Author: Khoyetsian Rose

PRESS RELEASE
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia
Contact: Information Desk
Tel: (374-10) 52-35-31
Email: [email protected]
Web:
ARMENIADIAS PORA III
Armenpress Interview with Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanian
June 8, 2006
QUESTION: Mr. Oskanian, two Armenia-Diaspora conferences have already taken
place. Will the third conference differ from the first two?
Armenia Diaspora III is being convened under new historical and
geo-political realities and naturally the agenda of the conference and the
issues discussed there must reflect on the problems, developments and
challenges facing our nation today and in years to come.
This year, Armenians around the world will celebrate 15 years of Armenian
independence. In that light, ArmeniaDiaspora III is a good opportunity to
examine together the path we’ve traveled, analyze and assess the present and
consider the prospects for future development.
In these past years, much has changed in Armenian life.
Specifically, by overcoming many difficulties, Armenia has entered a period
of economic progress, and in recent years has registered serious growth.
During the same time period, there have been important changes in the
Diaspora too, and the Diaspora has become more focused, allowing for active
participation in the processes of proposing and resolving problems.
So, today, we have real opportunities, and in addition to the general issues
on the Diaspora agenda, and unlike the previous conferences, we will put
forward new programs of a pan-Armenian nature around which all Armenians can
rally.
QUESTION: What are the pan-Armenian issues on the agenda of ArmeniaDiaspora
III?
We¹ve come a long way over these 15 years, and overcome great difficulties.
Over the next 15 years, we must work hard to turn Armenia into the country
of our dreams. That can only happen if Armenia¹s expectations of the
Diaspora and the Diaspora¹s expectations of Armenia are more evenly matched.
The Conference will deal with those issues.
At the same time, with independence come questions about identify, about
homeland-diaspora relations, about language and religion, and about diaspora
institutions. And if our traditional organizations used to look at these
questions one way, today¹s youth approaches these issues very differently.
They are looking for new answers to old questions. That is why the second
half of the conference will focus on exactly that ­ New Answers to Old
Questions ­ A Nation-State in the 21st Century.
This way, we will have addressed the two fundamental issues facing a people
and a country ­ identity and development — who we are and who we want to
become.
QUESTION: Can you elaborate on the development program that you have
mentioned?
Everyone who has visited Armenia comments on the discrepancy in lifestyle
and standard of living between the cities and the rural areas. Armenia¹s
economic growth indicators are impressive, but that growth really has not
reached the villages. If we want to ensure that these rural communities are
not destined to remain stagnant, permanent pockets of poverty, if we want to
ensure that Armenians are not born into a cycle of poverty, then we cannot
allow development to simply take its course. Even at this current fast pace,
it will take decades before we reach even the average European level of
prosperity.
This will be a very broad effort to eradicate rural poverty in Armenia. The
strategic objective of this program is reducing poverty in rural Armenia¹s
border villages through an integrated approach. The program will provide the
necessary intervention in the form of infrastructure and technical support,
and in partnership with the residents of the village, the program will
support economic development in order to enable the sustainability and
viability of rural communities.
QUESTION: What is the scope of this program? How will you decide where to
begin?
The effects of rural poverty and hopelessness on migration, regional
stability, geo-strategic and economic security are obvious in these
villages. That is why we have decided to begin with Armenia¹s border areas.
It¹s going to take a focused, targeted collaborative effort to improve life
for our compatriots in these critical border areas.
In each of these villages, necessary infrastructure is simply non-existent.
Some have no paved roads, others have no running water, some have no gas or
electricity. Imagine trying to raise a family or make a living without these
basics. Then, in addition to weak infrastructure, they also are often not
economically self-sufficient. This is a problem throughout Armenia, but I
don¹t think anyone will doubt that the border is critical.
QUESTON: Why launch such an ambitious and novel program now?
Why now? There are three main reasons.
First, we want to build on the international momentum that already exists.
