EU says Nagorno-Karabakh presidential elections are illegitimate

dtt-net, Belgium
July 21 2007

EU says Nagorno-Karabakh presidential elections are illegitimate
21/07/2007

(Brussels, DTT-NET.COM)-EU presidency said European bloc does not
recognize the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh, neither does it
recognize the legitimacy of these "presidential elections~T, which
should not have any impact on the peaceful settlement of the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

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Miguel Angel Moratinos: Elections in Karabakh should have no impact

Miguel Angel Moratinos: Elections in Karabakh should have no impact on the
conflict settlement

armradio.am
21.07.2007 15:07

Efforts to resolve the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh should not be hindered
by the recent so-called "presidential elections" in the area, the OSCE
Chairman-in-Office, Spanish Foreign Minister Miguel Angel Moratinos, said
today.

"The OSCE does not recognize the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh and
therefore, these elections should not have any impact or any significance on
the solution of the conflict," Minister Moratinos said.

The Chairman-in-Office reiterated his support

Arrete =?unknown?q?Apr=E8s?= Une Convocation Au Bureau De La Police

ARRETE APRèS UNE CONVOCATION AU BUREAU DE LA POLICE AUX FRONTIèRES ARMEN

L’INDEPENDANT
20 juillet 2007 vendredi

père de trois enfants dont deux sont au collège de Lezignan, a
ete arrete après s’etre rendu a une convocation de la police aux
frontières. La famille est issue d’un couple mixte azeri-armenien
rejete par les deux communautes.

E. D.

La situation de la famille d’Armen S. est dramatique. Lui et sa femme
forment un couple mixte azeri-armenien. Ils ont trois enfants dont
deux sont aujourd’hui scolarises au collège de Lezignan.

L’aîne est majeur. La famille a fui, dans un premier temps, le conflit
qui opposait l’Azerbaïdjan et l’Armenie entre 1988 et 1994 en se
refugiant en Russie. Un pays où elle a vecu pendant quinze ans avant
d’etre a nouveau victime de persecutions racistes et de rejoindre
la France en novembre 2005. Lundi dernier, Armen S. s’est rendu a
une convocation de la police aux frontières, "malgre les conseils
de prudence que nous avons donnes a tous les demandeurs d’asile"
, explique Sabine Alberola, porte-parole du reseau education sans
frontière. Et pour cause, Armen pensait etre en règle lorsqu’il
s’est rendu a Port-la-Nouvelle. Sa demande de droit d’asile avait
ete deboutee, mais son avocat avait demande un reexamen du dossier.

"Jamais la prefecture de l’Aude ne l’a informe que le classement
de son dossier en procedure prioritaire ne lui accordait pas
d’autorisation de sejour" , explique une membre de la coordination
pour le droit d’asile qui denonce "un manque d’information des
etrangers de la part de la prefecture de l’Aude". "La France doit
proteger les refugies" La situation de la famille est si complexe
que, lorsque les "obligations de quitter le territoire francais"
sont arrivees, le père et le fils aîne etaient pries de retourner en
Russie et la mère devait repartir en Azerbaïdjan. Depuis lundi, Armen
S. est donc detenu au centre de retention de Cornebarrieu (31). Son
avocat a fait valoir qu’un reexamen de la demande d’asile etait en
cours, mais cela n’a pas suffi. Armen S. est toujours retenu. "Les
procedures de demandes d’asiles sont de plus en plus compliquees",
explique Isabelle Blanc d’Amnesty International. "Aujourd’hui, les
refugies sont presentes comme une menace alors que le gouvernement
s’est engage a les proteger des persecutions. Les refugies n’ont
pas choisi de quitter leur pays. Ce sont des opposants politiques,
des membres de minorites religieuse ou ethnique, des femmes qui
refusent un mariage force. En signant la Convention de Genève en
1951, la France s’est engagee a les proteger" . De plus en plus de
demandes d’asiles sont deboutees car les refugies n’arrivent pas a
demontrer les risques qu’ils courent s’ils rentrent. "Aujourd’hui, le
conflit entre l’Azerbaïdjan et l’Armenie est gele mais les tensions
persistent. Les couples mixtes sont victimes de discrimination et
de persecution. Nous avons des exemples concrets de certains qui ont
tente un retour et ont ete assassines". Une petition sera bientôt en
ligne sur internet pour soutenir Armen et sa famille. E. D. RESF et
Amnesty International font, entre autres, partie du collectif pour
le droit d’asile qui defend Armen, interpelle lundi dernier et place
depuis en retention a Cornebarrieu. Photo Claude Boyer.

–Boundary_(ID_x32Uu/np4My09kjJv6bcag)–

Arkady Ghoukasyan: Future President Of NKR To Assume Full Liability

ARKADY GHOUKASYAN: FUTURE PRESIDENT OF NKR TO ASSUME FULL LIABILITY FOR CONFLICT SETTLEMENT

arminfo
2007-07-19 16:42:00

"I am leaving the NKR president’s post with a feeling of executed
debt", NKR President Arkady Ghoukasyan said today, voting at one of
the polling stations of Stepanakert.

He added that it did not succeed to do everything, of course.

Commenting on the statement of CE representative on non-recognition of
the election in NKR, the president sad: "If the world community does
not recognize the electoral processes in our republic, let it propose
an alternative, or Ghoukasyan should proclaim himself Turkmanbashi
and govern for fifty years", he said and added that NKR is holding
the election for its people and not for the world community.

Touching on the statements of the contender Masis Mailyan’s
headquarters about violations during the election campaign, the
president said that he has got acquainted with them personally. He
thinks "they bear nothing serious in them". "These are only fairy
tales, devised by those who feel beaten. Unfortunately, the black PR
reached Karabakh from Armenia as well, while the negative from Turkey
and Azerbaijan is more than enough", A. Ghoukasyan said. He thinks
that the future president of NKR will assume the full liability for
settlement of the Karabakh conflict and will do the best to include
NKR in the negotiation process.

A GOOD AGE: A Tale Of Extraordinary Devotion

A GOOD AGE: A TALE OF EXTRAORDINARY DEVOTION
By Sue Scheible

The Patriot Ledger, MA
July 17 2007

Elsa Hart was the full-time caregiver for for her husband, Vartan
"Varty" Hart, who died at home last week. (Patriot Ledger file photo)
The Patriot Ledger

Elsa Hart has spent nearly every minute of the day for the past five
years taking care of her disabled husband, Varty. A former jazz
musician, he had a massive stroke in 2002 that left him unable to
speak and paralyzed on his right side. She insisted on bringing him
home from a nursing home and setting up around-the-clock care in
their modest house, turning the former living room into their bedroom.

Last Tuesday, she woke up, looked over at the empty pillow on the
hospital bed next to her bed, and thought, "This is the first time
in 50 years that I have woken up and won’t see him."

Varty Hart died last week at age 85 at home. He and Elsa, 71, shared
a story of extraordinary devotion. As the full-time caregiver, she
endured hard physical work, emotional stress, and occasional sleepless
nights. It is a task she and many other spouses have performed quietly
across the South Shore.

Sometimes they recognize each other: Once when Elsa was buying a
special dietary product at a pharmacy, a woman came over, patted her
arm and said, "You’re a caregiver, aren’t you?" She knew the signs.

It was only with the help of their two sons, Christian and Eric,
and others that Elsa was able to keep her husband at home against
great odds.

Last December, she called The Patriot Ledger after reading an article
about a new state program that pays family caregivers for their work
but does not include spouses or parents.

"I love my husband and I don’t mind doing it, but I could use some
help here," she said.

She hoped her sharing her story might prompt legislators to change
state law to allow spouses to be paid as caregivers in some cases.

Since then, she had a small stroke herself that affected her vision.

The state policies have not be changed.

About two weeks ago, she called in hospice when it was clear her
husband was in pain and was failing. "We thought we might gain a
few pain-free months, but a week later, he was gone," she said the
day after he died. "Even though he had been ill for so long, I am in
shock. I am sick to my soul."

Varty (his birth name was Vartan Haroutunian) had a life of quiet
accomplishment. An Armenian from Everett, he received the Distinguished
Flying Cross when he flew 37 missions during World War II as a first
lieutenant in the Army Air Forces. He told his sons how he had used
the stars to navigate and lead his squadron to safety when the leader
had taken the wrong course. Then he attended Boston Conservatory of
Music, played tenor sax in several bands, including the Herb Pomeroy
Band, played at the Newport Jazz Festival, at the first jazz concert
at the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum and the first jazz festival
on Boston Common. He was manager of the Jazz Workshop in Boston and
that’s where Elsa met him – she was 18, he older than 30.

She had studied classical violin, played in Boston Junior Symphony
and became interested in jazz. She traveled with Sam Snyder’s Water
Follies as a synchronized swimmer for three years before she and Varty
married in 1957. When they started a family, he left the music business
for more regular hours as the manager of two local Star Market stores.

After his stroke, Elsa, who had once worked as a nurse’s aide, took on
the around-the-clock care. The state Office of Elder Affairs provided
aides who helped several hours a week. "If they would pay me something
for my care, I could hire someone for a few more hours a week to get
out myself," she said.

If Elsa had not been willing to care for her husband at home, he
would have cost the state a lot more money in nursing home care.

Al Norman is executive director of Mass Home Care, an elder advocacy
group that represents 30 agencies in the state.

"There are three programs that help some family caregivers, but a lot
of elders don’t know these programs exist," Norman said. "There is no
real publicity about them – the state has no money for marketing. It
is all by word of mouth. There is no state strategy, no Web site
you can go to and see the info. We hope Gov. Deval Patrick will do
something about that."

