March: 24, 2026
On March 16, Pashinyan confirmed our information. Has the verbal agreement with Aliyev already been reached? article: published, where we referred to the possible public display of weapons acquired after 2022 in May.
Moreover, Nikol Pashinyan justified this idea by the fact that the state debt has increased because they also bought weapons, so they decided to present a public report to the public in the near future so that citizens can see what it is about.
Accordingly, on March 18, we sent a written request to the Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia to find out how much the state debt increased just for the purchase of weapons, or how much money was spent on the purchase of new and modern weapons after 2022. This is especially for him, because in November 2025, Pashinyan said: “8 billion foreign debt has increased, what did we do, we bought weapons”, and 168.am wrote, that months before the war, the head of the General Staff of the RA Armed Forces, Onik Gasparyan, suggested to Pashinyan that “in general, 8 billion US dollars were needed to solve the problems facing the armed forces”, which was not taken into account, and even in the case of another General Staff, the proposal to solve some problems with a smaller amount than this.
But in its response within 5 days, the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Armenia refused to provide the requested information in this regard, based on Article 8, Clause 1, Sub-Clause 1 of the RA Law “On Freedom of Information” and the Government of the Republic of Armenia dated 11.01.2024. The requirements of Clause 15 of Resolution N5Z-N, as well as Clause 172 of Order N 797-Л of the Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia dated May 16, 2024 “On Approving the Expanded Departmental List of Encrypted Information of the RA Defense System”.
And this is the case when Nikol Pashinyan announced last year in November.
“Did we buy weapons on debt? Yes, we bought weapons on debt. Why, because we needed a lot and all at once… You don’t believe that you have the right? I say, let’s take it, show it, we can also stick price tags on it, which is what it costs.”
By the way, we got acquainted with the samples of new weapons in a closed format, there were no price tags.
We asked the Ministry of Defense to tell us how much money was spent on the purchase of weapons in 2019, as Pashinyan announced at the time that In 2019, the armed forces acquired an unprecedented amount of weapons and ammunition.
In addition, taking into account the fact that until today there are various rumors about the price of Su-30SM multi-purpose aircraft (without the missiles mentioned by Pashinyan) and Osa-AK anti-aircraft missile complexes, we asked Suren Papikyan to provide information: how much was paid for 4 Su-30s, and how much for Osa-AKs? However, the provision of this information was also refused.
It should be noted that Andranik Kocharyan, the chairman of the Standing Committee on Defense and Security Affairs of the National Assembly, has more than once “name pasted” also to the weapons bought during Pashinyan’s rule, saying. “We had wrong acquisitions of weapons. I sent the information collected by the Investigative Commission, a huge package, to the Prosecutor General of RA.”
It’s a different question, how objective and how subjective are his claims.
By the way, Andranik Kocharyan, who headed the 44-day investigative commission, seems to have decided to focus on these topics again and through this to remind the former military leaders who still left some of his statements unanswered. Let’s wait for further developments.
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RFE/RL – Armenian Podcaster Shifted From House Arrest To ‘Administrative Super
A lower court in Yerevan has approved a defense motion placing indicted opposition podcaster Narek Samsonian under “administrative supervision,” just over a month after an appeals court ordered his transfer from pre-trial detention to house arrest.
Attorney Ruben Melikian said the measure includes restrictions on Samsonian’s public speech.
Samsonian and his co-host on the Imnemnimi podcast, Vazgen Saghatelian, were jailed in November for verbally abusing Parliament Speaker Alen Simonian in response to his insults.
Simonian branded the two podcasters as “sons of a b*tch” when he commented on their seven-hour interview with former President Serzh Sarkisian broadcast live on YouTube earlier that month. They responded to him with offensive language.
The speaker affiliated with the ruling Civil Contract party demanded criminal proceedings against them, saying that they not only insulted but also threatened him. Two days later, officers of Armenia’s National Security Service demonstratively detained the podcasters, searching their homes and their studio in the process. Another law-enforcement agency, the Investigative Committee, swiftly charged them with hooliganism.
The two vocal critics of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian continued to strongly deny the accusation when they went on trial on January 9. Samsonian announced his hunger strike in the courtroom right after the presiding judge extended his and Saghatelian’s arrest by three months.
The Court of Appeals overturned that extension in February, granting Samsonian house arrest, ten days after he underwent surgery in a hospital in Yerevan following a two-week hunger strike in prison. Samsonian stopped refusing food in late January after prison authorities reluctantly allowed his transfer to the Izmirlian Medical Center in the Armenian capital.