Over the next five years, the Millennium Challenge Corporation will build
roads and bring irrigation water to Armenia¹s rural areas. In addition,
there is the generous new Lincy program that will build roads and schools
within and outside Yerevan. There are massive World Bank, USAID, DFID and
IFAD programs throughout Armenia. The Armenia Fund, too, has programs
throughout Armenia, as well as Karabakh, of course.We want to leverage these
programs and locate additional funds in order to bring comprehensive
development to the villages. Imagine that a village will, in a few years,
have irrigation water and roads, thanks to the MCC, for example. But imagine
that there will be no drinking water, no health care, no school, no gas or
electricity in that village. Imagine children growing up in a 21st century
rural community that has roads and water and electricity, but is without
access to telephone, television or internet. We can¹t let that happen. Now
imagine what we could do together if the Armenian government, Armenia¹s
business community, international organizations, and the Armenian Diaspora
came together to leverage the MCC contributions and to build on the MCC
momentum. Imagine a country where development is comprehensive, even, fair
and just.
The second reason to do it now is to sustain the pace of economic
development. Look, we¹ve had high growth, at least in part because our point
of departure was low. Our economy had collapsed. But the more the economy
grows, the harder it will be to maintain double-digit growth. Additional
infusion and intervention is necessary and why not target that infusion
towards the areas that need it most?
Finally, Armenia has, over these 15 years, held a leading role in this
region. This may sound surprising, but it¹s true. Georgia has a more
favorable geographic position and access to the sea, Azerbaijan has already
been pumping massive amounts of oil ­ more than 300,000 barrels a day over
the last several years, yet, according to the World Bank, per capita income
is still higher in Armenia. This is something to be proud of, but it¹s also
something we must work at. We have to keep that edge even with the prospects
of additional oil revenues expected for Azerbaijan. We can do that only if
we aggressively mobilize our resources and clearly set comprehensive
economic development as our goal.
QUESTION: What will happen to the various organizations already working
towards rural development?
This program will make every effort to partner with all existing
organizations and programs in order to achieve maximum effectiveness and
efficiency. We have already spoken to every single organization, individual
and agency (more than 100 in number) with programs in Armenia¹s villages.
Our program is not intended to replace or compete with existing programs. On
the contrary, we will work with them to build on their efforts, to increase
their capacity. Our website will reflect their efforts as well, so that
donors and participants receive a complete picture of what is being done,
and what is still needed.
QUESTION: How will you seek support for this program?
This very serious and far-reaching program can only succeed with the active
engagement and involvement of a variety of actors and participants.
Individual countries have already expressed a willingness to focus their
development assistance on our rural areas. International organizations are
already focused on rural development. As are individual Diasporans and
Diaspora organizations. Now, we must also engage and involve Armenia¹s
businessmen, and new elements of the Diaspora.
This project is varied and broad enough that individuals can find a variety
of ways of getting involved. That is why this topic will form the focus of
the agenda of the 3d Armenia Diaspora Conference, to be held in Yerevan,
September 18 ­ 20.
There, we will explain the program¹s purpose, how it will be implemented,
how the funds will be raised and managed, and the key issues of transparency
and accountability will be addressed.
QUESTION: Will the management of the program remain within the Diaspora
Conference?
Until the ArmeniaDiaspora Conference, we will have completed the design of
the program, the management structure and begun the process of assessing
needs and finding sponsors for villages. After the ArmeniaDiaspora
Conference, we envision that the Armenia Fund is best situated to take over
as the umbrella which will implement the program. This ambitious program is
a natural expansion of the Armenia Fund¹s mission ­ to facilitate
infrastructure and development programs that are beyond the government¹s
capacity.
It was a visionary step to create the Armenia Fund, soon after independence,
when its additional resources were sorely needed. It has since completed
projects which have invaluable, strategic significance for Armenia and
Armenians. Now, we are at a stage when we can and should broaden that
vision. Fifteen years after independence, we are no longer desperate and
focused on everyday survival. Today, we must project a vision for Armenia in
2020.
Of course, the breadth and scope of the program will require the Fund to
increase capacity, to provide even greater transparency and to involve wider
segments of the Diaspora.
QUESTION: What you¹ve described is truly inspiring and has vital
significance for Armenia¹s development. Are you certain that the program
will really come to life?
As I said, during these 15 years of independence, our people have withstood
horrible, heavy challenges and succeeded in overcoming them and ensuring
stable and harmonious conditions for the development of our new Republic.
There is an increased sense of responsibility on the part of all segments of
our nation toward our future development, and toward resolution of our
national problems and issues, together.
