“Heritage” party will take part in the June parliamentary elections. Raffi Hovhannisyan, the chairman of the party, announced this.
He noted that it is not worth burdening the field with separate participations, especially since he does not suffer from the burden of being a candidate for the prime minister. But at the moment there is no clarification as to which force the “Heritage” party will join.
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With critics alleging democracy in Armenia is under attack, is its status as the country’s strategic brand coming to an end?
In a controversial press briefing in August 2025, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan re-iterated that his government would not continue the Karabakh movement.
‘If citizens disagree, I call on them to initiate a revolution․ I assume I am the first prime minister in history to call on citizens to launch a revolution against an official strategy they oppose’, he said.
Since the 2018 Velvet Revolution, through which he came to power, Pashinyan has consistently framed ‘democracy’ as Armenia’s brand and strategic choice.
Pashinyan has repeatedly described democracy as his government’s key achievement, arguing that the December 2018 parliamentary elections were the first in Armenia’s history whose results were not contested. Prior to 2018, however, elections were widely criticised for fraud, corruption, and political repression — claims Pashinyan himself articulated in parliament, describing systematic falsification through administrative pressure, intimidation, and vote-buying. Pashinyan was imprisoned in 2009–2011 over the 2008 post-election protests, a case later recognised by the European Court of Human Rights as politically motivated. International assessments from Human Rights Watch and Freedom House during this period similarly documented excessive force against protesters, restrictions on media, and Armenia’s classification as only partly free.
Speaking at the Armenian Forum for Democracy in 2023, Pashinyan reiterated that democracy was Armenia’s ‘brand and conscious political strategy, not a coincidence’. He also declared: ‘There is no internal threat to democracy in Armenia. All threats are external, linked to our security challenges’.
Pashinyan has also consistently emphasised that democracy should not depend solely on the will of individual leaders, but instead must be embedded in state institutions. He has linked this institutional approach to broader reforms, stating that democracy is closely connected to the quality and accessibility of education. Pashinyan has also tied it to economic growth, claiming that high growth rates were possible ‘because of democracy, free competition, and liberalisation’.
Pashinyan has taken pains to highlight Armenia’s progress under the EU’s Eastern Partnership programme — indeed, independent sources have recognised the country as a leader in areas such as establishing an independent judiciary, implementing anti-corruption measures, and safeguarding electoral rights and freedom of assembly — even under challenging conditions.
Yet, while Pashinyan continues to present democracy as Armenia’s strategic choice and ‘brand’, recent developments have fueled debates about whether democratic standards are genuinely safeguarded in practice. Controversies around what critics allege are political prosecutions, restrictions on media, and limitations on free speech have also raised questions about the country’s institutional resilience.
Whether democracy truly remains Armenia’s ‘brand’ depends on how its core institutions function in practice, starting with the judiciary.
‘It is very important that democratic elections and democracy in turn lead to the establishment of democratic institutions. Without this, it is impossible to make democracy institutional’, Pashinyan stated at the 2023 Armenian Forum for Democracy. At the same time, he admitted that Armenia faces ‘very serious challenges with regard to the independence of the judiciary’, stressing that the rule of law remains a ‘fundamental condition’ for democracy to take root.
In its 2025 report, Freedom House noted that Armenia’s ongoing anti-corruption and judicial reforms made little progress. Successful prosecutions of high-ranking officials remained extremely rare, and law enforcement agencies largely failed to respond to media reports regarding officials’ declared assets. In November, the head of the Supreme Judicial Council (SJC) and five other senior officials resigned at the prime minister’s request, raising concerns about judicial independence.
The report further highlighted systemic political influence over the courts and pervasive corruption within judicial institutions. Judges reportedly face pressure to cooperate with prosecutors to secure convictions, and acquittal rates remain extremely low.
Artur Sakunts, head of the Vanadzor office of the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly, told OC Media that the problem is systemic.
‘The judiciary in Armenia is not independent. The difference is that before 2018 it depended solely on 26 Baghramyan [the president’s residence], whereas now it is dependent on various centres — executive authorities, the opposition, and businesspersons’.