The personal care attendant program, the largest of the three, is
for Medicaid (MassHealth) recipients only. It pays people, including
adult children but not spouses, to provide care for someone who is
disabled or ill at home.

"Someday we’ll overcome that prejudice against spouses," Norman vowed.

The adult family care program, also exclusively for MassHealth
recipients, has a level 2 payment for people 16 and older who
need extensive help to stay at home. Family members may be paid as
caregivers but spouses are not included.

The third program, Caring Homes, pays caregivers of people 60 and
older who are not eligible for MassHealth but the budget and the
numbers are very small.

"This is an issue that needs a lot more attention," Norman said.

DRUG COST HELP: The state’s Prescription Advantage program, which helps
many seniors pay for prescription drug costs under Medicare Part D,
is now open for enrollment year round, instead of for just two months.

The change took effect this week after Gov. Patrick signed the
state’s 2008 budget. The legislature had proposed that people 65
and older be able to enroll anytime during the year if they met the
eligibility criteria.

Advocates said the change makes enrollment easier by eliminating any
waiting period. To enroll, call 1-800-AGE INFO (800-243-4636) and
press "1" for application and enrollment information. You can also
call South Shore Elder Services at 781-848-3910, Old Colony Elderly
Services at 508-584-1561 or Hessco Elder Services at 781-784-4944.

SCHOLARSHIPS – Nine area residents won scholarships from the
Massachusetts Long Term Care Foundation to further their education in
the long-term care field. The foundation selected 62 recipients from
its member facilities in the state. Local winners include Larissa
Alves of Brockton, Cynthia Chetwynd of Weymouth, Philip Doherty of
Marshfield, Donna Flaherty of Milton, Dale Gordon of Kingston, Barbara
Koufos of Plymouth, Suzanne Lydon of Hanover, Deirdre Marchetti of
Marshfield and Maureen O’Connor of Quincy.

Beseeching Will Not Be Helpful, It Will Even Destroy Those Who Besee

BESEECHING WILL NOT BE HELPFUL, IT WILL EVEN DESTROY THOSE WHO BESEECH
Hakob Badalyan

Lragir, Armenia
July 18 2007

No doubt the Armenian people will never beseech Levon Ter-Petrosyan
to return. Although our society has a lot of faults and mistakes,
it is wise enough to prevent dangerous precedents. What if on seeing
how the Armenian society begs Levon Ter-Petrosyan to return suddenly
Robert Kocharyan decided to resign before it is too late and made an
address that the party of war is about to come to power in the face
of the notorious forces, and he leaves until the nation implores him
to return. Robert Kocharyan leaves, no essential change takes place
in the country, Serge Sargsyan rules for about ten years, prepares
to pass on power to his heir, such as Hovik Abrahamyan, for instance,
and suddenly ideas are instilled in the society that the only figure
who has potential to be the equal opponent of Hovik Abrahamyan is
Robert Kocharyan. In the case of Kocharyan the propaganda will be
more effective because the circumstance of cold years of blackout
is absent although the circumstance of hard truncheons. Although it
is highly disputable whether beating in light is better than caress
in cold. At any rate, one thing is bad that the society will have
the presidents get used to resignations. In this case, the society
gets used to the presidents. They leave and then impose the idea of
begging on the society because they know whom they will pass on their
post and therefore they are confident that the nation will not stand
and will beg. And when the nation stands and does not beg, instead
of admiring its resistance they condemn its shortsightedness.

Meanwhile, the reason for the suggested "shortsightedness" is the
backward glance. In the direct and figurative meaning of the word.

For so far, for about ten years since his resignation Levon
Ter-Petrosyan has never spelled out his vision of development of
the future, the development of the country. If this vision is the
same as in 1997, in this case it appears that over the past 10 years
nothing has changed in the country compared with 1997. If something
got worse compared with the years of office of Levon Ter-Petrosyan,
Ter-Petrosyan’s approaches towards change of situation should have
changed as well. If they are the same, it means the government simply
carried on Ter-Petrosyan’s policy and reached the haven where the first
president would eventually reach if he remained president. In this case
it becomes moot to replace this government with Levon Ter-Petrosyan
if in the long run there is no difference in the result of governance.

It would be ingenuous to say there is no difference at all. There
is difference, and there is a rather big difference, a profound, a
fundamental difference. The point is that unlike Levon Ter-Petrosyan
and his team, this government, Robert Kocharyan and his team did
not come to politics from academic-scientific work. Unlike Levon
Ter-Petrosyan and Vano Siradeghyan, Robert Kocharyan and Serge
Sargsyan were party officials in their pre-revolution lives without
a shade of irony, because the situation is highly serious and it
is not time for irony. It is time to realize that government is
not an abstract notion or fiction. Government is a concrete system,
and Robert Kocharyan and Serge Sargsyan built it much successfully
because they knew what government is before the revolution, before
1988-1990. They knew it from the inside because they were part of the
Communist hierarchy. Although they were in the lower ranks of this
hierarchy, they knew well what they needed to do to climb up. And if
the Soviet Union still existed, no doubt Robert Kocharyan and Serge
Sargsyan would be in power, even if not at the top, whereas Levon
Ter-Petrosyan and say Vano Siradeghyan would have no power.

In the soviet years Robert Kocharyan’s and Serge Sargsyan’s
intentions supposed a thorough study of the system of government
to be able to solve the problem of climbing it up. Meanwhile, the
first government of independent Armenia Ter-Petrosyan and say Vano
Siradeghyan not only did not try to study the system of government
thoroughly in the Soviet years but also their approach to government
is demolition. Consequently, the difference of their ideas of the
notion of government should lead to difference of their success while
in power, and the first post-Soviet government of Armenia should be
less successful than the second if we make a conventional division.

And the fact that an authoritarian government based on the Soviet
model has formed in Yerevan is because Robert Kocharyan and Serge
Sargsyan have studied the Soviet government, and therefore they
understood that they should not run a risk, they should build what
they know better and not what they have no idea about. Therefore,
they are able to hold on to power longer than the first president.

The problem is the genetic compatibility with the notion of
government. If it is absent, the nation’s begging will not be
helpful. Moreover, it will destroy those who beseech as well, and
only the government will remain whole.

ANKARA: Turkey: A Major Regional Power To Engage Or Confront Iran (1

TURKEY: A MAJOR REGIONAL POWER TO ENGAGE OR CONFRONT IRAN (1)
By Mehmet OÐutcu*

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
July 19 2007

Turkey — Iran’s next-door neighbor, historic rival and the largest
military/economic power in the region — remains the only country
which can genuinely engage or confront Iran in the region (including
the Middle East, the Caspian Basin and Central Asia).

This holds particularly true at a time when speculation has intensified
about a possible US/Israeli air strike or more targeted sanctions
against Iran due to the nuclear standoff with the West.

Turkey fears that a nuclear Iran may upset the delicate balance of
power in a combustible region where no single country seems dominant.

At the same time, Turkey does not wish to undermine the recent
improvement in bilateral relations with Iran. Iran is unlikely to
make any progress on the nuclear issue given its track record of
tactical delays in complying with the demands of the International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) for comprehensive inspections in Iran.

In this unfolding situation, Turkey is not only expected to play a
crucial role in support of, or against, such moves; it will also be
deeply affected by the consequences of an escalated tension between
Washington/Tel Aviv, Brussels and Tehran. For one thing, Turkey has
declared unequivocally that its territory or airspace will not be
used in any military operations against Iran.

In a departure from its traditional foreign policy and after decades
of passivity, Turkey is now emerging as an important diplomatic actor
in the Middle East in response to structural changes in its security
environment since the end of the Cold War. Iran is considered both a
partner (Iraq, energy exports) and competitor (Central Asia/Caucasus)
in Turkey’s new proactive regional diplomacy. An impending Iranian
crisis or accommodation could ignite a series of long-term economic,
domestic and external security, and foreign policy challenges for
Turkey.

Iran’s growing nuclear capability and the boosting of its current
stock of missiles creates a new security environment and the need for
appropriate responses from Turkey’s military establishment. A nuclear
Iran is likely to heighten Turkey’s interest in missile defense. Yet
current plans for deploying elements of a US missile defense system
in Poland and the Czech Republic are designed to provide protection
against only long-range missile threats from Iran and North Korea,
and they exclude southern Europe and Turkey, effectively dividing
Europe into two unequal zones of security.

This is bound to reinforce Turkey’s sense of insecurity and its
disenchantment with its Western allies since it already faces a
threat from Iran’s short and medium-range systems, some of which
can reach parts of eastern Turkey. In the face of a nuclear Iran,
Turkey may not seek out nuclear programs of its own. This is because,
at least for now, it is perceived and perceives that it is not the
reason Iran has sought to "nuclearize" in the first place.

Another area where Turkey and Iran do not see eye-to-eye is Central
Asia/the Caucasus. An aggressive posture by a nuclear-armed Iran could
lead to an intensification of the political and cultural/economic
competition throughout the Central Asian states — regardless of
their ethnic composition. The involvement of Russia and China in this
evolving situation as Iran’s strategic partners makes the picture
even more complicated.

The Iranian leadership recognizes the energy demand realities that
limit the consequences of US economic sanctions. Therefore Tehran’s
long-term solution is found within the calculus of supply and demand:
Regardless of US sanctions countries experiencing high growth rates
and/or rapid industrialization (China and India), or countries that
have large populations with no indigenous hydrocarbon resources
(Western Europe), will trade with Iran despite the ongoing tension.