Earlier this month, a coalition of Western press freedom groups for the first time included Armenia on its list of countries in wider Europe jailing journalists or other media figures. In doing so, the Platform for the Safety of Journalists cited the pre-trial detention of the two Armenian podcasters.
Dozens of other critics of Pashinian, including an opposition mayor and three archbishops of the Armenian Apostolic Church, have also been arrested in recent months in what the Armenian opposition calls a pre-election government crackdown on dissent. The authorities deny that they are political prisoners.
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Accused scammers busted in $17 million identity theft ring lived lavish life i
Katie Jerkovich, Ben Chapman
New York Post
An accused scammer busted in a $17 million identity theft ring lived a lavish life in a gleaming North Hollywood mansion where he swindled millions out of wealthy elderly victims, prosecutors said.
FBI agents swarmed the Valley Village mansion of accused fraudster, Amen Vardevaryan, who allegedly worked with an identity-theft syndicate led by an illegal Iranian migrant to steal $17 million from wealthy Los Angeles homeowners.
The Post had a front-row seat to the action early Thursday morning, as agents moved in to arrest Vardevaryan, by blasting his stately white home with blinding spotlights.
Vardevaryan, a.k.a. “Gonch,” emerged from his home barefoot in pajamas and surrendered himself to FBI agents wearing flack vests and clutching assault rifles. He’s charged with eight counts of fraud.
The accused scammer has owned the home since 1997, according to property records. Before and after images online show what the home looked like before the house underwent major renovations in 2020.
The home previously contained a metal gate with stone columns dividing it from the other homes on the block.
Situated in the San Fernando Valley, the home built in 1979, is now a gleaming mansion after the remodel.
Images from Thursday’s bust show the walled-off home with a white and black fence surrounding it, painted in similar colors and looking very different after being remodeled.
The three-bed, three-bath home has a total living space of more than 2,350 square feet. It sits on a 6,000 square foot lot in Los Angeles County, where the cost of a square foot is nearly $600, according to Zillow. It is valued at more than $1.3 million dollars if it were to go on the market today.
Several Range Rovers were also parked out front of the home where investigators said Vardevaryan, 55, and 11 other alleged crooks — including an Iranian national wanted for deportation — stole $17 million from elderly LA property owners by taking their identities and applying for loans, using the properties as collateral.
Ringleaders Arnold Moradians, 57, and Nazaret Chakrian, 65, stole the identities of rich elderly victims who owned properties in Santa Monica, Hollywood, the Hollywood Hills and beyond before turning the information over to their associates, including Vardevaryan, prosecutors said.
Other suspects were arrested in eight other raids without incident.
The accused scammers face federal charges for fraud, money laundering and identity theft. Those arrested were being processed by officers at the Glendale Police Department Thursday morning.
Federal prosecutors say the alleged scammers stole the identities of elderly victims, used the information to obtain title reports for their homes and then solicited $17 million in hard money loans from private lenders secured by the victims’ properties.
The alleged crimes began in 2021 and continued at least through 2023.
“There is no shortage of massive fraud occurring within California,” said First Assistant U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli, LA’s top federal prosecutor. “Today’s operation represents one of many sophisticated schemes used by criminals.”
If convicted, the defendants face a maximum sentence of 20 years in federal prison for each count of fraud and money laundering.
Trump’s five-day energy war pause is a transition phase, it can evolve
March: 23, 2026
US President Donald Trump, who 24 hours ago gave the Islamic Republic of Iran 48 hours to unblock the Strait of Hormuz, seems to have retreated from his ultimatum.
Trump announced that he had ordered a five-day halt to military targeting of Iran’s energy infrastructure. On his Truth Social page, US President Donald Trump wrote that he is happy to announce that the United States of America and Iran have held very good and effective negotiations over the last two days on a full and complete settlement of hostilities in the Middle East. Trump also noted that he ordered the US armed forces to postpone the attacks on the energy infrastructure of the country for 5 days.
“Based on the spirit and tone of these deep, detailed and constructive conversations, which will continue throughout the week, I have directed the Department of Defense to delay for five days all military strikes against Iran’s power plants and energy infrastructure, contingent on the success of ongoing meetings and discussions,” he wrote.
It became known that there was also a telephone conversation between Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Aragchi, during which Sergey Lavrov emphasized the inadmissibility of strikes on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure, including the Bushehr nuclear power plant, which create unacceptable risks and are full of catastrophic environmental consequences for all countries.