Elections remain at the heart of Armenia’s political life, often revealing both the progress and the limits of its democratic institutions. Pashinyan has consistently underlined that Armenia’s democratic legitimacy rests on free and fair elections. In his words, the electoral system must be the foundation for ensuring ‘citizens’ sense of ownership of political power’.
Although these provisions should provide a solid foundation for democratic governance, Sakunts argues that in practice they do not function effectively.
‘This constitution is a single-party governance constitution’, Sakunts says. ‘Under the previous 2015 Constitution, 17 of the 19 direct powers granted to the president were transferred to the prime minister. But a parliamentary system assumes that the executive operates in coordination with and under the oversight of parliament. In Armenia, that oversight is effectively absent’.
Sakunts notes that, in practice, the political majority can operate without meaningful checks:
‘If the opposition boycotts sessions, it does not in any way prevent the majority from functioning. The minority has neither substantive nor decisive influence. Therefore, the principle of separation of powers and checks and balances does not function’.
Yet, as Armenia prepares for the 2026 parliamentary elections, questions arise not only about the integrity of the vote itself, but also about the broader political climate. Allegations of selective justice and politically motivated arrests have revived public debate around the notion of what constitutes ‘political prisoners’.
Nonetheless, the only case that has been officially recognised outside Armenia as explicitly being an example of politically motivated prosecution is that of Armen Ashotyan, deputy chair of the Republican Party of Armenia — in 2023, during the European People’s Party (EPP) Congress, Ashotyan was formally recognised as a political prisoner.
According to the Investigative Committee, investigations revealed that Ashotyan, while serving as Chair of the Board of Trustees of the Yerevan State Medical University (YSMU) Foundation and as Minister of Education and Science, prompted Rector Mikayel Narimanyan to abuse his official powers. As a result, the YSMU Foundation allegedly suffered damage amounting to ֏39 million ($102,000).
Another case widely referred to as political persecution is that of Russian-Armenian tycoon Samvel Karapetyan, who faces charges of public calls for the violent overthrow of the constitutional order and the usurpation of power. Republican Party figures, including Ashotyan himself, have described Karapetyan as ‘not only a political prisoner, but also a prisoner of conscience’, arguing that he has been deprived of liberty for his religious views and without advocating violence.
Similarly, Levon Kocharyan, a politician and former MP from the opposition Hayastan faction, described Karapetyan’s case as ‘extremely unjust’.
In an interview with Factor TV on 20 June, MP Arsen Torosyan, a leading figure within Civil Contract, stated that Karapetyan, although Armenian, keeps most of his capital in Russia and is ‘under the control of Russian authorities’. Torosyan expressed confidence that Karapetyan’s arrest, if not directed, was at least coordinated with Russian authorities, describing it as a ‘hybrid attack from Russia’ aimed at undermining democracy in Armenia ahead of upcoming elections.
In October, new charges were levelled against Karapetyan for allegedly failing to pay taxes or other mandatory fees, as well as money laundering.
Karapetyan announced the formation of the ‘Mer Dzevov’ (‘Our Way’) movement in August, while in custody. Alik Aleksanyan, a member of the movement’s coordinating council, told journalists that the initiative had grown significantly in recent months, gaining public influence and shaping a new agenda and eventually leading to the creation of a political party — ‘Strong Armenia’, with Karapetyan as the party’s candidate for prime minister. He also suggested that the amendment of Karapetyan’s charges was linked to the movement’s activity and success.
Unlike previous authorities, Sakunts stresses that this government was formed through free and fair elections, yet democracy cannot rely solely on will or enthusiasm․
Concerns over Armenia’s democratic trajectory also extend beyond political trials. On 22 March 2024, well-known media figures Narek Samsonyan and Vazgen Saghatelyan were detained and charged with hooliganism committed as a group using communication technologies following remarks they made about Pashinyan on their talk show Imnemnimi. The decision to treat critical commentary in a satirical programme as criminal hooliganism drew condemnation from media and opposition circles, who argued that the arrests amounted to a clear infringement of free speech.
The case of the independent daily Aravot has also drawn attention. Since its founding in 1994, the paper has been based in Yerevan’s Press House, but in 2024, the State Property Management Committee ordered it to vacate its office space, citing the termination of a long-standing lease agreement. Aravot, which frequently criticises the government, had sought to renew the contract but was denied.