In addition the current insurgency in Iraq, along with the consistent
insurgent tactic of targeting oil pipelines there, has an impact on
the markets and will continue to place countries such as Iran —
regardless of the regime’s nature or ideological affiliation —
on the VIP list of oil and gas dealers.

Despite all the rhetoric about coercive measures, for the time being,
the US seems to be walking a fine line with Tehran and warns that
all options are on the table. Yet Washington’s options are limited
by its current military engagements in Iraq and Afghanistan, by fear
of a shock to global oil prices, by a reluctant Congress and by the
less-than-united front from UN Security Council permanent members.

However the tension is likely to escalate in the later part of this
year as the Iranian intransigence could harden and the US asserts
that no level of Iranian uranium enrichment and expansion of influence
across the region is acceptable. US President George Bush has called
the row with Iran a "grave national security concern" and considers
Turkish support essential in containing it.

When the Iranian question inevitably flares up again, it will no
doubt generate further complexities and uncertainties for Ankara
strategists. Turkey’s leadership has already faced a serious dilemma
in responding to growing pressure from both Washington and Tehran.

Ankara will feel further heat to make a critical choice in what
promises to be a "permanent state of crises" in its region. This
is of particular importance because an indecisive stance as was the
case with Iraq, which has cost Turkey dearly in northern Iraq, is no
longer an easy option.

Turkish-Iranian ties have notably improved over the past several
years after an icy period marked by Turkish accusations that Iran was
sheltering anti-Turkish groups. Bilateral tension over charges that
Iran wants to undermine Turkey’s secular system is "a thing of the
past," in the words of the Turkish Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul. The
turmoil in Iraq, which neighbors both countries, has also brought them
closer and Ankara has lobbied Tehran for a peaceful resolution of its
row with the West over its nuclear program. Ankara has noted Tehran’s
enhanced cooperation in combating Kurdish rebels, who are also active
in Iran, at a time when Washington and Tel Aviv turn a blind eye.

Turkey is well aware of its relatively limited role in the resolution
of the situation but recognizes that this, when considered together
with the present Iraqi debacle, could transform into "a matter of
life and death" for its security and indeed future survival, let
alone the serious economic ramifications it has to live with. Taking
side in a future Iranian crisis either actively or passively will
likely determine the future direction of the efforts to push ahead
the "Kurdish independent state" designs. The incentives could thus
increase for Turkey to sympathize with Iran in alleviating the Kurdish
threat unless Washington provides solid assurance and takes actions
for Iraq’s territorial integrity in tandem with Ankara.

The role of the EU should also be kept in mind. Turkey’s goal of
entering the European Union will not merely rely on a series of
economic and humanitarian overtures of submission, but also on what
it chooses to do in response to a nuclear Iran and disintegrating
Iraq. However the disillusionment with progress in EU accession
negotiations, particularly the "Sarkozy/Merkel factor," could seriously
reduce Brussels’ leverage over the increasingly independent-minded
and assertive Ankara on critical regional issues.

In view of the US’ perception of Iran as a major threat to its
interests in the Middle East, Turkey as a third country will have
somewhat limited leverage or influence to change this perception.

Indeed US leaders have all along made it clear that such a role is
not expected of Turkey. The historic rivalry and lack of trust between
Turkey and Iran too make this very difficult practically.

The relations between Iran and Turkey have been generally peaceful,
but are certainly not free of serious strains at times, particularly
since the Islamic Revolution in 1979. Iran’s interest in getting
its own Caspian and Central Asian oil/gas directly to the gulf
and to Europe via Turkey today dominates the top of the agenda of
Turkish-Iranian relations, alongside the security concerns involving
the Iranian anti-regime groups and separatist Kurds.

Iran’s manipulation of the Kurdish and Islamic groups as perceived
in Turkey, its cozy relations and tactical alliance with Armenia
and Greece, its marriage of convenience with Russia and China and
treatment of the Turkic Azeris, which number 25 to 30 million, are
among the most contentious issues. The competition for sphere of
influence in Central Asia and the Caspian, Turkey’s alliance with
the US and Israel, and Turkish influence in Azerbaijan also figure
prominently in shaping the course of the bilateral agenda.

Economic cooperation is set to expand further as both countries
are complementary to one another. Bilateral trade between the two
countries stood at $2.4 billion in 2003. The volume is expected to
reach $10 billion at the end of this year from $6.7 billion in 2006,
of which only $1.1 billion was Turkish exports. The bulk of Iranian
sales to Turkey are in the form of oil and natural gas, carried via
a pipeline linking the two neighbors.

Ankara has been pressing Tehran to reduce the high tariffs it imposes
on Turkish industrial goods in a bid to balance bilateral trade. Both
sides agreed to sign a preferential trade agreement after Turkish
and Iranian officials draw up a list of products the accord will cover.

Other areas of cooperation include oil, gas and the petrochemical
industry, joint industrial production projects like automobile
manufacturing, boosting cooperation on transportation, and investment
projects on mass housing. Both countries are part of the Economic
Cooperation Organization (ECO).

The Turkish government has hinted that the prospect of more UN
sanctions against Iran over its nuclear program would not deter Turkey
from seeking more trade with its eastern neighbor — at least until
such measures are adopted and enforced by the international community.

*Head of OECD Global Forum on International Investment and Non-Members
Liaison Group

–Boundary_(ID_4hrfSBYa8Co95ISIoJecuA)–

Two Out Of Four People, Who Are Under Search For Murder Case Of Sedr

TWO OUT OF FOUR PEOPLE, WHO ARE UNDER SEARCH FOR MURDER CASE OF SEDRAK ZATIKIAN, HAVE BEEN DETAINED

Noyan Tapan
Jul 17 2007

YEREVAN, JULY 17, NOYAN TAPAN. Lusine Ghevondian and Arthur
Hovhannisian, that is to say, two out of the four people, who are under
investigation for the murder case of Sedrak Zatikian, the son of the
former head of the municipality of the Malatia-Sebastia community
of Yerevan, were put under arrest on July 14. This information was
provided to a Noyan Tapan correspondent by the RA General Prosecutor’s
Office.

It should be mentioned that Arsen Arushanian, the person, who committed
the crime, was detained earlier with regard to this murder case on
June 22, 2006.

US Deploys Intelligence Facility In Armenia To Spy On Iran

US DEPLOYS INTELLIGENCE FACILITY IN ARMENIA TO SPY ON IRAN

APA
[ 13 Jul 2007 17:14 ]

The US Global Gold Corporation (GGC) will complete the gold exploration
in Arevis village of Sisyan region, Armenia by the end of 2007, APA
reports quoting Armenian press. The gold deposit is situated on the
border with Nakhchivan province of Azerbaijan.

Henrich Lazarian, general geologist of GGC office in Armenia said the
Corporation that operates in close cooperation with Armenian defense
ministry has invested $2.2 million in "Marjan" deposit which is 3000
meters above the sea level.

Unnamed source in Armenian environmental protection ministry said it
is not informed of the Corporation’s activity as it is not allowed
for that.

Armenian defense ministry sources said the American company is
working for the Pentagon and fulfilling errands on Iran in the
territory. Chairman and CEO is Armenian Van Krikorian, president on
operational works Michael T.Mason and vice-president Hrayr Agnerian.

Local residents say the GGC supports the restoration of the
infrastructure of Arevis village which is compose dof 24 houses. They
say there are also some English-speaking military-like persons besides
geologists, who are installing unknown big facility in the territory.

Armenian-born American analyst RichardKirakosyan has recently
announced that Washington and Moscow has reached an agreement on Serj
Sarkisyan’s presidency after Robert Kocharian. Armenia is reported
to have undertaken certain commitment on providing opportunity for
the Us to use its territory against Iran.

Armenian Weekly On-Line; Volume 73, Number 28; July 14, 2007

The Armenian Weekly On-Line
80 Bigelow Avenue
Watertown MA 02472 USA
(617) 926-3974
[email protected]
menianweekly.com

* * *
Armenian Weekly On-Line; Volume 73, Number 28; July 14, 2007

Commentary:
1. No Place for the Anti-Defamation League
By David B. Boyajian

2. SiCKO
By Garen Yegparian

3. Henry Morgenthau and Character
By Kay Mouradian

4. And Rakel and Delal and Sera and Nora
and Nare and Arat and Maral and, and, and.
By Perihan Magden
Translated by the Weekly translation team

Events:
5. Japanese Photographer Exbibits in Yerevan
By Zaruhi Shushanian

Features:
6. An Interview with Etyen Mahcupyan
By David Barsamian

7. Barooshian’s Mystery World of Abstract Art
By Tom Vartabedian

8. ‘Portraits of Hope’ Offers a Slice of Life for Some, a Call to Reality
for Others
By Andy Turpin

9. Poetry
Time of Delivery
By Nigoghos Sarafian
Translated by Tatul Sonentz

Serene and Slow.
By Varand
Translated by Tatul Sonentz

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1. No Place for the Anti-Defamation League
By David B. Boyajian

No Place for Hate (NPFH) is a nationwide program created, trademarked,
authored, sponsored and partially funded by an organization that is itself
guilty of "hate": the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of Bnai Brith.

NPFH’s stated purpose is to "challenge anti-Semitism, racism, homophobia,
and bigotry" and encourage "diversity" and "intergroup harmony."

