forced Rwandans into their own self-denial as one people, their
heritage and historical social institutions.

These distortions of the truth form the bedrock of the colonial
racist ideology that informed the Rwandan genocide. Unless, and
until, we understand these complexities of the truth, reconciliation
and re-integration may not be possible in Rwanda.

Regionally, it remains the same that unless the truth of the Rwandan
genocide and the racist ideology behind it is understood, it will
continue to pose a challenge not just for Rwanda, but for the region
and the world at large. The fact that the Interahamwe genocidaires
can find sanctuary in the region underlies the manifest indifferences
and complicity to the genocide ideology in the region.

Conclusion

If Rwanda could sell the genocide ideology to the region, so can
Rwanda sell its example of national unity and re-integration. Rwanda
has started by “de-racializing” its society and being
all-integrative, so that citizenship is not based on descent but
residence. In other words, you are citizen of Rwanda because you say
so. Rwanda therefore is a microcosm of what an integrated Great Lakes
Region could be.

That is our hope and, I believe, the very reason for this forum.

This article was based a presentation at the just concluded Amani
Forum Regional Conference on the Causes and Consequences of the
Rwanda Genocide on 18th June, 2005.

[email protected]

–Boundary_(ID_EVIlUCrKsRldL8SYY+HCSg)–

Islamic Republic News Agency, Iran
June 24 2005

Followers of religious minorities massively taking part in polls
Tehran, June 24, IRNA

9th Presidential Election-Armenian Community
A large number of Iranians from Armenian community from east and
northeast of Tehran attended in “Ershad Hosseinyeh” polling station
at noon and cast their votes.

One of the Tehrani armenian Muni Sarkisyan said after casting his
vote “We are practicing our legal and natural rights as an Iranian
citizen”.

He said, “All Iranians from different ethnics or religions have the
right to participate in the election, so we, Armenians as the biggest
religious minority in the country, have come to the polling stations
to elect the best person to manage the country.

According to the same report, other religious minorities like
Zoroastrians, Jews, Assyrians and Chaldeans also attended in the same
place to elect president.