Freedom House argued that while small, independent, and investigative outlets continue to operate and provide in-depth reporting online, most print and broadcast outlets remain tied to political or commercial interests. Restrictions introduced in 2021, such as limiting journalists’ movement in parliament and border areas, were flagged as steps backward in the reform process. Cases such as the asset freeze against fip.am in 2023, following its reporting on alleged misuse of administrative resources by the ruling party, were seen as troubling indicators of political pressure on independent journalism.
The Reporters Without Borders (RSF) Press Freedom Index 2025 ranked Armenia 34th out of 180 countries. While the ranking places Armenia ahead of many post-Soviet states, RSF stressed that ‘despite a pluralistic environment, the media remain polarised’. The report further warned of ‘an unprecedented level of disinformation and hate speech’, fueled by domestic political tensions, security threats at Armenia’s borders, and the country’s precarious geopolitical position between Russia and the EU.
Shushan Doydoyan, founder and director of Armenia’s Freedom of Information Centre, emphasises that media freedom in Armenia today faces serious challenges across financial, political, and legal domains.
‘Independent media outlets, which are not affiliated with any political party or oligarch, are forced to find ways to continue their operations without sufficient financial resources, Doydoyan tells OC Media.
She stresses that political pressure remains constant:
‘No government likes independent media and constantly tries to exert influence, shaping negative public opinion about their work. Even after the [Velvet] Revolution, this government is no exception; the methods may differ, but the goal is the same — to create an unfavorable environment for independent media’.
Legal regulations on defamation and insults also pose serious challenges.
‘Defamation and insult laws create significant problems for independent media, because the high compensation amounts set by legislation, combined with the not-so-positive judicial practice that continues to develop, put media outlets in very difficult financial situations. A single allegedly defamatory or insulting statement can result in compensation ranging from ֏2 million–֏6 million ($5,000–$15,000) which is extremely burdensome’, she explains.
Under article 1087.1 of the civil code of Armenia, in cases of defamation or insults, a person may seek a public retraction, compensation (up to 2,000 times the minimum wage (֏1,000, or $2.60) for defamation and up to 1,000 times for insults), or a public apology, depending on the specifics of the case.
Doydoyan notes that high-ranking officials often use lawsuits to pressure or silence media outlets, filing multiple cases to suppress critical speech and encourage self-censorship. ‘As members of the political elite, they should not be using judicial retaliation to resolve their issues with the press’, she says.
The frequency of lawsuits filed by high-ranking officials against media outlets is also evident in the Datalex judicial information system. According to data from the Datalex system, since 2020, parliamentary speaker Alen Simonyan has filed a total of 32 civil lawsuits. Seven of these were directed against media organisations, including MediHab LLC, the editorial team of Zhoghovurd daily, and Iravunk Media LLC. In 2025 alone, Simonyan filed seven lawsuits, three of which specifically targeted media outlets. In these cases, the courts awarded compensation of ֏1 million ($2,600) for allegedly defamatory factual claims.
Recently, these lawsuits have targeted not only media outlets but also environmental activists and environmental journalists who attempt to highlight issues in the mining sector. ‘We even see major mining companies regularly filing lawsuits, demanding fines against the same individuals, which shows a growing pattern of legal pressure used to intimidate and control voices raising public interest concerns’, Doydoyan concludes.
Overall, Armenia presents a mixed picture of democracy. While electoral processes exist and some institutional reforms have been implemented, persistent challenges remain. Judicial independence is fragile, and political influence continues to shape legal outcomes. Allegations of political persecution and restrictions on media and civil society indicate that the space for dissent is limited. As Sakunts emphasises: ‘only electoral democracy exists’.
‘Democracy cannot be maintained by will or enthusiasm alone; mechanisms and institutional oversight are necessary.’
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Two weeks of US-Israeli air strikes have displaced millions inside Iran, raising fears in neighboring countries about a possible refugee spillover that could potentially turn into a humanitarian crisis.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) said it is preparing for potential humanitarian needs in the region, estimating that up to 3.2 million people have been temporarily displaced inside Iran, most of whom are fleeing Tehran, which on March 13 saw one of the heaviest days of bombardment in the conflict so far.