Hundreds of municipalities and schools-from Watertown, Massachusetts to
Santa Barbara, California-have NPFH chapters, often officially endorsed by
city governments and school officials. NPFH members come from all
backgrounds and generally appear to be sincere.

NPFH has at times come under fire. Critics charge that it is a "politically
correct" program that subtly intimidates those who don’t share its "liberal"
views on such hot button issues as illegal immigration and same-gender
marriage.

Regardless, NPFH is violating its own principles by its direct links to the
ADL. How so?

ADL in Denial
ADL literature explicitly equates any form of denial, diminishment or
questioning of the Holocaust with anti-Semitism and "hatred." Holocaust
education and fighting Holocaust denial are also key components of NPFH.

However, like the "Jewish lobby" of which it is a part, the ADL has long
flexed its powerful political muscles to not only oppose Congressional
resolutions on the Armenian genocide of 1915-23 but also to imply that it
was not a genocide.

Thus, the ADL practices the very "hatred" for which it condemns others.

Sadly, the Israeli-Turkish alliance, and resentment that another major
genocide predated the Jewish one, underlie all this. Yola Habif Johnston of
the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs recently admitted that
for more than 15 years, "the Jewish lobby has quite actively supported
Turkey in their efforts to prevent the so-called Armenian genocide
resolution from passing."

The Jewish Telegraphic Agency reports [April 27] that the ADL is currently
"opposing the [Armenian genocide] bill" in Congress.

Foxman in Denial
The Los Angeles Times [April 21] quotes ADL’s National Director, Abraham
Foxman, as having asked Congress to oppose the Armenian Genocide Resolution
because "The resolution takes a position. It comes to a judgment."
Regarding the events of 1915, says Foxman, "The Jewish community shouldn’t
be the arbiter of that history, and I don’t think the U.S. Congress should
be the arbiter either."

Takes a position? Comes to a judgment? Shouldn’t be the arbiter? These
are precisely the kind of evasions that ADL literature says constitute
denial, anti-Semitism and "hate" when applied to the Jewish genocide.

Not that the ADL opposes all genocide resolutions. No, the ADL has supported
many Congressional bills and resolutions that have "come to a judgment" on
the Jewish genocide. The organization also applauded this year’s UN
resolution, introduced by the U.S., that condemned "any denial of the
Holocaust" and-please note-"any activities to this end."

Turkey, Foxman once told the Jewish Journal, "has a magnificent history of
tolerance." Genocide, massacres and massive human rights violations are
signs of "tolerance"?
Prof. Alan S. Rosenbaum, a genocide scholar, has publicly charged Foxman
with trying to "falsify or ignore" the Armenian genocide.

Let’s be clear: the ADL has consciously gone far, far out of its way to
engage in denial of the Armenian genocide.

One wonders how the ADL and NPFH would react if Armenian organizations
blocked recognition of the Jewish genocide.

Interestingly, in answering a question of mine three years ago at his taped
public presentation at Clark University’s Center for Holocaust and Genocide
Studies, Mr. Foxman actually claimed that the ADL "did not oppose" Armenian
resolutions. And yet, just days earlier, a prominent Jewish-American leader
in Washington confided in me that the ADL had indeed worked against Armenian
resolutions. The ADL obviously has some serious credibility problems.

Next Steps
It is sad and painful to have to say these things.
After all, the list of Jewish academicians, public officials, writers,
clergy, lawyers and organizations that support affirmation of the Armenian
genocide is lengthy. And we fully recognize that the U.S. State Department
and other unprincipled lobbies also support Turkish denialism.

Genocide denial is a human rights issue. It should, therefore, concern
everyone, not just Armenian-Americans. This issue goes to the core of what
the NPFH claims to be about.
Grassroots citizens’ groups, including those of Armenian-Americans, must
meet with NPFH chapters, present the sad facts to them, and explain the
necessity of severing all ties to the ADL.

The author is a freelance writer based in Massachusetts.

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2. SiCKO
By Garen Yegparian

That’s the title of Michael Moore’s new movie that you’ve got to see. It’s
also a good way to describe four antiheroes we’ll discuss in a minute, one
of whose future doings must be tracked. It’s also what you’ll be if you don’t
see the movie!

Yup, Moore’s healthcare movie is vintage him. It’s got in-your-face moments.
It’s informative. It’s timely. It’s humorous. It’s something everyone can
relate to-he says as much at the beginning of the movie when he tells
viewers it’s about the majority of Americans who do indeed have healthcare
coverage. It’s not as harsh as "Fahrenheit 9/11" nor as deep as "Bowling for
Columbine," rather resembling "Roger and Me" in its tone. It’s even
chick-flicky near the end-so much so that I was actually tearing up. You’ve
gotta love when he takes on the "oh-my-I’m-so-ignorant-of-this-is-it-really-s o"
persona, barely constraining a knowing smile. And, one of my right-wing
buddies made it a point to see the film the first day back from an overseas
trip, and had a generally laudatory reaction.

Miss this movie at your peril. It may well move you to action, something
made easy by healthcare activists who were handing out leaflets as we left
the movie theatre. Think also of how many Armenians lack coverage and resort
to questionable means of obtaining it. Enjoy.

Would that all the sickos up for discussion today were as positive as the
movie.
There’s Douglas Frantz, the low-life former managing editor of the L.A.
Times, notorious for his nixing Mark Arax’ genocide article this April. He’s
joining that paragon of rectitude, the Wall Street Journal, as their Middle
East bureau chief. Appropriately, he’ll be based out of
Turkish-renamed-Constantinople. Back in his old lair, he’ll be a serious
problem and must be watched and tracked at all times. His biases and
prejudices will taint coverage of a region critical to Armenians’ future.
Given that through the ANC our insistent interactions with his ex-paper
drove him out, he’s probably even more envenomed towards Armenians. The WSJ
has a reputation for good news reporting but Neanderthal-hallucinatory
editorial positions. I can’t speak to the former of these two, but the
latter is precisely what repulses me. And this is not just on Armenian
issues. Perhaps we can apply enough heat to the paper so they’ll try to shut
us up by firing Doug-the-Denier.

A long-running sicko is of course the clown who claims to be U.S. President.
His granting clemency to Scooter Libby is an abomination. With thousands of
Americans, and hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, dead because of the Shrub
regime’s machinations and lies, it’s utterly obscene when the one dribble of
accountability is rendered irrelevant. Watch: As Libby continues his legal
proceedings, challenging his verdict and likely losing, Bush will probably
even pardon him, thus completely clearing lackey-Libby’s slate. It’ll just
be at a politically more opportune time. All the comments about the
excessive punishment still impacting Scooter’s life will be forgotten.

Back to healthcare. The big supermarkets are again holding out on their
employees, especially recent hires who are getting shafted because of the
last contract. Much of this revolves around healthcare costs. The big
supermarket chains played the "Walmart is coming" scare tactic last time.
These sickos’ bluff is now evident since they’ve been flush with profits for
the last three years. This is another reason to patronize smaller
mom-and-pop markets, which, incidentally, describes most Armenian/Middle
Eastern stores.

Finally, we have our own crooks in the healthcare field that fraudulently
bill government programs for undelivered or redundant services and products.
The L.A. area and south Florida have been selected for a pilot enforcement
program. The money wasted is too precious. It’s needed for everyone’s
wellbeing. So the sickos in the Armenian community engaged in this bit
illegal legerdemain had better watch out, the Department of Health and Human
Services is coming to town.

Your assignments for this week: see "Sicko," write the WSJ and the
supermarkets, tell any crooked Armenian health products/services providers
to shape up, and regarding Bush-advocate impeachment.

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3. Henry Morgenthau and Character
By Kay Mouradian

Of the many articles written by Ambassador Morgenthau, one in particular
drew my attention. He titled it "Charting on Success," and stated that
"character is the magnet of opportunity." Opportunity knocks at everybody’s
door, he said, but it must be won by hard work under the guidance of strong
will power. He felt his financial success was due to his early boyhood
training when he realized the overwhelming importance of developing his
character so he would be strong and ready to grasp opportunities as they
came his way.

He illustrated this fact by comparing life to a game of football. In the
game of life and in the game of business, he said, the moral qualities of
character take the place of the physical qualities required in football.
Instead of the eye quick to perceive the football in its flight, business
requires an inner vision that can be trained by continuous observation and
reflection upon how things are done and why. Instead of nerves being quick
to direct the hand to grasp the ball, business requires decision of
character that can be formed by steadfast devotion to principles of action.
And instead of the body being strong to carry the ball down the field,
business requires an iron resolution of will that enables a man to see his
proposition through to the finish in the face of all obstacles.

>From the outset of his business career (as an errand boy in a lawyer’s
office), he observed employees giving only what they were paid for and not
an ounce of energy or a minute of time beyond. He hated the idea of becoming
a mere clock clerk and gave all of himself and held back nothing. At age 16
he became a clerk in that law office and discovered his employer’s accounts
were shamefully neglected. Without informing his employer he arranged a
regular system of accounts and at the end of the year showed his grateful
employer what was earned and amounts still due.

This kind of conscientious work created an opportunity four years later that
led to his first opening into business. One of their clients was having a
problem with a business partner. Morgenthau, at age 20, straightened out
the problem and the company’s client gave young Henry one share of the
company as payment.

As the company became more successful, problems of control occurred between
the president and the stockholders. The stockholders, because of their
mistrust of one another, could not come to an agreement. Morgenthau
suggested they give their proxies to one man who would faithfully represent
the interests of all against the president. The stockholders, who held 70
percent of the company’s stock, unanimously gave their proxies to
20-year-old Henry Morgenthau.