Trump’s announcement was followed by anonymous postings in Iranian media and Telegram channels.
Tasnim, referring to a high-ranking security official, announced.
“No negotiations have been proposed or held. The Strait of Hormuz will not return to its former state, and energy markets will not stabilize.” Another statement was circulated, citing an Iranian Foreign Ministry official, that there will be no talks between Tehran and Washington, and that Trump’s statements are an attempt to lower energy prices and buy time to implement military programs.
There have also been reports that there have been no direct talks, but that Iran has held talks with Middle Eastern partners, agreeing to change the status of the Strait of Hormuz for some partners. However, in general, Iran maintains the logic of continuing the war and advancing its preconditions in the propaganda domain.
168.amin a conversation with Russian orientalist Viktor Nadein-Raevsky said that the content of Trump’s statements changes very quickly, so it takes time to understand their long-term and substantive nature. He believes that Donald Trump’s decision at first glance can be perceived as an attempt to de-escalate the war against Iran.
However, according to him, according to everything, we are not dealing with tension reduction, but with the mechanism of parallel application of pressure and negotiation, which will allow to weaken the intensity of military strikes at the same time.
“The energy crisis that broke out in the world as a result of Iran’s actions is a problem for the United States, which cannot be denied or underestimated. Therefore, with ultimatums and negotiation attempts, the US administration is trying to ease the situation in that area, at the same time to gain time and position itself well.
The pause announced by Washington seems to be an opportunity to start a diplomatic process, but Iran, for its part, seems to deny the fact of direct negotiations, which shows that the contacts between the parties, if they even exist, are not public and mediated. Even if they exist, Iran treats them with great suspicion and mistrust, evaluating the previous two negative experiences of negotiations with the USA. Iran no longer trusts negotiations with the US. Iran understands that Iran’s pressures are yielding certain results, so it is trying to strengthen the position of the dictator.
Tehran’s information response is also predictable. The Iranian side presents the created situation as the result of a good resistance, stressing that Washington had to back down from its threats. This is an important message for a country waging a war, as it allows maintaining the strength of resistance under external pressure,” said Victor Nadein-Raevsky.
He believes that the five-day pause is a transition phase that can develop in different directions, but the most likely scenario is a controlled escalation. “In other words, the parties can continue the military and political confrontation, but try to avoid such strikes that could lead to unpredictable global consequences. The diplomatic window is opening, but it is extremely narrow and temporary. This is also evidenced by the emphasis of the US president that the targeting of energy infrastructures is stopped.
Summing up, it can be said that Trump’s decision does not symbolize a resolution of the conflict or a real de-escalation. It is a strategic pause, the aim of which is to simultaneously reduce international pressure and control economic risks. However, Iran sees success in all of this, perhaps there is some truth in it, but it is too early to make final predictions, because I think this is an intermediate, transitional stage for better positioning,” Victor Nadein-Raevsky said.
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Pentagon seeks over $200 billion in budget request for Iran war – WaPo
The Pentagon has asked the White House to approve a more than $200 billion request to the U.S. Congress to fund the war in Iran, the Washington Post reported citing a senior administration official.
The figure would far surpass the cost of the U.S. military campaign against Iran to date and is intended to urgently expand production of critical weapons depleted since the U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran started on Feb. 28, the report said.
It remains unclear how much the White House will ultimately ask Congress to approve, as some administration officials believe the Department of Defense request has little chance of passing, according to the report, which cited a senior Trump administration official speaking on condition of anonymity.
The cost of the U.S. strikes on Iran has rapidly grown, exceeding 11 billion dollars in the first week alone, the report said, citing multiple officials.
Before launching the massive attacks on Iran, U.S. President Donald Trump had proposed a $1.5 trillion defense budget for 2027, a more than 50 per cent increase from the previous year.
It remains unclear how and whether the supplemental may count toward that total, said the report.
The U.S. and Israel launched what they described as a pre-emptive strike against Iran on February 28, claiming that Tehran was developing a nuclear weapon and posed a threat—an allegation Iran has denied. In response, Iran launched counterattacks, firing missiles and drones at Israel, as well as at U.S. assets and other targets across the Middle East.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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“There is inaction, and RA does not exercise its sovereign rights to its own city
March: 19, 2026
Ruben Vardanyan, the former minister of state of Artsakh, who was illegally convicted in Azerbaijan, sounded another alarm the other day, announcing that he tried to contact the human rights defender of Azerbaijan, but did not succeed because the contact was interrupted. He even tried to contact the Ministry of Human Rights of Azerbaijan through a lawyer, again in vain. Regarding all this, the other day through the Ruben Vardanyan family statement had spread.