Several of Iran’s neighbors closed their borders at the onset of the air strikes, which started on February 28, and have only sparingly allowed mainly citizens of third countries to cross as they transit home.
With many of Iran’s 90 million inhabitants grappling with whether to flee the country because of the war, Mahir Safarli, the UNHCR’s representative for Central Asia, told RFE/RL in an interview that the agency is ready to respond if the situation escalates.
“Across Central Asia, we are coordinating closely with governments to monitor the situation and respond effectively if humanitarian needs expand,” Safarli said.
As of now, the UNHCR says the flow of refugees is manageable. At the border with Turkey, it estimates that around 1,300 people a day exit Iran. Some days see more returning to Iran than those leaving as they come back to protect their property or because they weren’t able to stay away for long periods due to the cost.
At the border with Armenia, some people leaving Iran said the flow has been stymied by Iranian authorities who are only allowing foreign or dual citizens to leave.
“We have lost everything. Nothing exists in Iran anymore. Unfortunately, things are very difficult,” one Iranian refugee told RFE/RL as they crossed into Armenia to escape the threat of intense air strikes by the US and Israel.
“We were in Bukan (northwestern Iran) yesterday when they hit the governor’s office and leveled it,” said another elderly woman. “The doors and windows of nearby buildings were shattered. Some people were killed and many were wounded. The situation in Iran is not good.”
Safarli said a cornerstone of the UNHCR’s preparedness is a logistics hub in Termez, southern Uzbekistan, near the border with Afghanistan.
Established in October 2021 during the Afghanistan humanitarian emergency and incorporated into the UNHCR’s global stockpile network in 2025, the hub stores essential relief items — family tents, blankets, sleeping mats, kitchen sets, buckets, jerry cans, and solar lamps.
While Mahir Safarli told RFE/RL that there have been no major developments on the Iranian-Turkmen border, some Turkmen border officials told RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service that the number of Iranian Turkmen attempting to cross into Turkmenistan is on the rise.
Iran shares one of its longest borders with Turkmenistan, stretching roughly 1,148 kilometers from the Caspian Sea to Afghanistan. According to the UNHCR, all four main border crossings — Sarakhs, Artyk, Howdan, and Altyn Asyr — remain operational, but only for the evacuation of third-country nationals.
Turkmen border officials said those people attempting to cross are coming from northern Iranian districts with significant Turkmen populations, including Robat, Hasanabad, Gorgan Incheburun, Kerend, Balahi, and parts of Mashhad province.
“Some of the people approaching the border have gone to customs offices and asked for temporary refuge until the air strikes in Iran end,” a Turkmen border official said, speaking on condition of anonymity for security reasons.
“We have received strict orders from Ashgabat not to allow Iranian citizens to cross into Turkmenistan at this time. Our patrols have been reinforced, and we are using drones along the border to monitor the situation.”
The official also stressed the limitations on Turkmenistan’s capacity.
“Our military capacity is limited. Our economic situation does not even allow us to provide basic necessities, such as bread, for our own citizens. Considering these realities, Turkmenistan is not ready to accept refugees,” the official added
Historically, small numbers of ethnic Turkmens crossed temporarily into Turkmenistan during the Iran–Iraq War and in subsequent decades. The UNHCR and border reports confirm that no ordinary Iranian civilians have been allowed across during the current conflict.
The United Nations says most of those internally displaced in Iran are heading north, away from regions facing heavy bombardment. Families are often forced to rely on relatives, friends, or makeshift community shelters.
The sudden influx of displaced people into northern communities has pushed up demand for food and other essentials in this impoverished and economically isolated region, where residents already report sharp price increases for staples such as cooking oil, flour, and rice, with some items reportedly up to ten times more expensive than before the conflict.
For now, most families remain inside Iran, but Safarli stressed to RFE/RL that neighboring states have obligations to provide protection if refugees begin arriving:
“In Central Asia, Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan have national refugee legislation and established asylum systems,” Safarli told RFE/RL. “UNHCR calls on States to provide access to territory for people in need of international protection to seek asylum, safeguard against refoulement, and ensure due rights and services as people forced to flee.”