When the president heard of the action taken, he, too, gave his proxy to
Morgenthau. They all recognized Morgenthau’s business acumen, but the
primary reason for yielding their say was their respect for his character,
which Morgenthau attributed to his painstaking exercise of developing the
moral qualities of manhood in his early teenage years.

Success in business, he said, is won with a clear brain, steadfast courage
and sustained energy. Those qualities are the magnets that attract
opportunity and enables man to recognize opportunity when it appears. The
essence of those qualities is self-control, and leadership comes to the man
who first leads himself, controls his own unruly spirit and proves that he
can guide others by first proving he can guide himself. He said that "the
man who rules himself shall rule others."

Then success merely becomes a matter of time, because he is now equipped to
recognize and grasp opportunity with calm energy and intelligence.

Kay Mouradian is the author of A Gift In The Sunlight: An Armenian Story. To
learn more, visit

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4. And Rakel and Delal and Sera and Nora
and Nare and Arat and Maral and, and, and.
By Perihan Magden
Translated by the Weekly translation team

The following article originally appeared in the May 31 issue of Radikal. It
was translated from Turkish by the Weekly translation team.

On Saturday I was one of the speakers in a series of talks called
"(international etc. etc.) Freedom of Speech!" organized by the tireless
Freedom of Speech fighter Sanar Yurdatapan at Bilgi University. The section
that I was in-"Hate on the Internet"-was at the very end and the talks
lasted longer than they were supposed to, so I gave my talk in a hurry and
walked out of the room. I’m catching up with something.

Two young women and a young man rushed out after me. The young woman said,
"I am Hrant Dink’s niece, Maral." She said that she had started writing for
Agos1 and that she would e-mail me two of her articles. One of her articles
touched me so deeply; it was published in this column on Tuesday. You know,
as soon as she said "Hrant Dink’s". There is a ‘strange’ connection between
these two words, that is, the name of that lively man who was murdered and
my two eyes. Instantaneously they fill with tears and my voice turns shaky.

"How is Sera? Is she alright?" I asked.

Like you, I have known Sera since that dark3 day her father was shot. From
TV.
But the footage of Sera coming to "the scene" was shown over and over again.
She gets there with her friends. She sees "the man lying down." She
immediately realizes-her father! Shot! Covered with a white cloth. His
feet sticking out.

"But he’s my father!" Sera shouts. Police line. They don’t let her.

In the "but"4-you know, the way young people say it-that Sera adds to "my
father" when she shouts, I find my daughter. What if that were to happen to
my daughter? What if that’s my daughter?

One can’t help but think that, can’t help but multiply the pain with a
selfish connection: "What if that happens to my daughter?"

Then Sera will appear at the window of Agos and shout "Is your blood clean
now?" A revolt against the "forces" that killed her father, against
escalating nationalism, racism. A rebellion! They will pull Sera inside.
I will love this beautiful, courageous child’s rebellion, too. I will love
this child from a distance, from TV. She will be engraved in my mind.

Maral looks a lot like Sera. That’s another reason I immediately become
tearful.
But I don’t think there is any excessiveness in our guilt regarding this
family-or the ones that are left behind-in our feeling bad about ourselves
and infinitely ashamed. There cannot be.

We owe an apology, a thousand apologies, to the Dink family.

We owe them an apology forever. But what’s the use of our apology? (If I
were in their place, I would say, "Take your apology and put it." I would
use bad language. My heart would turn sour, I know.) But we owe them that
all the same!
Then I ask about Rakel Dink. "Is she alright?"

I called Mrs. Dink once. "Can I visit you?" I asked. I even specified the
date: "this Saturday?"
Then I couldn’t go. I was scared of crying my eyes out in front of her, of
panicking, of kindling her pain. What if she had just reached that moment
of consolation? I was scared of destroying that moment, that island of
peace. I should see her in her better days, I thought. At a time when we
can focus on life, rather than on grief.

Is that possible?

I want to live in a city that has a square or a main street called "Hrant
Dink Square" or "Hrant Dink Street."

What do I care about former mayors who nobody even remembers, and who are
stained with errors in city planning? What do I care about the little "big"
ones that we don’t know, those who have done nothing but the most
insignificant of jobs?

Why are the streets of my city ornamented with the names of these
insignificant men without asking me, without asking us?

I want one of the main arteries of my beautiful city to be named after Hrant
Dink, so that my beautiful city is truly beautiful (you know, it’s the
"inner" beauty that counts). I want to pass by a statue of Hrant Dink made
by some talented young sculptor of ours in Osmanbey, the district where he
was shot. On every anniversary of his death, I want to go there with flowers
and candles, and tell him how much we are ashamed of ourselves for not being
able to protect him, and how much love him.

When Dink was shot, his daughter-in-law Karolin was pregnant. You’ll
remember her from the funeral march. She gave birth to Nare. Or so I heard.
The granddaughter Hrant would never see. Later Sera, Delal will have
children. And that wonderful man, who is the most fit to be a grandfather on
the face of earth, won’t see them either. They won’t all go fishing
together. He won’t hold them. They will not hear the story of their
ancestors from their grandfather.

You’ll remember that story we read when Hrant Dink died, about how he and
his two brothers, Orhan and Levent, were pushed back and forth between their
mother and father. With an instinctual decision, they, all three of them,
run in a direction away from both. They run away.

Then they will be found sleeping in a basket and will be handed over to an
Armenian orphanage. Just like a story from the Bible!

I want the story of Hrant Dink to be turned into a graphic novel and I want
our children to read the real adventures of our real hero. I want the story
of Rakel Dink to be turned into a movie, her childhood spent hiding in the
mountains.

I want art to be mobilized so that we never forget them. I want to live in
the country of people who mobilize their art to say, "Please forgive us.
Forgive us!"

I want us to make heroes of our real heroes, and to prefer them to the
suffocating heaviness of those figures that are imposed on us by a lot of
brainwashing.

I want us to bring up children who know who their true heroes are. I want.
In my dreams.

Endnotes
1 The Armenian weekly newspaper published in Turkey. Hrant Dink was its
chief editor from the newspaper’s start until his assassination.
2 Magden uses the word guzelim here, which literally means "my beautiful,"
and when used as an adjective also implies that what is being described did
not get what it deserved.
3 The Turkish word is ugursuz, which also means "bringing bad luck."
4 The exclamation "ya!"

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5. Japanese Photographer Exbibits in Yerevan
By Zaruhi Shushanian

The Japanese photographer Takuji Shimmura’s photo exhibition called
"Unconscious Design" opened on June 15 in the Armenian Center for
Contemporary Experimental Art (ACCEA) in Yerevan.

Born in Osaka, Japan, Takuji graduated from Ritsumeikan University in Kyoto
and moved to Paris to study in L’Ecole De Communication Visuelle (The School
of Visual Communication), devoting himself to photo art. Exhibited in
world-renowned salons and art galleries of France, Russia and Japan,
Shimmura’s creations have confirmed his place as a minimalist artist and a
neo-plasticist.

The objects of his research are simple elements, such as the wall, the
graffiti, the door handle or the old scratched garage door, which, when put
into square frames, turn into compositions. Stripped down to their
elementary, geometric form, these simple objects lose their predetermined
boundaries and become symbols, through which Takuji communicates with his
audience.

Taking photos of abandoned streets in Parisian suburbs, Takuji always
discovers new material for his creations. In this way, simple, ordinary, and
even ugly objects of everyday life are transformed into art.

Though the photo series of the Japanese artist resemble the works of Piet
Mondrian, Mark Rothko, Barnett Newman and Theo Van Doesburg, they are unique
both in their impersonal manner of expression and meaning. According to
Takuji, he never intends to put any definite idea or message into his
photos. The process of their creation is both unconscious and subconscious.
"Paris, where I now live and work, is the motherland of the so-called
conscious design or design conscient, as every building in this city has a
definite style. But the image changes as you walk along the suburbs of
Paris. All those poor and dirty streets are places where the so-called
design inconscient or unconscious design is born," Takuji says.

According to the artist, the choice of the objects and colors in is also an
unconscious process. "For me, all these objects are of secondary importance.
They are just means of expression, or material, which I use to transform the
reality, by depriving them of their preliminary functional meaning," he
says.

This is the second time the Takuji has exhibited in Yerevan. In 2006,
together with three Japanese contemporary artists, Enryu Kano, Mamoru Okuno,
Maiko Maeda, he gave a joint exhibition in the National Gallery of Armenia.

Accoding to him, the exhibition was an attempt to present the modern
Japanese art in Yerevan. In the near future, Takuji hopes to give another
exhibition in Yerevan. "I think artists living in Armenia are free to create
and choose their own way. They put much hope and spirit in what they do, and
this makes their art unique," Takuji says.

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6. An Interview with Etyen Mahcupyan
By David Barsamian

The following interview with Agos editor Etyen Mahcupyan was conducted in
Istanbul in late June.

David Barsamian-Tell me about Agos.
Etyen Mahcupyan-Agos has a history of 10 years and it is the paper of the
[Turkish-Armenian] community. It began with the aim of opening up the
windows and doors of the community to the public at large, and bringing the
Turkish public into the community-understanding its problems and becoming
familiar with how an Armenian and a non-Muslim live in Turkey. I think that
goal has been mostly achieved in the past decade, when Hrant was here.
In fact, he was thinking of making Agos more like a Turkish newspaper, that
is, liberating it from the communitarian bonds. This is what we are trying
to do right now. The changes in the newspaper were already conceived by
Hrant and myself through several discussions last year. But we were thinking
of making those changes in the autumn, because this is an election year and
we have several problems. But fate led us to make all those changes in
February.