Siranush Sahakyan, representative and lawyer of Armenian prisoners of war at the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). According to Ruben Vardanyan’s message, it clearly shows the problem that has been raised many times: the absolute isolation of Armenian prisoners, the lack of contact with the outside world, and the lack of effective legal measures.
“All this means that the rights of these persons cannot be protected. Even the local mechanisms, which are meant to protect the rights of persons in closed institutions, become ineffective in the case of ethnic Armenians. This record is not only our approach, but also a judicial record of the ECHR that the Azerbaijani authorities cannot provide protection measures for ethnic Armenians.” 168.amSiranush Sahakyan said in a conversation with
According to him, in the case of Armenian hostages and prisoners, the only mechanism in Baku that could act relatively, and that is, in order to solve humanitarian issues, was the office of the International Committee of the Red Cross. The operation of the office in Baku is currently suspended and discretionary during this time one entry visit took place, within which some humanitarian assistance was provided for the transfer of hygiene items and other items.
Siranush Sahakyan noted that the government of Azerbaijan, having organized the illegal trials, also refuses to give the verdicts to the recipients and their family members.
“All this shows that these trials were fake, they were political processes carried out for other purposes, and by not issuing these verdicts, Azerbaijan is also trying to hinder international legal protection. And here we find ourselves in the domain of violation of new rights,” added the human rights defender.
Our interlocutor emphasized that the only way in these conditions is international involvement, for example, as a result of negotiations, making Red Cross visits regular, which, unfortunately, depends on the will and desire of the Azerbaijani authorities. There may also be the right of consular visit, which is exercised directly by the Republic of Armenia or mediated through a third neutral state.
“I record with great pain that there is inaction here, and the Republic of Armenia does not exercise its sovereign rights towards its own citizens and contributes to the formation of this gap, a vacuum. The great burden falls on the shoulders of human rights defenders, who should be able to present the situation to the international community and make it an agenda in the background of these injustices happening in the world. Of course, this is very difficult, especially when there is no proactive state policy and diplomacy, it is also difficult because human rights problems have become widespread in various sectors. We should also raise the issues of Armenian prisoners, achieve the internationalization of these issues and in that way also reach the solution.
Of course, taking legal protection measures with the involvement of families is also in the discussion stage. At the moment, I cannot say for sure, but I should mention in general terms that families can, under certain circumstances, entrust the protection of the interests of those in Baku and file interstate claims against Azerbaijan through their lawyers,” emphasized Siranush Sahakyan.
Let’s remind that on February 5, it became known that the military and political leadership of Artsakh, except former presidents Arkady Ghukasyan and Bako Sahakyan, were all sentenced to life imprisonment by the Baku military court. Arkadi Ghukasyan and Bako Sahakyan were sentenced to 20 years in prison, taking into account their age.
Let’s also remind that on September 19, 2023, after the war started against Artsakh, Azerbaijan captured the former high-ranking military and political leadership of Artsakh from September 27 under the threat of killing civilians.
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“Armenia-Artsakh” youth union joined the “Offer to Armenia” program
The “Hayastan-Artsakh” Pan-Armenian Youth Union expresses its unconditional support to the “Offer to Armenia” program initiated by Gagik Tsarukyan and, fully sharing its ideas and strategic objectives, declares:
We are ready to support the “Offer to Armenia” program with all our potential.
We are ready to actively participate in the strengthening of the program and implementation of ideas.
We are ready to stand by Gagik Tsarukyan, as he stood by us, helping thousands of young people unite around the “Hayastan-Artsakh” Pan-Armenian Youth Union and implement our plans.
Guaranteed peace is the formula for confidence and staying in the homeland for the young generation.
We highly appreciate Gagik Tsarukyan’s support to Artsakh youth. Being by our side in a difficult time will never be forgotten.
For young people, a peaceful, safe and economically stable Armenia means decent and quality education.
work corresponding to the profession,
competitive salary, a realistic opportunity to purchase an apartment, clear and accessible mechanisms for starting business activities with state support.
We join the “Offer to Armenia” program and put forward our program proposals.