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The apartment building at the center of the Israeli attack near Bourdj Hammoud
In the early hours of Friday Israel bombed an apartment building on the border between the Nappa-Mirna Shaluhi districts. These districts are also very close to the Armenian-populated Bourdj Hammoud neighborhood, which fortunately suffered no material or human losses. Some of the residents there heard the explosions from the bombing attack.
Shahan Kandaharian, editor-in-chief of our sister publication the Aztag newspaper, reported on the incident, noting that it is very worrying that the area near Bourdj Hammoud has been targeted.
According to reports, the target of the Israeli side was the apartment where a member of Hezbollah allegedly lived.
Kandaharian assured that there is no panic, but there is uncertainty that causes great concern to the residents.
The Armenian National Committee of America on Thursday called on the Trump/Vance Administration to condemn and hold Israel accountable for drone striking a residential apartment building in Beirut’s Armenian Bourdj Hammoud district – “a neighborhood populated by descendants of Armenian Genocide survivors.”
The attacks unleashed by Israel against Lebanon are gradually revealing Israel’s true goals in the region and against Lebanon, starting from the southern suburbs of Beirut to the border towns of southern Lebanon and the Bekaa and Baalbek areas.
Lebanon had initiated direct negotiations with Israel, in an attempt to prevent new attacks against Lebanon. Reports indicate that Lebanon has formed its own committee called to participate in the negotiations planned in Cyprus.
For his part, French President Emmanuel Macron has been in close contact with Lebanese and Israeli officials, urging them to stop the military operations.
However, it seems that Israel only wants to impose its point of view. Israeli forces have already penetrated the southern borders and are positioned in 18 centers, expanding the scope of their aggression.
Israeli sources have revealed that Israel is planning to launch a large-scale offensive within a week and penetrate deep into southern Lebanon.
On Thursday evening, the Israeli Air Force directly targeted Hezbollah facilities in the southern suburbs of Beirut with drones, causing material damage. It is worth noting that Israel is gradually penetrating the borders of the capital Beirut, where one of the latest targets was the building called “Ahmad Abbas” in the Bashura neighborhood near the Sodeco district of Beirut, where, according to the Israeli “justification,” Hezbollah has stored millions of dollars. Later, Israel also struck the branch of Hezbollah’s “Kart Hassan” credit institution in Zoqak Plat.
Before that, on the night between Wednesday and Thursday, Israel had also struck a building in Ramlet Bayda, near Raouche, on the Beirut coast, where, according to Israel, an Iranian Revolutionary Guard official was sheltering.
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Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said that the biggest current challenge on Armenia’s path toward EU integration is the frozen political dialogue between the European Union and Georgia. He made the remarks during a speech at the European Parliament.
“Georgia is our gateway to the European Union. We adopted the law on launching the process of Armenia’s accession to the EU after Georgia received candidate status for EU membership. This made the prospect of Armenia joining the EU tangible, and our expectation and request is that the EU–Georgia constructive process continues. This is important for Armenia, just as it is for Georgia,” Pashinyan said.
The Prime Minister noted that since the adoption of the law on launching the process of Armenia’s accession to the EU, many in Armenia have asked when the country will become an EU member.
“Our answer is very clear: no country can join the EU without meeting the Union’s standards. Therefore, our task, with the support of our European partners, is to continue along the path of reforms and first objectively meet the criteria for EU accession.
“When this happens, there are two possibilities: either the EU will accept us, or it will not. I say this because I understand that EU enlargement and the admission of a new member is not a simple matter; it is also a political decision.
“Therefore, if the EU accepts Armenia as a full member, that will be excellent. If it does not, we will still benefit, because we will be a country that meets EU standards,” Pashinyan emphasized.
Published by Armenpress, original at
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The United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) panel has begun hearing a U.S. investor’s treaty claim against Armenia over the controversial Amulsar gold mining project that has been blocked for years by environmental protesters.
Armenia has hired the services of the prestigious U.S. law firm Foley Hoag, but Pashinyan’s administration refuses to reveal what it’s paying to the firm, arguing “case confidentiality.”
The contract doesn’t appear on ARMEPS, the Armenian government’s online procurement’s ystem.
Hasmik Samvelyan, Press Secretary of Armenia’s Office of the Representative for International Legal Affairs, told Hetq that the Foley Hoag contract has not been published in the Armeps system since the case is being conducted under conditions of confidentiality. When asked to reveal the contract price, she argued this too is confidential.