D.B.-How many Armenians are there in Istanbul and Turkey as a whole?
E.M.-Well, most are in Istanbul now, and they number about 60,000-70,000. No
one knows the exact figure because the polls and other surveys don’t often
ask those questions. Also, the Church does not have all the data about the
Armenians.
But it seems there are about 60,000-70,000 Armenians in Turkey, about 95
percent of whom are in Istanbul. And of course there are Muslim Armenians,
who converted during, before or after 1915.

D.B.-How many people read the newspaper? Do you depend on subscriptions or
kiosk sales?
E.M.-Half of it comes from subscriptions and the other half from kiosk
sales. We sell about 5,000-6,000 now. The problem is that each issue is
shared and read by maybe 8, 10 or 12 people. We know that sometimes two or
three families buy the paper together and share it during the week.

D.B.-Tell me about Hrant Dink, who was a colleague and a close friend of
yours.
E.M.-Well, it’s still very difficult for me to talk about Hrant. He was a
very, very close friend. Not only did we share political views but we also
saw each other as family and friends.
We used to talk six or seven times every day, on politics or other subjects.
He had incredible energy. He was a politician, genetically I would say,
because he didn’t forget anyone he met. He remembered everyone by name.
Although he may not have seen someone for 10 years, he would immediately
remember their name and talk to them.
He was a soft-hearted and warm-hearted person. He made connections with
nearly everyone-with people who shared his views and people who did not.
He was a typical Armenian, I would say. That is, he was a very humble
person. He enjoyed the daily details of life. From time to time, I used to
think that he was forced to be involved in politics. He was such a rich
person at heart. I think a better way of life for him would have been maybe
being at the head of a school or a children’s camp. He was that kind of
person.

D.B.-Why was he assassinated?
E.M.-Well, the main reason is the political situation in Turkey and how the
political situation triggers Turkish nationalism in such a way that young
people without any real beliefs and with fears in life are easily converted
into assassins. Hrant is not the only one who was killed in the last 5-10
years, and almost all the killers came from a nationalistic background and
ideology. This shows how nationalism works and how it’s manipulated in
Turkey.
Of course, another reason is that he was an Armenian. Otherwise, he would
have been protected, at least. We know that the people that were thinking of
killing him were planning for almost a year, and that the police and the
military knew about it.
There were many reports going to Ankara, but they did not do anything. So
this forces us to ask the question, "If Hrant Dink was a Turkish person,
would he still be alive?" I don’t know the answer.

D.B.-He used to compare himself to a dove. Please explain that.
E.M.-Well, the dove can fly, but does not want to fly too far, you know. It
flies and then it comes back to the same place because it is accustomed to
that place. That’s why there are many doves in yards, around churches,
mosques, etc. It gives the impression that those doves, and not us, own the
place.
So this is a good metaphor for Hrant, because he really owned this place. He
owned it in his heart and in his brain. He cared so much about Turkey, about
the Turkish people and Armenians in Turkey that in this sense he was also
the dove of the yard.
He never wanted to fly away because his life was in danger. Everyone knew
the threat to his life, but every time we were out somewhere in Europe or in
the United States, after two or three days he would say, ‘What are we doing
here? We have to go back where we belong.’

D.B.-His assassination triggered a very interesting response here in
Istanbul. Many non-Armenians-Turks, Kurds, Christians-demonstrated and had
signs saying ‘We are all Armenians, We are all Hrant.’ Did that surprise
you?
E.M.-The number of people is what surprised me. Otherwise, I knew that the
sentiment was there because there is a huge change in Turkey. The problem
with the Turkish public is that they change but do not know how to make this
change felt in politics. So you don’t hear them as political figures and you
don’t see them in the streets. But when you talk to them or you go out to
Anatolia, you see that there is a huge change in the mentality of the
people.
I knew that many millions would mourn and cry for Hrant, but I didn’t expect
so many people to gather immediately after his death. When his death was
heard, there were 10,000 people in Taksim.

D.B-Do you feel the taboo about speaking about the genocide is gradually
being broken? Many writers, for example the Noble Prize winner Orhan Pamuk,
Elif Shafak and others, are now speaking about it. It’s out in the open.
E.M.-Well, everyone knows about Elif Shafak and Pamuk but there are many
people in Turkey, especially historians, who are writing about those issues.
If we go to the sciences, it’s not a taboo anymore. If we go to the people,
it’s not a taboo anymore.
When I went to Anatolia 10 years ago, people were irritated and hesitant to
talk about it. Now if you go there, they are eager to tell you stories about
what they heard from their grandfathers. So there is no such taboo anymore
sociologically.
But politically, in regards to what the state or political parties can and
cannot do, there is this pseudo-taboo because of the nationalistic
atmosphere. And the nationalistic atmosphere is using the "Armenian
Question" or the Armenian genocide as a tool. Because the main problem is
the issue of European Union accession. And in a world where Turkey is part
of the EU, those subjects will not be taboo anymore. So the people who don’t
want Turkey to be in the European Union are using the Armenian genocide and
the Armenian issue at large to mobilize the nationalistic atmosphere and
stop the accession process.

D.B.-So it’s become, as we say in American English, "political football."
E.M.-Yes.

D.B.-Tell me about this Article 301 of the Turkish penal code.
E.M.-First of all, I have to say it is not the only article [causing
problems]. But it is a very conjectural thing that the state or the
bureaucratic apparatus picks up one of the items in the penal code and works
on it and everyone says, "What is this problem? We need to change it." And
they change it and move to another article. So you cannot change Turkey’s
legal atmosphere by abolishing 301. But 301 has its own special problems
because it does not differentiate between an insult and a more normal
argumentation and analysis.
So every time you pick up a topic that is related to Turkishness, loosely
connected to Turkishness, or maybe some historical event that can be
considered as an insult to Turkishness, Article 301 can be used against you.
This is the problem with 301 and lately all those people that were taken to
court were taken by this article.
But I have to stress again, this is not the only culprit here. The whole
penal code is full of such articles. In fact, one of the NGOs who works on
those problems cited 10 or 12 articles like that-that can be used if the
need arises.

D.B.-"Insulting Turkishness" seems like an interesting concept. For example,
if I say that lahmejun or doner kebab is very bad food, would that be
considered insulting Turkish identity?
E.M.-Well, this is I think showing that you are on the edge of insulting
Turkish identity, and you are picking up the soft issues now. So the
reaction would be, "We don’t know what you will say tomorrow, so we’d better
keep an eye on you."

D.B.-You want to advance Agos and to reach a larger audience. How are you
going to do that?
E.M.-Well, we have the online English version now. We have great hopes for
that although the subscriptions are still very low. But we will continue tp
work on that and try and see if the Diaspora is really interested in Turkey.
Because, of course, to be interested in Agos means to be interested in
Turkey. Otherwise, Agos becomes only a sentimental issue for you.
So this is the main outlet that we have. Otherwise, you have to know Turkish
to understand the paper. Our surveys show that at the kiosks, 70-80 percent
of the paper are bought by Muslim Turks. So in the last year or so, Agos has
become viewed a newspaper promoting democracy, instead of just an Armenian
newspaper. As Hrant would say, we prefer the Armenian democrats
and Turkish democrats to be our subscribers, rather than just the Armenian
community. Because we know, and many Armenians have realized, that without
the democratization of Turkey, it’s impossible to solve the problems of the
Armenian community today in Turkey. And it is impossible to solve all the
problems related to history.

D.B.-What are those problems in terms of civil rights and human rights? Does
an Armenian citizen of Turkey have the same rights legally as a Turkish
citizen?
E.M.-On paper, most of the rights are the same. But when it comes to
practice, you don’t see any public officer who is Armenian, for example.
This is an accepted rule in the bureaucracy. You cannot even become a
postman.
And why? Maybe because he wears a uniform. The ones who wear uniforms, who
are not doing their military service for one year or six months or so should
be ethnic Turks. This is not written anywhere, but this is the practice.
Though if we were to ask the Armenians if they are against this rule or not,
I don’t suppose they would be very interested because no one wants to be a
postman or a general. But our main problem is with the properties we have
that were confiscated during the last 30 years by the state, and the state
now does everything not to give them back.

D.B.-What properties were these? In Istanbul?
E.M.-Yes, mostly in Istanbul. They belong to Armenian foundations. And one
has to realize that 30-35 percent of the inhabitants of Istanbul were
Armenians. Those properties were mostly in central parts of the city and
were hence very valuable.
Those properties belonged to one or two million Armenians and now, of
course, there are only 60,000. Such wealth belonging to such a small
community. So the state tries to bring new blockades to prevent the
community from making use of those properties, and they use several tactics.
One of the rules, for example, is that if the foundation does not have a
board of directors then it belongs to the state. But there’s another rule
that says that in order to be elected to that board of directors, you have
to live in that district. Now, with 60,000 Armenians all living in
different districts, what about the districts where Armenians no longer
live? What happens after some period of time-10 years for example? It
automatically becomes state property.
The community is now trying to get those properties back, and has filed two
cases with the European Court of Justice.
So as I see it, with these big European processes, the Armenian community
has started to look for its own rights.