1. Systematic involvement of young people educated in military-industrial and strategic fields,
continuous development of knowledge and skills, expansion of international experience exchange programs,
2. Implementation of long-term state psychological and social support programs for displaced youth from Artsakh.
3. Systemic compatibility of education and labor market
4. Revision of educational programs in order to adapt them to the demands of the labor market
5. Promotion of youth entrepreneurship
6. Provision of interest-free or preferential credit instruments and targeted grants,
7. Creation of remote work and innovative tablets in regions
8. Expanding involvement in civic and political decision-making
9. Formation of youth advisory bodies in state structures.
We are ready to use our youth energy and knowledge for the implementation of the “Offer to Armenia” project.
“Hayastan-Artsakh” Pan-Armenian Youth Union
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Raffi Hovhannisyan is going to the elections
“Heritage” party will take part in the June parliamentary elections. Raffi Hovhannisyan, the chairman of the party, announced this.
He noted that it is not worth burdening the field with separate participations, especially since he does not suffer from the burden of being a candidate for the prime minister. But at the moment there is no clarification as to which force the “Heritage” party will join.
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Is Armenia’s ‘strategic brand’ of democracy at risk?
With critics alleging democracy in Armenia is under attack, is its status as the country’s strategic brand coming to an end?
In a controversial press briefing in August 2025, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan re-iterated that his government would not continue the Karabakh movement.
‘If citizens disagree, I call on them to initiate a revolution․ I assume I am the first prime minister in history to call on citizens to launch a revolution against an official strategy they oppose’, he said.
Since the 2018 Velvet Revolution, through which he came to power, Pashinyan has consistently framed ‘democracy’ as Armenia’s brand and strategic choice.
Pashinyan has repeatedly described democracy as his government’s key achievement, arguing that the December 2018 parliamentary elections were the first in Armenia’s history whose results were not contested. Prior to 2018, however, elections were widely criticised for fraud, corruption, and political repression — claims Pashinyan himself articulated in parliament, describing systematic falsification through administrative pressure, intimidation, and vote-buying. Pashinyan was imprisoned in 2009–2011 over the 2008 post-election protests, a case later recognised by the European Court of Human Rights as politically motivated. International assessments from Human Rights Watch and Freedom House during this period similarly documented excessive force against protesters, restrictions on media, and Armenia’s classification as only partly free.
Speaking at the Armenian Forum for Democracy in 2023, Pashinyan reiterated that democracy was Armenia’s ‘brand and conscious political strategy, not a coincidence’. He also declared: ‘There is no internal threat to democracy in Armenia. All threats are external, linked to our security challenges’.
Pashinyan has also consistently emphasised that democracy should not depend solely on the will of individual leaders, but instead must be embedded in state institutions. He has linked this institutional approach to broader reforms, stating that democracy is closely connected to the quality and accessibility of education. Pashinyan has also tied it to economic growth, claiming that high growth rates were possible ‘because of democracy, free competition, and liberalisation’.
Pashinyan has taken pains to highlight Armenia’s progress under the EU’s Eastern Partnership programme — indeed, independent sources have recognised the country as a leader in areas such as establishing an independent judiciary, implementing anti-corruption measures, and safeguarding electoral rights and freedom of assembly — even under challenging conditions.
Yet, while Pashinyan continues to present democracy as Armenia’s strategic choice and ‘brand’, recent developments have fueled debates about whether democratic standards are genuinely safeguarded in practice. Controversies around what critics allege are political prosecutions, restrictions on media, and limitations on free speech have also raised questions about the country’s institutional resilience.
Rule of Law and the judiciary
Whether democracy truly remains Armenia’s ‘brand’ depends on how its core institutions function in practice, starting with the judiciary.
‘It is very important that democratic elections and democracy in turn lead to the establishment of democratic institutions. Without this, it is impossible to make democracy institutional’, Pashinyan stated at the 2023 Armenian Forum for Democracy. At the same time, he admitted that Armenia faces ‘very serious challenges with regard to the independence of the judiciary’, stressing that the rule of law remains a ‘fundamental condition’ for democracy to take root.
In its 2025 report, Freedom House noted that Armenia’s ongoing anti-corruption and judicial reforms made little progress. Successful prosecutions of high-ranking officials remained extremely rare, and law enforcement agencies largely failed to respond to media reports regarding officials’ declared assets. In November, the head of the Supreme Judicial Council (SJC) and five other senior officials resigned at the prime minister’s request, raising concerns about judicial independence.