We are certain that if all our institutions are activated and inspired, and
if Armenia¹s and the Diaspora¹s resources are gathered around this program,
we will be able to implement this program and provide our compatriots living
in rural communities with basic conditions of dignity so that they can live
and work.
And perhaps the fundamental basis of our conviction is our talented and
active people, which has throughout history, in different countries, stood
out through its diligence and creative spirit, and has displayed dauntless
will and faith.
Therefore, together, we can and we must take this program forward in order
for our people to develop and prosper in safety and security.
This will be the essential message of ArmeniaDiaspora III.
–Boundary_(ID_pHFyPJDl+G/hlllU0jTW+A)–

MEETING JAVAKHK BASIC DEMANDS ONLY WAY OUT OF CRISIS TODAY
PanARMENIAN.Net
20.06.2006 14:26 GMT+04:00
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Russian military bases would be withdrawn from
Georgia sooner or later, political scientist Hrazdan Madoyan stated in
an interview with PanARMENIAN.Net. In his words, an event took place,
which made null and void Russia’s policy since almost Peter the Great:
Russia withdrew from the Caucasus.
“All roads are open to panturanism. The base in Armenia is important
to us, it solves a tactical, not strategic task. Upon Turkization of
Javakhk – a thing Turkey has worked for always and to which Georgia
suicidally contributes – Turks will restore the Turkish zone from
Anatolia to Azerbaijan. Armenia becomes a secure enclave, fully
dependent on the will and desires of Turkey. Thus we say that Javakhk
is a matter of life to Armenia,” he remarked.
Madoyan underscored that Armenians of Javakhk are not unprotected. “The
population of the region can protect itself. Another matter is that
it will ricochet Armenia, which will be involved in a conflict as in
1988. Meeting Javakhk demands is the only way out of the crisis today:
making all Armenian regions and villages a joint administrative unit,
providing it administrative autonomy, refusal of central authorities
to change the demographic situation, free communication with Armenia,”
the political scientist said.
Madoyan is also sure that Kars-Akhalkalaki-Baku project will be
implemented in case Armenians do not excite a rebellion – not
necessarily an armed one. “If they do not rise, it will be the end
of Javakhk,” he stated.

LABOR PARTY IS RELUCTANT TO CONFORM
Lragir.am
20 June 06
The liberal forces will become more widely engaged in the political
sphere of Armenia in the upcoming parliamentary election, forecast
Gurgen Arsenyan, the leader of the Labor Party, on June 20. He said
that his point of view is based on their information and analyses,
as well as the present picture of the parliament. Gurgen Arsenyan
says this parliament is essentially socialist, whereas people demand
liberalism. “Ardarutiun Alliance is socialist by nature, pro-socialist,
the National Unity is leftist, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation
(Dashnaktsutiun) is leftist, Orinats Yerkir is centrist pro-leftist,
the Labor Party is liberal, the Republican is centrist pro-rightist,”
says Gurgen Arsenyan. Among the forces outside the parliament
he points to the All-Armenian Movement and the Heritage Party as
liberal. Arsenyan mentions that the prospect of the political sphere
is liberalism.
He says Bargavach Hayastan Party is not liberal. “It is Gensher’s
program, conservative progressive. These two words mean Gensher,”
says Gurgen Arsenyan, saying that the author of their program is not
MP Victor Dallakyan. He knows who the author is but he declines to say
who. The leader of the Labor Party does not exclude an alliance with
a liberal force, but he says that there is no question of alliance
in 2007 on the agenda of the Labor Party.
“The United Labor Party has not discussed and considered alliance
in any form or under any circumstances so far. This question is
not under consideration. We are reluctant to conform,” says Gurgen
Arsenyan. According to him, the ability of the United Labor Party
will be seen after the election in 2007, when it becomes clear what
percentage of voters supported the political party.

22 SETTLEMENTS WILL BE RENAMED
A1+
[12:42 pm] 20 June, 2006
NA affirmed the new names of 19 rural settlements in Syunik marz. The
issue of renaming these settlements was put on the agenda for a long
time. The above mentioned settlements got rid of the former foreign
names according to the law.
The change of the names of 19 settlements among 22 ones has
been affirmed so far. The question of three others is still
being discussed. These are the villages Aghbulagh, Musallam and
Okhtar. Three settlements of the marz are included in the list of
the rural communities in the framework of the law.