D.B.-Now if I lived here and were a citizen of Turkey, could I buy a
building or an apartment?
E.M.-As an individual, yes. But in the case of foundations, we are talking
about huge properties. In the old days when there was a church, all the
buildings around the church were called vakfiye, because the church would
live on the income of all those properties. So wherever there is a church,
at least a few hundred kilometers belongs to that community and not only the
church but also the schools, hospitals, cemeteries. All of these are
foundations and all of these have properties that are 5 or 10 times larger
than the land on which they were founded.

D. B.-And what about historical places like Ahktamar in Van, Surp Giragos in
Diyarbakir, or Ani?
E.M.- Well, these are simpler problems because they have symbolic value, but
they don’t belong to any foundation. They become museums and so on. So they
are not part of the Armenian wealth in Turkey, but are symbols of the
Armenian past.
So there is a political side to it, but it is also an easier problem to
solve because, as I said, those buildings will become museums and would be
governed by the state.

D.B.- But are they properly identified as historically Armenian or are they
called "Byzantine" or "ancient"?
E.M.-The bureaucracy does everything not to call them Armenian. They change
the words, the letters, etc., trying to make it sound like a Turkish word
and so on. But it is getting more and more difficult.
On the other end, we have to realize that in 1915 there were about 400 or
500 churches on this land, and today we only have around 35. Many are in
ruins now, and perhaps we cannot do much with those, but there are around
300 that can be renovated.
This is a huge job for the state, and it is very hard for a nationalist Turk
to accept that those ruins belong to the Armenians because that would be
accepting that all those people once lived here. And then one would ask,
"What happened to those people?"
So the renovation is going very, very slowly. What makes one optimistic,
however, is the initiative taken by some Muslim Turks in Anatolia who have
gotten together and said, "There’s a church here. It’s an Armenian church.
We want to keep that church. We want to renovate that church."
In many places, the Muslim Turks are trying to at least allow that
historical land site to be recovered and used again.

D.B.- What did Hrant Dink think and what do you think about some diaspora
Armenians who may have very sharp opinions about what you should be doing
here inside Turkey?
E.M.-It shows that people are still maintaining their identity as a
community when they are thinking and saying what the others should do. I
think one must understand the feelings and sentiments of those people, but
we always thought that politically they are not doing the right thing.

D.B.-Explain how.
E.M.-Politically, if the genocide is the main thing and Turkey has to accept
the Armenian genocide, it’s obvious that a Turkey that’s in the European
Union would be in a position to accept the Armenian genocide more than a
Turkey that is out of the EU. So one would expect the diaspora to be for
Turkey’s EU membership. But what we see in some circles of the diaspora is
an approach to punish Turkey. Of course they are right, and I understand
those feelings, but punishment of the state means the punishment of the
society as well. But the society has changed and is no longer the society of
1915. There are parts that haven’t changed, of course, like those people who
killed Hrant, but the majority is different.
And you cannot defend the Armenian Cause by punishing another society. The
state is something else. You can go against the state because it’s a
deliberate actor. If the state is acting unethically-and most states are
always acting unethically-then there is a point there, and you can do
politics on that level. But as soon as you divert your energy and try to
punish the society as well, it brings a backlash, and it’s absurd, and it
makes the lives of Armenians here much more difficult and much more
meaningless.

D.B.-So it’s easier for someone sitting in New York or Los Angeles to talk.
E.M.-Always! Just as it’s easier for us here to talk about New York. We know
that the diaspora had a difficult life in those lands because they went from
Turkey, and in Turkey the community was based on a religious authoritarian
understanding. There was a patriarch, and the patriarch still in Turkey is
supposed to be the leader of community. But when you go to Europe and to the
States, you are in a very secular country. Of course, there are still
patriarchs, but they don’t have the same influence on the public anymore. So
you need something else to keep the community together. So the Armenian
genocide is a workable tool in that respect. Also we have to realize that if
you build the community on a secular historical issue like this, then you
create a power relation within the community. You create a hierarchy within
the community.
And that power relation and that hierarchy takes the community farther away
from being a democratic community. And what Hrant was after was forming
democratic Armenian communities all over the world.

D.B.-And what are your relations with the Republic of Armenia, beyond
language and culture?
E.M.-In our daily lives, we don’t have much of a relation really. But all
Armenians are becoming more and more interested in what is happening in
Armenia. Of course, with Armenia so close to us, we have a feeling of.

D.B.-Comfort?
E.M.-Confidence maybe. It is very difficult to pinpoint those feelings
because there are no surveys on that. But as far as I see from Agos, the
Turkish-Armenian community is really interested in the news items concerning
Armenia.
I think that with the EU process and the relations that were established in
2006 between the EU and Armenia, everyone is realizing that in 10 or 15
years, we will have Armenia and Turkey in the same package. This may happen.
If Turkey is a bit late in the accession, the probability of such a scenario
becomes higher. So, what is happening in Armenia will be very important for
the Armenian community here, just as what is happening in Turkey is
important.

D.B.-Right now, the border is closed, isn’t it?
E.M.-The border is closed if you go by car. But if you want to fly, it’s
open. There are several flights every week. I think the Turkish government
wants to solve that problem, but with the election this year and the
nationalists, it seems they are waiting for the right conjuncture to take
that step.

David Barsamian is the founder and director of Alternative Radio
().

——————– ————————————————– —-

7. Barooshian’s Mystery World of Abstract Art
By Tom Vartabedian

NORTH READING, Mass.-Martin Barooshian is not your typical artist. Not by a
long stroke.

Sometimes he remains a mystery even to himself by the way he attacks a
palette and produces a kaleidoscope of color left to interpret by a clear
eye and vivid imagination.
Abstract art is not for everyone but Barooshian wouldn’t have it any other
way.
No portraits. Nothing to do with landscapes. Forget the bowls of fruit and
flowers. He derives his pleasure from innovation and whim, earning the
applause of critics and audiences near and far.

"I’d be bored to tears if I wasn’t involved with art," admitted the
77-year-old.

"It’s been my obsession for over 50 years and continues to build
self-esteem." Martin and his wife Mary joined St. Gregory Church (North
Andover) in December. They make their home in North Reading overlooking a
bird sanctuary in their back yard. Mary can tell you every bird that pays a
visit. She’s also quite adept at art herself with exquisite notecards that
have found their way to the Armenian Library and Museum of America in
Watertown.

Martin recently gave an exhibit himself at ALMA which gained wide appeal and
drew a favorable review in The Boston Globe last May. The show was a 50-year
retrospective of paintings, drawings and prints dating back to 1956. One
writer described him as an artist "who always defines his own style." He
certainly makes you think.

"If you haven’t heard of Martin Barooshian," wrote the critic, "it’s because
his paintings and prints have always gone against the grain of the art
scene. If he didn’t reinvent painting, he did reinvent himself-and that’s
worth seeing." The influences on Barooshian’s development throughout the
1950s are as diverse as his art. He realizes on paper and canvas a glorious
world of great storms, mythological heroes and Faustian love affairs.

He approaches his subjects with a sense of immediacy, sensitivity and
sophistication which begs the viewer to pause and explore. It is an
invitation to acquire a contemplative spirit and peer into an unpredictable
world filled with life affirming surrealist fantasies and joyous abstract
designs. An impeccably bold color sense is seen throughout his various
mediums. He’s to modern art what Ararat is to Armenia-larger than life.
Twenty years ago, Barooshian was the only American artist of Armenian
descent to have his works hung permanently on the walls of Yerevan’s Museum
of Modern Art during a period of Soviet captivity.

"My art is designed to make people think," he notes. "Unfortunately, the
average person has a hard time with it. They don’t want to take the time to
interpret it." His studio looks like a mini-Metropolitan with artwork
stretching from every corner. No sense in counting them. Over 2,000 pieces
are represented. Where do the ideas originate?

"Any time. Any place," he reveals. "Whatever moves me." He pulls out his
early forms, fleshy and biomorphic. One shows a large Cheshire cat that
appears from another planet. Another is called "The Dream" in which a
subject appears in a transcendental pose. One or two are in progress.
Barooshian works simultaneously whenever the urge dictates, sometimes taking
up to 18 months to complete one work.

A piece called The Armenian Sphinx shows a starving Armenian woman and her
child during the genocide done in color etching. Barooshian alternates
between oil and lithographs as his medium. Not all of it is abstract. Some
tends to be figurative in nature. Nine panels depicting the life of Christ
are currently in progress, beginning with the Nativity. Each measures about
a foot square, done in oil, which he calls his legacy. An earlier exhibit
showed large versions of an astrology series as well as his interpretation
of an "Alice In Wonderland" suite. Along with it came examples of exotic
birds in a never-ending search for originality and beauty. An endangered
wildlife series was completely sold out in a matter of weeks. . "I feel
there is no difference in the status of a painter or a printmaker in the
arts," he feels. "The only thing of importance is honesty in art. If an
artist cannot be honest with himself, it will reflect in the final product."

Arshille Gorky’s work always drew a big impression. He’s also a big fan of
Armenian artist Khochar, whose abstract work is being showcased in Yerevan.
An uncle was an artist in Dikranagert at age 14. Barooshian was inspired by
him. "My father felt I should pursue art," he recalled. "I did a lot of
doodling in grammar school and kids were fascinated by it."

He began taking advanced classes as a teenager at the Art Institute of
Boston and took additional courses at Boston’s Museum of Fine Arts which
features a Barooshian piece.
He wound up teaching art for 35 years in New York before retiring in 1992.
Now, he does it strictly for pleasure. If a piece sells, even better. You
can review his work at

Why abstract?
"I find academic art to be quite boring," he says. "The highest price in art
today tends to be modern. Leonardo daVinci and Michelangelo were inventive
in their own styles. My art takes longer than people realize."