The Permanent Court of Arbitration (PAC) is providing administrative support in the case “Amulsar Investor Ventures LLC v Republic of Armenia”.
In March 2019, Lydian International, the company that fully owned the mine then, informed the Armenian government that it was launching an arbitration claim for losses incurred due to the “illegal closure” of roads leading to the mine by environmentalists. (The mine site that straddles the Vayots Dzor-Syunik provincial border in southern Armenia.)
The mine has stood idle for years because of conflicting environmental impact studies and public protests. The Pashinyan administration, which came to power in 2018, originally opposed mining at Amulsar A year later, in an about-face, announced that the mine would not harm the environment and ordered police to remove the demonstrators.
Armenian Minister of Economy Vahan Kerobyan, last February, announced that the government has signed a $250 million deal with Lydian Armenia CJSC to restart operations at the controversial Amulsar gold mine.
The deal, a memorandum of understanding signed between the Armenian government Armenia, the Eurasian Development Bank and Lydia Armenia, will pump US$250 million into the Amulsar project to complete construction work and purchase mining equipment. The Armenian government will get a 12.5% stake in Lydian Armenia in return for allowing the mine to reopen.
In 2021, Lydian International was dissolved since its subsidiary, Lydian Armenia, wasn’t meeting its contractual obligations to its senior lenders, funding partners and equipment suppliers. The mine was idle, no money was coming in.
Lydian Canada Ventures, which took over Lydian Armenia, is owned by the U.S. firm Orion Mine Finance, and the Canadian company Osisko Gold Royalties.
Much isn’t known about Amulsar Investor Ventures LLC, the plaintiff in the arbitration case. The company was registered in 2022 in the state of Delaware (U.S.) USA. The demands of the claimant in this case from the Republic of Armenia have not yet been published.
In addition to Foley Hoag, Armenia’s Office on International Legal Matters is also representing the government in Yerevan.
Foley Hoag has represented Armenia in the past in arbitration cases. In 2021, Armenia paid the legal firm US$1.5 million in an arbitration case against the Lebanese company Sanitek over a contractual dispute. The Yerevan Municipality had awarded Sanitek the contract for garbage disposal in the Armenian capital. Sanitek accused the municipality of non-payment and the municipality accused the company of doing a poor job and not fulfilling its obligations.
15:03,
YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 22, ARMENPRESS. The Europeans for Artsakh movement has urged the International Olympic Committee to take a stand against Azerbaijan's participation in the 2024 Olympic Games.
The movement has sent a letter to the President of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) concerning Azerbaijan's participation in the 2024 Summer Olympic Games in Paris and has called on the IOC to undertake concrete measures. The letter was also sent to the French National Olympic Committee, the French Olympic Games Organising Committee, the City of Paris, the President of the French Republic and the Minister for Sport and the Olympic and Paralympic Games, Europeans for Artsakh said in a press release.
Referring to the ongoing conflict and the ethnic cleansing committed by Azerbaijan against the indigenous Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh, the Europeans for Artsakh movement urged the IOC to ban Azerbaijan from being represented as a state at the forthcoming Olympic Games and to allow Azerbaijani athletes to compete only under a neutral banner. “This call comes in the wake of Azerbaijan's genocidal policy and ethnic cleansing in Nagorno-Karabakh/Artsakh, which led to the forced displacement of 120,000 Armenians from their ancestral lands and homeland in September 2023,” the movement said.
Only the French National Olympic Committee replied to the letter, according to the press release, acknowledging the situation and indicating that its position was in line with that of the French government and its diplomatic efforts, while stating: "we cannot remain insensitive to such a catastrophe."
“Europeans for Artsakh expects a clear position from the International Olympic Committee, since a failure to respond would undermine the integrity of the Olympic Games and pave the way for warmongering states.The movement will continue to put pressure for the sake of integrity and justice in this regard.”
Europeans for Artsakh is a pan-European movement bringing together the representative bodies of the 15 Armenian communities in Europe. It was the initiator of an appeal addressed to the leaders of the European Council, the European Commission and the European Parliament, as well as to the leaders of the Member States of the Council of Europe, in support of the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh. This appeal was co-signed by more than 500 European associations.