The report further highlighted systemic political influence over the courts and pervasive corruption within judicial institutions. Judges reportedly face pressure to cooperate with prosecutors to secure convictions, and acquittal rates remain extremely low.
Artur Sakunts, head of the Vanadzor office of the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly, told OC Media that the problem is systemic.
‘The judiciary in Armenia is not independent. The difference is that before 2018 it depended solely on 26 Baghramyan [the president’s residence], whereas now it is dependent on various centres — executive authorities, the opposition, and businesspersons’.
Elections and political freedom
Elections remain at the heart of Armenia’s political life, often revealing both the progress and the limits of its democratic institutions. Pashinyan has consistently underlined that Armenia’s democratic legitimacy rests on free and fair elections. In his words, the electoral system must be the foundation for ensuring ‘citizens’ sense of ownership of political power’.
Although these provisions should provide a solid foundation for democratic governance, Sakunts argues that in practice they do not function effectively.
‘This constitution is a single-party governance constitution’, Sakunts says. ‘Under the previous 2015 Constitution, 17 of the 19 direct powers granted to the president were transferred to the prime minister. But a parliamentary system assumes that the executive operates in coordination with and under the oversight of parliament. In Armenia, that oversight is effectively absent’.
Sakunts notes that, in practice, the political majority can operate without meaningful checks:
‘If the opposition boycotts sessions, it does not in any way prevent the majority from functioning. The minority has neither substantive nor decisive influence. Therefore, the principle of separation of powers and checks and balances does not function’.
Yet, as Armenia prepares for the 2026 parliamentary elections, questions arise not only about the integrity of the vote itself, but also about the broader political climate. Allegations of selective justice and politically motivated arrests have revived public debate around the notion of what constitutes ‘political prisoners’.
Nonetheless, the only case that has been officially recognised outside Armenia as explicitly being an example of politically motivated prosecution is that of Armen Ashotyan, deputy chair of the Republican Party of Armenia — in 2023, during the European People’s Party (EPP) Congress, Ashotyan was formally recognised as a political prisoner.
According to the Investigative Committee, investigations revealed that Ashotyan, while serving as Chair of the Board of Trustees of the Yerevan State Medical University (YSMU) Foundation and as Minister of Education and Science, prompted Rector Mikayel Narimanyan to abuse his official powers. As a result, the YSMU Foundation allegedly suffered damage amounting to ֏39 million ($102,000).
Another case widely referred to as political persecution is that of Russian-Armenian tycoon Samvel Karapetyan, who faces charges of public calls for the violent overthrow of the constitutional order and the usurpation of power. Republican Party figures, including Ashotyan himself, have described Karapetyan as ‘not only a political prisoner, but also a prisoner of conscience’, arguing that he has been deprived of liberty for his religious views and without advocating violence.
Similarly, Levon Kocharyan, a politician and former MP from the opposition Hayastan faction, described Karapetyan’s case as ‘extremely unjust’.
In an interview with Factor TV on 20 June, MP Arsen Torosyan, a leading figure within Civil Contract, stated that Karapetyan, although Armenian, keeps most of his capital in Russia and is ‘under the control of Russian authorities’. Torosyan expressed confidence that Karapetyan’s arrest, if not directed, was at least coordinated with Russian authorities, describing it as a ‘hybrid attack from Russia’ aimed at undermining democracy in Armenia ahead of upcoming elections.
In October, new charges were levelled against Karapetyan for allegedly failing to pay taxes or other mandatory fees, as well as money laundering.
Karapetyan announced the formation of the ‘Mer Dzevov’ (‘Our Way’) movement in August, while in custody. Alik Aleksanyan, a member of the movement’s coordinating council, told journalists that the initiative had grown significantly in recent months, gaining public influence and shaping a new agenda and eventually leading to the creation of a political party — ‘Strong Armenia’, with Karapetyan as the party’s candidate for prime minister. He also suggested that the amendment of Karapetyan’s charges was linked to the movement’s activity and success.
Unlike previous authorities, Sakunts stresses that this government was formed through free and fair elections, yet democracy cannot rely solely on will or enthusiasm․
Media freedom and free speech
Concerns over Armenia’s democratic trajectory also extend beyond political trials. On 22 March 2024, well-known media figures Narek Samsonyan and Vazgen Saghatelyan were detained and charged with hooliganism committed as a group using communication technologies following remarks they made about Pashinyan on their talk show Imnemnimi. The decision to treat critical commentary in a satirical programme as criminal hooliganism drew condemnation from media and opposition circles, who argued that the arrests amounted to a clear infringement of free speech.