Since joining the church last winter, the Barooshians have become regular
attendants and have quickly acclimated themselves into parish life. Mary
also bides her time as a piano instructor and joined the Ladies Guild. She’s
approaching 50 years as an ARS member.
"We enjoy the friendliness of the congregation and Der Hayr Kassabian’s
sermons," said Martin. "We’re looking forward to growing more active in the
Armenian community. The people here are very accepting."

***

Profile: Martin Barooshian

Born: Chelsea, Mass., 1929

Studied: Boston Museum of Fine Arts; Gaston Dorfinant, Paris; independently
in Europe and the Middle East; Tufts University, BS, 1953; Boston
University, MA, Art History, 1958; New York State Education Department,
India, summer 1973

Honors: Full tuition scholarships, Museum of Fine Arts; first prize
graphics, Boit Summer Competition; Albert H. Whitin Travelling Fellowship
for Study in Europe; Master Teacher Grant, New York State Education
Department; president, Society of American Graphic Artists; vice-president,
United States Committee, International Association of Art.

One-man shows: South Bend Art Center, Indiana; Honolulu Academy of Art,
Hawaii; Currier Gallery of Art, New Hampshire; University of New Hampshire;
Atelier 7, California; Montreal Museum of Art, Canada; Gropper Art Gallery,
Massachusetts; Fairleigh-Dickenson University, New Jersey; Boston City Hall;
New Hampshire Museum of Art & Science; Prestige Gallery, Massachusetts

Collections: Boston Museum of Fine Arts; New York Museum of Modern Art; New
York Metropolitan Museum; Currier Gallery of Art; New York Public Library;
Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Lincoln Center Museum of Performing
Arts, New York City; Boston Public Library; Montreal Museum of Fine Arts;
National Gallery of Modern Art, New Delhi, India.

—————————————— ——————————

8. ‘Portraits of Hope’ Offers a Slice of Life for Some, a Call to Reality
for Others
By Andy Turpin

If the Armenian community is lucky, people will take notice of Portraits of
Hope: Armenians in the Contemporary World the next time they’re killing time
in their local bookstore. If the community is blessed, maybe someone in the
State Department will have it under their desk to ponder over in analysis
meetings, helping to shape pragmatic foreign policies somewhere.

These are pipe dreams, but Portraits of Hope is certainly a well-put
together and edited compendium of Armenian socio-political and cultural
essays from German editor Huberta Von Voss. And it has a great deal to offer
both the educated and altruistic reader alike about the passionate and
fatalistic woven threads that compose Armenian life and identity today.

With essays ranging from political analytic breakdowns in the early
foundation chapters, to shorter generalized humanist sketches on prominent
Armenian figures in the fields of religion, music, movies, art, education,
activism and government, there’s something for everyone.

In the first survey essay, the author captures the Republic of Armenia thus:
"’Only tribes will survive!’ In the poverty of Armenian society it becomes a
survival tactic. Without being part of a network of social or tribal
relations, without practicing the Latin motto do, ut des (I give, so that
you give), without nepotism, the buying of offices, and bribery, no one in
Armenia can keep his head above water."

Professor Taner Akcam’s contribution, titled "The Turkish Denial of the
Armenian Genocide in Its European Context," comprehensively illustrates the
logistics and psychology of the Turkish denial system. Yet, he notes the
deficiencies in the Armenian activist apparatus when he writes about
genocide recognition and identity politics: "Yet another reason for the
persistence of monolithic stereotyped images, is the parties [Turkish and
Armenian] are more interested in hanging on to the problem than in solving
it. Both sides, particularly in their nationalist circles, have developed
their points of view and their identity in opposition to an imagined enemy."

Von Voss herself writes the essay on recently slain journalist Hrant Dink,
titled "Hrant Dink, Editor-in Chief." Summing up the many contributions Dink
made to Armenian journalism, she quotes his agreement with Akcam in matters
of overt nationalist politics and retroactive stances: "You fell a tree and
any number of people water the dead trunk with their tears," Dink is quoted
as saying. "Only a handful kneel and dig down in the ground to find roots
and new sprouts. I’m more of this last group. It’s these roots that will one
day grow and propagate the tree’s life. The diaspora looks at the past as a
nostalgic element of their identity. Instead, we see in history a
determining factor of our future."
In the Arts segment of the book, the essays are dedicated to filmmaker Atom
Egoyan, singer Charles Aznavour and the late Armenian street accordionist of
Istanbul Madame Anahit, among others.

Many of Egoyan’s films are understated or disregarded by Armenian audiences,
but all have themes that are underlined in this part of his identity. Egoyan
essayist Ian Balfour writes: "Virtually every film by Egoyan is shaped by
trauma or loss, their specters and their prospects. . Egoyan’s preoccupation
with loss derives, I think, not from some morbid fascination or some
irremediable melancholy but from a sense that loss, and even fear of loss,
is crucial to how people experience and conceive of the shapes of their
lives."

Madame Anahit best sums up herself, and to a rhetorical extent her
Armenian-ness, when she quips, "I’m prominent, but I have a hole in my
pocket."

Other provocative chapters visit the Armenian Mekitarist monks on the isle
of San Lazzaro near cosmopolitan Venice, who cloister and dedicate
themselves to God and languages. Von Voss writes this chapter as well and
describes her experience at monastery. "Whoever does not master Ancient
Armenian, Greek, Latin and, if possible, Persian and Arabic-let alone modern
tongues like Italian, French, and English-has always been, and is, in the
wrong place here," she writes. "There are over 4,500 manuscripts in the
sacred halls, many still awaiting their scientific elaboration."
She ends by noting, "The monks at San Lazzaro see themselves as the
depositaries of Armenian culture and history. But they also want to be a
bridge between Eastern and Western culture."

Two interesting and polarizing figures are also represented in the chapters:
the Armenian ambassador to the OSCE Jivan Tabibian, and the late Armenian
Karabakh War hero Monte Melkonian. Tabibian, a staunch "bootstraps"
individualist and co-founder of the Sundance Film festival with actor Robert
Redford, tells of his current dealings with Turkish diplomats: "I win over
the younger ones because they see I have complexes about being Armenian. I
don’t hand my identity to anyone."

He is gruff and open about his Armenian identity yet scathing in his views
of some communities like Beirut. "We never lived in Bourj Hammoud. I don’t
need any ghetto to protect my identity," he says.

In contrast, Michael Krikorian writes about the now legendary but
short-lived career of Melkonian from his years as a volunteer fighter in
Beirut to his death in 1993. At one point, Melkonian’s wife Seta recalls
romantically, "We didn’t have any money. The FBI, Interpol, ASALA, they were
all after us. We never stayed in one place very long. We were crossing
borders. Selling Pepsi Cola bottles to buy bread. Sleeping on floors. God
those were the good old days."

Other chapters focus on less known Armenian communities, such as those in
Argentina and Uruguay, and on the youth and cultural integration. As a
Buenos Aires Armenian schoolteacher relates: "To be Argentine and feel
Armenian is no longer a contradiction. Whereas the immigrant generation
preserved its Armenian identity intact and refused, or was unable, to
integrate, the intermediate generation felt undecided with regard to the two
nationalities. For present-day youth this conflict no longer exists."

Portraits of Hope achieves at what it set out to be: a sketchbook of world
Armenians, "warts and all." And it should be welcomed as such by readers.

—————————————- ——————————–

9. Poetry

TIME OF DELIVERY

All by myself in the loft of an inn,
I embarked on my life’s grandest journey.
Denied a life by the world, my soul set sail,
With pride, for the vast treasury of its essence.

It was wet and windy. Death arose and
Sank In colossal waves. Melodious voices
Of heavenly tidings drew ever nearer. It was
Holy Autumn. Oh, sacred moments of labor!

On stage, the forest rendered its feral clamor
Of the Big City. The rustlings lulled me.
That year of unemployment and misery,
A gale of bitter rancor forged what I am.

Dissolving in the fog, the houses, unbounded,
Expanded their floors with outlandish stories.
There was magic, there was bliss and compassion
Within the smoke of that smoldering holocaust.

On the rooftops, gnawing on masticated
Shadows, radiating waves spilled pure silk.
My soul reached its unrevealed treasures,
Diving deep into its own disturbed space.

Fog. fog.and heart-rending miasma
Of alienation! . All at once the stairs
Of my rooftop abode crumbled,
Leaving me facing the abyss.

A sphinx-like metallic cornice
Ambled all around my cell.
A billion mites rained down
Gnawing holes in yearnings, hopes.

My endless, mind-bending stairs
Leaned on a sagging spider-web.
In that vast, vacant universe
Death stalked like an arachnid.

Yet, rising up that cold acrid chasm,
Where all lands fused together,
A fatherland was unfolding
In front of my cell in exile.

A soul-lifting flame of fatigue.
Fear gave me vigor, gave me wings
And my heart – all decked out –
Filled that void with itself,

——- Nigoghos Sarafian

Translated by Tatul Sonentz

***

SERENE AND SLOW.

I set the night-colored flowers
On the hem of your florid quilt-
All dream-hued flowers
Plucked in the dark of night.

I give the white, colorless flowers
To your vibrant dream,
For you to sleep in peace on the white sheet,
Serene as a jasmine.

Do you see
How ‘uneventful life’
Changes with love?
How you, woman,
Are blooming again,
Slow.
Slow.
Slow.

——- Varand

Translated by Tatul Sonentz

***

(c) 2007 Armenian Weekly On-Line. All Rights Reserved.

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