The settlement Verin Giratar is involved in Lernadzor community,
whereas Pirlu and Qyurut – in Geghi. The historical background
was taken into consideration while choosing the new names of the
settlements. The foreign names will be finally deleted from the map
of the region.
TV Company “Sosi,” Kapan

IMF RECOMMENDS THAT ARMENIA EXPAND TAX BASE
Interfax News Agency
Russia & CIS Business and Financial Newswire
June 19, 2006 Monday 1:56 PM MSK
The International Monetary Fund (IMF)
is recommending that Armenia expand its tax base and improve tax
collection, Rodrigo de Rato, IMF managing director, told reporters
in Yerevan.
The relationship between budget tax revenue and GDP in Armenia is the
lowest in the region, he said. This figure improved slightly to 14.3%
of GDP in 2005, however the government needs to work on this, he said.
De Rato also underscored the important of transparency and improving
budget spending. Special attention should be paid to improving social
infrastructures in rural area, including in education and healthcare,
he said.

FOR OUR NATIONAL INTERESTS
Editorial
Yerkir.am
June 16, 2006
National Assembly’s Armenian Revolutionary Federation faction
secretary Hrayr Karapetian announced on June 13 that hearings devoted
to drafting a law on dual citizenship are set up for June 23 at the
National Assembly.
Karapetian noted the ARF has already made public a concept of the law
that has stirred discussions. “We see the law on dual citizenship
as a priority for this National Assembly,” Karapetian said. “The
constitutional amendments allow us adopt such law. It would be
implemented to serve our state and our national interests by bringing
together our national capacities.”
National Assembly’s Foreign Relations Committee has set up the hearings
for June 23. The theme of the hearings is “Dual Citizenship Issues:
International Law and Experience.”
“We are inviting political parties and non-governmental organizations
to participate in the hearings because we believe we would hear views
on the issue, including the international experience, that would be
important before a draft law is put into circulation, to have a law
that would contribute to further development of our statehood.”

Czech Senate Delegation to Arrive in Armenia June 19
PanARMENIAN.Net
16.06.2006 17:15 GMT+04:00
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Members of the committee on international relations,
defense and security at the Czech Senate will be visiting Armenia
June 19-21, reported the RA NA press service. June 19 the delegation
will meet with chairman of the standing parliamentary committee
for international relations Armen Rustamyan. Then the Czech Senate
members will lay a wreath to the Memorial to the Armenian Genocide
victims. On the same day they will meet with Armenian deputy Foreign
Minister Arman Kirakossian.
June 20 the delegation members will be received by chairman of standing
parliamentary committee for defense, national security and home
affairs Aramais Grigoryan and Deputy Defense Minister Artur Aghabekyan.

ZARQAWI’S DEMISE
AZG Armenian Daily
16/06/2006
There is a lesson for us all in the sudden, violent death of terrorist
leader Musab al-Zarqawi in Iraq on Tuesday. It is this: Never call
a meeting.
Osama bin Laden probably hasn’t called a single meeting since 9/11,
so he’s still alive and kicking almost five years later. He sends out
inspirational video or audio tapes from time to time, but he’s not
actually running anything, because that would require him to be in
daily touch with lots of people — and if he were, he would be dead by
now. They’d spot him using a satellite phone and drop a missile on him,
like the Russians did to the Chechen rebel leader Dzhokhar Dudayev,
or somebody would just turn him in for the $25 million reward.
Zarqawi HAD to hold meetings, however. He had to organise atrocities,
coordinate logistics, talk on mobile phones, and thus expose himself
to attack on a daily basis, so eventually he ran out of luck. He will
not be missed, especially by the saner parts of the Iraqi resistance
movement — but he has probably already done the state of Iraq
fatal damage.
Zarawi was a foreigner, and most of his fighters were foreigners too,
religious fanatics from all over the Arab world who cared no more
about the lives of Iraqis than they did about their own lives. The
more doctrinally pure among them believed that there should not even
be an Iraqi state; like all Muslim countries, it should be absorbed
into a single world-spanning Muslim state run according to strict
Islamist principles.