The case of the independent daily Aravot has also drawn attention. Since its founding in 1994, the paper has been based in Yerevan’s Press House, but in 2024, the State Property Management Committee ordered it to vacate its office space, citing the termination of a long-standing lease agreement. Aravot, which frequently criticises the government, had sought to renew the contract but was denied.
Freedom House argued that while small, independent, and investigative outlets continue to operate and provide in-depth reporting online, most print and broadcast outlets remain tied to political or commercial interests. Restrictions introduced in 2021, such as limiting journalists’ movement in parliament and border areas, were flagged as steps backward in the reform process. Cases such as the asset freeze against fip.am in 2023, following its reporting on alleged misuse of administrative resources by the ruling party, were seen as troubling indicators of political pressure on independent journalism.
The Reporters Without Borders (RSF) Press Freedom Index 2025 ranked Armenia 34th out of 180 countries. While the ranking places Armenia ahead of many post-Soviet states, RSF stressed that ‘despite a pluralistic environment, the media remain polarised’. The report further warned of ‘an unprecedented level of disinformation and hate speech’, fueled by domestic political tensions, security threats at Armenia’s borders, and the country’s precarious geopolitical position between Russia and the EU.
Shushan Doydoyan, founder and director of Armenia’s Freedom of Information Centre, emphasises that media freedom in Armenia today faces serious challenges across financial, political, and legal domains.
‘Independent media outlets, which are not affiliated with any political party or oligarch, are forced to find ways to continue their operations without sufficient financial resources, Doydoyan tells OC Media.
She stresses that political pressure remains constant:
‘No government likes independent media and constantly tries to exert influence, shaping negative public opinion about their work. Even after the [Velvet] Revolution, this government is no exception; the methods may differ, but the goal is the same — to create an unfavorable environment for independent media’.
Legal regulations on defamation and insults also pose serious challenges.
‘Defamation and insult laws create significant problems for independent media, because the high compensation amounts set by legislation, combined with the not-so-positive judicial practice that continues to develop, put media outlets in very difficult financial situations. A single allegedly defamatory or insulting statement can result in compensation ranging from ֏2 million–֏6 million ($5,000–$15,000) which is extremely burdensome’, she explains.
Under article 1087.1 of the civil code of Armenia, in cases of defamation or insults, a person may seek a public retraction, compensation (up to 2,000 times the minimum wage (֏1,000, or $2.60) for defamation and up to 1,000 times for insults), or a public apology, depending on the specifics of the case.
Doydoyan notes that high-ranking officials often use lawsuits to pressure or silence media outlets, filing multiple cases to suppress critical speech and encourage self-censorship. ‘As members of the political elite, they should not be using judicial retaliation to resolve their issues with the press’, she says.
The frequency of lawsuits filed by high-ranking officials against media outlets is also evident in the Datalex judicial information system. According to data from the Datalex system, since 2020, parliamentary speaker Alen Simonyan has filed a total of 32 civil lawsuits. Seven of these were directed against media organisations, including MediHab LLC, the editorial team of Zhoghovurd daily, and Iravunk Media LLC. In 2025 alone, Simonyan filed seven lawsuits, three of which specifically targeted media outlets. In these cases, the courts awarded compensation of ֏1 million ($2,600) for allegedly defamatory factual claims.
Recently, these lawsuits have targeted not only media outlets but also environmental activists and environmental journalists who attempt to highlight issues in the mining sector. ‘We even see major mining companies regularly filing lawsuits, demanding fines against the same individuals, which shows a growing pattern of legal pressure used to intimidate and control voices raising public interest concerns’, Doydoyan concludes.
Overall, Armenia presents a mixed picture of democracy. While electoral processes exist and some institutional reforms have been implemented, persistent challenges remain. Judicial independence is fragile, and political influence continues to shape legal outcomes. Allegations of political persecution and restrictions on media and civil society indicate that the space for dissent is limited. As Sakunts emphasises: ‘only electoral democracy exists’.
‘Democracy cannot be maintained by will or enthusiasm alone; mechanisms and institutional oversight are necessary.’
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RFE/RL – Fears Of Iranian Refugee Influx Grow In Central Asia As War Intensifi
- By Zamira Eshanova and
- RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service
Two weeks of US-Israeli air strikes have displaced millions inside Iran, raising fears in neighboring countries about a possible refugee spillover that could potentially turn into a humanitarian crisis.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) said it is preparing for potential humanitarian needs in the region, estimating that up to 3.2 million people have been temporarily displaced inside Iran, most of whom are fleeing Tehran, which on March 13 saw one of the heaviest days of bombardment in the conflict so far.