The mission of this movement is to mobilise citizens and take the necessary action to ensure that the fundamental rights of the indigenous Armenian population of Nagorno Karabakh (Artsakh) are exercised and guaranteed.
Muhammad Irfan
Armenia and Azerbaijan's presidents pledged Saturday to resolve differences through peaceful means, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz said after holding three-way talks between the leaders
Munich, (APP – UrduPoint / Pakistan Point News – 17th Feb, 2024) Armenia and Azerbaijan's presidents pledged Saturday to resolve differences through peaceful means, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz said after holding three-way talks between the leaders.
At the meeting in Munich with Armenia's President Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijan counterpart Ilham Aliyev, Scholz urged a rapid conclusion of peace talks, according to a statement issued by the chancellery.
"The chancellor praised pledges from both sides today, to resolve differences in opinion and open questions exclusively through peaceful means and without the use of force," added the statement.
No official statements have been issued from either side regarding the talks.
But the promises to avoid conflict would be a marked change in tone from Pashinyan's warning on Thursday that Azerbaijan was planning a "full-scale war".
On Tuesday, both sides also accused each other of opening fire on their volatile border, in a skirmish Armenia said left four of its soldiers dead.
Tensions between the two Caucasus neighbours have remained high since Baku re-captured the Armenian-populated region of Nagorno-Karabakh last September in a lightning military offensive.
Yerevan is concerned that Azerbaijan, emboldened by its success in Karabakh, could invade Armenian territory in order to create a land bridge to its exclave of Nakhchivan.
Aliyev, who won re-election this month, said in an inauguration speech Wednesday it was Armenia, not Azerbaijan, that had outstanding territorial claims.
Pashinyan and Aliyev previously said a peace agreement could have been signed by the end of last year, but internationally mediated peace talks have failed to yield a breakthrough.
In a bilateral meeting also in Munich, Pashinyan told US Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Saturday morning that that had been a "new escalation" with Azerbaijan, in reference to the latest skirmish.
Aliyev is due to hold separate talks with Blinken later Saturday on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference.
As stated by Spokesperson Matthew Miller:
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken met with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to discuss strengthening bilateral ties and U.S. support for efforts to reach a durable and dignified peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Secretary Blinken noted our ongoing efforts to support Armenia's vision for a prosperous and democratic future for its people, as well as U.S. support for Armenia's sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity.
In the heart of Armenia, a revolution is underway, and it's not political or cultural. It's electrical. Electric Networks of Armenia (ENA) CJSC, the powerhouse behind the nation's medium and low voltage distribution networks, is in the throes of a massive expansion, attracting significant investments to broaden the power grid and connect an unprecedented number of new subscribers.
The numbers are staggering. In 2023 alone, ENA connected 35,000 new subscribers to the power grid. That's equivalent to adding a new town the size of Artashat, Armenia's fifth largest city. If the current growth rate continues, Yerevan, the country's capital, will see 68,000 new subscribers by 2030. That's equal to the combined number of subscribers in Gyumri and Vanadzor, Armenia's third and fourth largest towns.
This expansion isn't happening in a vacuum. Since 2016, ENA has invested AMD 235 billion in modernizing its equipment and infrastructure. The result? A reduction in technical and commercial losses, improved service quality, and international investors lining up to offer loans at below-market rates.
The trust in ENA is well-placed. The company has ambitious plans to invest a total of AMD 461 billion by 2030 to further develop the network economy, reduce losses, and enhance service quality. This investment will not only strengthen Armenia's power grid but also pave the way for a more robust and sustainable economy.
As of today, , there are 118,000 applications for new connections under review. This is a testament to the growing demand for reliable power in Armenia. With ENA at the helm, the future of Armenia's power grid looks brighter than ever.
In Yerevan alone, 19,939 new subscribers were connected in 2023. This trend is set to continue, with the capital city poised to become a beacon of power and progress in the region.
The expansion of Armenia's power grid is more than just an infrastructure project. It's a story of ambition, resilience, and the transformative power of investment. As the lines between technology and humanity continue to blur, ENA is leading the charge, illuminating a path towards a brighter, more connected future.