It was the US invasion of Iraq that gave Zarqawi and his friends
the chance to move in, but they never dominated the resistance
movement. From the start, the great majority of the people fighting
the American occupation were native-born Sunni Arabs. Some of them,
mostly former Baathists, were nationalists who simply wanted the
Americans out. Others were religiously motivated radicals, long
repressed under Saddam, who also wanted to impose strict Islamic law
on the country. But none of them wanted to abolish the country. Most
of them did not even want a civil war.
That was where Zarqawi’s influence was greatest, and worst. His
gruesome enthusiasm for slowly beheading defenceless hostages and
circulating the videos was bad enough. Indeed, although bin Laden
and Zawahiri were eventually persuaded in 2004 to adopt “al-Qaeda in
Iraq,” as Zarqawi named his organisation, they never had any control
over him, and they worried that his obvious delight in cruelty would
alienate people from the cause. But Zarqawi’s strategy of trying to
trigger a civil war in Iraq by murdering Shia Arabs in large numbers
was as infectious as it was effective.
Logically, Iraq’s Sunni Arabs should not seek a civil war because,
as a mere 20 percent minority in the country, they are almost certain
to lose it. But there is no other strategy that is likely to restore
the Sunnis’ former dominance over Iraq either. When no good strategy is
available, people will often opt for bad strategies rather than accept
defeat — and Zarqawi offered the Sunnis the strategy of civil war.
Like many religious fanatics, he hated people of his own religion
whom he saw as heretics even more than he hated infidels, so he had
no compunction about blowing Shia Arabs up in large numbers simply
because they were Shia. He saw a Sunni-Shia civil war as the best way
of destabilising the government that the US occupation was trying to
install in Baghdad, but also as the best way to ensuring the emergence
of a permanent base for Islamist radicals in the Sunni Arab parts
of the country, which would probably end up beyond Shia control even
after a eventual American withdrawal.
It was Zarqawi’s people who carried out all the early atrocities
against Shia civilians — the bombing of the Najaf shrine in August
2003 (85 dead), the coordinated attack on Shia mosques during Ashoura
ceremony in March 2004 (181 dead), the car bombs in Najaf and Karbala
in December 2004 (60 dead) — and they had the desired effect. Death
squads from Shia militias began killing Sunnis in retaliation,
the mainstream Sunni resistance started to fight back with the same
methods, and Iraq was trapped in the same spiral of violence that
doomed Lebanon to fifteen years of civil war.
Zarqawi is dead, but he has probably achieved his purpose. Baghdad
central mortuary is now receiving close to fifty mutilated bodies each
day, almost all of them victims of sectarian killings, and every month
the number rises. It’s probable that two or three times as many dead
end up in other mortuaries or are simply found and buried by their
relatives without any official record. The situation in Iraq will
probably get much worse, but it is already past saving.
By Gwynne Dyer, a London-based independent journalist whose articles
are published in 45 countries.

ARMENIAN DEFENSE MINISTER GEARS UP FOR PRESIDENCY
By Emil Danielyan
Eurasia Daily Monitor
June 13 2006
Armenia’s second most powerful official, Defense Minister Serge
Sarkisian, is eliminating the last remaining doubts about his intention
to succeed President Robert Kocharian after the latter completes a
second five-year term in office in 2008. The past few weeks have
made it even clearer that the two men have agreed on a rotation
of power that could allow them to dominate Armenian politics for
another decade. In a country that has failed to hold a single election
recognized as free and fair by the international community, the opinion
of voters is considered marginal for the realization of this scenario.
Sarkisian effectively kicked off his presidential campaign last week
thanks to an event that could hardly be more apolitical. Armenia’s
national chess team notched a victory at the 37th Chess Olympiad,
which ended in Turin on June 4. The six grandmasters and their coach
received a hero’s welcome as they returned to Yerevan two days later
and addressed several thousand people in the city’s Freedom Square.
Sarkisian also received congratulations and delivered a speech to
the jubilant crowd broadcast live by state television. He happens
to be chairman of the Armenian Chess Federation and stayed with the
players in Turin throughout the two-week competition. Some government
officials and even army generals who joined in the celebrations were
quick to claim that this fact was key to the Armenian chess triumph.
Sarkisian, himself a keen chess player, stopped short of explicitly
taking credit for the success, but clearly enjoyed himself, looking
more like a politician on the campaign trail than a sport executive.
For a man long vilified by his political opponents and disliked by
many disgruntled Armenians, it was quite a public relations stunt.