Several of Iran’s neighbors closed their borders at the onset of the air strikes, which started on February 28, and have only sparingly allowed mainly citizens of third countries to cross as they transit home.
With many of Iran’s 90 million inhabitants grappling with whether to flee the country because of the war, Mahir Safarli, the UNHCR’s representative for Central Asia, told RFE/RL in an interview that the agency is ready to respond if the situation escalates.
“Across Central Asia, we are coordinating closely with governments to monitor the situation and respond effectively if humanitarian needs expand,” Safarli said.
As of now, the UNHCR says the flow of refugees is manageable. At the border with Turkey, it estimates that around 1,300 people a day exit Iran. Some days see more returning to Iran than those leaving as they come back to protect their property or because they weren’t able to stay away for long periods due to the cost.
At the border with Armenia, some people leaving Iran said the flow has been stymied by Iranian authorities who are only allowing foreign or dual citizens to leave.
“We have lost everything. Nothing exists in Iran anymore. Unfortunately, things are very difficult,” one Iranian refugee told RFE/RL as they crossed into Armenia to escape the threat of intense air strikes by the US and Israel.
“We were in Bukan (northwestern Iran) yesterday when they hit the governor’s office and leveled it,” said another elderly woman. “The doors and windows of nearby buildings were shattered. Some people were killed and many were wounded. The situation in Iran is not good.”
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Safarli said a cornerstone of the UNHCR’s preparedness is a logistics hub in Termez, southern Uzbekistan, near the border with Afghanistan.
Established in October 2021 during the Afghanistan humanitarian emergency and incorporated into the UNHCR’s global stockpile network in 2025, the hub stores essential relief items — family tents, blankets, sleeping mats, kitchen sets, buckets, jerry cans, and solar lamps.
Order From Ashgabat
While Mahir Safarli told RFE/RL that there have been no major developments on the Iranian-Turkmen border, some Turkmen border officials told RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service that the number of Iranian Turkmen attempting to cross into Turkmenistan is on the rise.
Iran shares one of its longest borders with Turkmenistan, stretching roughly 1,148 kilometers from the Caspian Sea to Afghanistan. According to the UNHCR, all four main border crossings — Sarakhs, Artyk, Howdan, and Altyn Asyr — remain operational, but only for the evacuation of third-country nationals.
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Turkmen border officials said those people attempting to cross are coming from northern Iranian districts with significant Turkmen populations, including Robat, Hasanabad, Gorgan Incheburun, Kerend, Balahi, and parts of Mashhad province.
“Some of the people approaching the border have gone to customs offices and asked for temporary refuge until the air strikes in Iran end,” a Turkmen border official said, speaking on condition of anonymity for security reasons.
“We have received strict orders from Ashgabat not to allow Iranian citizens to cross into Turkmenistan at this time. Our patrols have been reinforced, and we are using drones along the border to monitor the situation.”
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The official also stressed the limitations on Turkmenistan’s capacity.
“Our military capacity is limited. Our economic situation does not even allow us to provide basic necessities, such as bread, for our own citizens. Considering these realities, Turkmenistan is not ready to accept refugees,” the official added
Historically, small numbers of ethnic Turkmens crossed temporarily into Turkmenistan during the Iran–Iraq War and in subsequent decades. The UNHCR and border reports confirm that no ordinary Iranian civilians have been allowed across during the current conflict.
Internal Displacement In Iran
The United Nations says most of those internally displaced in Iran are heading north, away from regions facing heavy bombardment. Families are often forced to rely on relatives, friends, or makeshift community shelters.
The sudden influx of displaced people into northern communities has pushed up demand for food and other essentials in this impoverished and economically isolated region, where residents already report sharp price increases for staples such as cooking oil, flour, and rice, with some items reportedly up to ten times more expensive than before the conflict.
For now, most families remain inside Iran, but Safarli stressed to RFE/RL that neighboring states have obligations to provide protection if refugees begin arriving:
“In Central Asia, Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan have national refugee legislation and established asylum systems,” Safarli told RFE/RL. “UNHCR calls on States to provide access to territory for people in need of international protection to seek asylum, safeguard against refoulement, and ensure due rights and services as people forced to flee.”
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