For local observers, it was a taste of things to come.
That Sarkisian is Kocharian’s preferred successor was essentially
confirmed on May 20 by the Armenian president’s national security
adviser, Garnik Isagulian. “One of those who is most experienced and
ready to be the next president of Armenia is Defense Minister Serge
Sarkisian,” he stated at a news conference. “In this case, Armenia’s
current political course will be pursued.”
Indeed, Kocharian could hardly find a more reliable partner who
would guarantee his personal security and let him continue to play
a major role in Armenia’s government. Kocharian and Sarkisian have
long known and worked with each other. They both come from Karabakh,
having jointly governed the Armenian-controlled disputed region
during its successful war with Azerbaijan before ending up in senior
government positions in Armenia. They both were instrumental in the
1998 resignation of Armenia’s first president, Levon Ter-Petrosian,
the man who had brought them to Yerevan.
The Kocharian-Sarkisian duo has proved more effective (and ruthless)
in clinging to power than Ter-Petrosian, securing the allegiance
of a wide range of pro-establishment parties and clans through a
combination of sticks and carrots. The latter have taken the form
of largely insignificant government posts that enable the leaders of
those groups to enrich themselves but not endanger the duo’s exclusive
grip on defense, law-enforcement, the judiciary, foreign affairs, tax
collection, and dealings with large-scale foreign investors. None of
the state institutions managing these key policy areas is accountable
to Armenia’s cabinet of ministers. Kocharian and Sarkisian are also
believed to control a narrow circle of wealthy businessmen that enjoy
a de facto monopoly on lucrative imports of fuel and basic commodities.
The pro-establishment groups, especially those represented in the
government, allow Armenia’s leaders to not only defuse public anger
with their policies but also to somehow legitimize their rule,
which has been tarnished by chronic vote rigging. (Kocharian was
twice “elected” president in 1998 and 2003 and neither election was
deemed democratic by Western observers.) Sarkisian is widely expected
to officially join forces with one of those governing factions to
actively participate in the next parliamentary election, due in May
2007 and seen as a rehearsal of the 2008 presidential ballot. His
most obvious choice is Prime Minister Andranik Markarian’s Republican
Party of Armenia (HHK). However, the powerful defense chief is in
no rush to team up with the HHK, suggesting that he is considering
other options as well.
There has already been speculation about the possibility of Sarkisian
cutting deals with two new, but extremely ambitious, parties sponsored
by Prosecutor-General Aghvan Hovsepian and influential “oligarch”
Gagik Tsarukian. Their emergence earlier this year drew concern from
another member of the governing coalition, the Armenian Revolutionary
Federation (HHD). One of its leaders, Hrant Markarian, has charged
that both parties are bent on resorting to large-scale vote buying.
According to Hmayak Hovannisian, a supposedly independent lawmaker who
is reputedly close to Sarkisian, Tsarukian’s “Prosperous Armenia” party
was set up with the aim of securing Kocharian’s political future. The
Armenian leader, he told reporters recently, wants to become prime
minister after handing over the presidency to Sarkisian and therefore
needs to have a serious power base in the next parliament. Hovannisian
further said that Kocharian and Sarkisian would strive to ensure that
the HHK, Prosperous Armenia, and Hovsepian’s “Association for Armenia”
party win the 2007 election at any cost.
This scenario, if true, bodes ill for the freedom and fairness of the
upcoming polls. Kocharian and Sarkisian are widely held responsible
for entrenching Armenia’s post-Soviet culture of electoral fraud,
and there is no reason to expect them to renounce something that has
served them so well.
(Armenian Public Television, June 7; Iravunk, May 26; 168 Zham,
May 23; RFE/RL Armenia Report, May 17)

MEMORIAL-KHACHKAR TO PLANE ACCIDENT VICTIMS ERECTED IN BAGRATASHEN
Noyan Tapan
Jun 14 2006
IJEVAN, JUNE 14, NOYAN TAPAN. A memorial-khachkar (cross-stone) to the
victims of Armavia airline’s A-320 plane crashed on May 3 was erected
on June 13 in the village of Bagratashen, Tavush region. 29-year-old
Armenuhi Kirakosian, a resident of Bagratashen, was also among the
victims. Her corpse was not found. The memorial was erected by her
relatives.