Turkey allegedly sends Afghan fighters to Nagorno-Karabakh, says NGO

Sept 19 2021

Turkey may be in the process of sending Afghan fighters to the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, the Christian nonprofit International Rescue Committee (ICC) said on Sunday.

ICC made its claim after citing a statement from the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh’s foreign minister, who warned that Turkey was deploying the fighters to the territory where it supports its ally Azerbaijan’s claims to the region. 

“In the occupied parts of Nagorno-Karabakh there are already a lot of international terrorist groups controlled by Turkey that are out of Azerbaijani control. This way Turkey is strengthening its position in Azerbaijan,” Nagorno-Karabakh Foreign Minister David Babayan told the Armenian outlet news.am.

Artsakh is the Armenian name for Nagorno-Karabakh and the Republic of Artsakh is a country that is not recognized by any other country, including Armenia. 

“After the Taliban took power in Afghanistan, some of the Al Qaeda militants were immediately deployed in the Artsakh Republic territories [now] occupied by Azerbaijan,” Babayan told news.am in an interview on August 30. He accused Turkey of deploying these militants as a way to exert pressure on Azerbaijan. 

It is unclear what evidence Babayan was relying on to make his assertion about Afghan fighters being transported to the region. Turkey has sought out a limited role in securing Kabul’s international airport after the Taliban’s takeover of the country last month. 

During last year’s war in Nagorno-Karabakh, Turkey was widely reported to have deployed Syrian mercenaries to support Azerbaijan amidst its 44-day war against Armenia. The conflict came to an end after a truce was brokered by Russia that allowed Azerbaijan to maintain swathes of Nagorno-Karabakh and deployed Russian peacekeepers to the region. 

The peace has been tense, owing to skirmishes along the border that Armenia  and Russia accuse Azerbaijan of instigating. Baku denies the charges and has pushed Russia to better monitor ceasefire violations. 

Turkey has claimed that it is ready for talks about reconciliation with Armenia with whom it has no diplomatic relations. On Sunday, Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan said his country is “not closed to talks” with Armenia if it takes steps in that direction. 

Armenia’s Foreign Minister Nikol Pashinyan for his part has said he sees the possibility for normalization, but the Armenian foreign ministry has said any talks between the two states are only ongoing in a multilateral format.

Following planned renovation, Shirak airport again operates

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 18:05,

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 16, ARMENPRESS. Following renovation, Gyumri’s Shirak airport is again open. ARMENPRESS reports no flight took place from the airport from July 15 to August 15 for some renovation works – complete renovation of the runway and construction of a new arrival hall.

Deputy Prime Minister Suren Papikyan, Minister of Territorial Administration and Infrastructure Gnel Sanosyan, representatives of ‘’Armenia’’ international airports arrived in Gyumri on September 16 to get acquainted with the works done.

‘’I liked the works done. I have been at this airport in the past, and I can remember the old situation. I think Gyumri’s airport will become a key factor for the development of Gyumri’’, Suren Papikyan said. He added that the airport has all the opportunities to also serve European low-cost flights.

Why Armenia Should Sign A Peace Treaty With Azerbaijan – OpEd

Sept 10 2021

By Taras Kuzio*

For the last three decades normalising diplomatic relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey was impossible when Armenia occupied twenty prevent of Azerbaijani territory in 1994-2000. But the situation has radically changed following the 44-day Second Karabakh War allowing Armenian nationalists to give up their fantasies about a ‘Greater Armenia’ composed of eastern Turkey and western Azerbaijan (Karabakh), a goal which the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF)/Dashnaks has long supported. The Dashnaks traditionally held a strong influence over the Armenian diaspora and continue to hold influence over Armenia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs as seen its continued support for the right to ‘self-determination’ of the so-called ‘Republic of Artsakh.’ 

With Azerbaijan now in control of Karabakh and seven surrounding districts an opportunity has arisen for Armenia to negotiate a post-conflict peace treaty with Azerbaijan. The basis for this would be Armenian nationalists dropping their fantasies about a ‘greater Armenia,’ accepting Azerbaijani sovereignty over Karabakh and ending demands for ‘self-determination’ of the ‘Republic of Artsakh.’ 

Since becoming an independent state in the early 1990s, Armenia has oriented towards autocratic and imperial Russia and theocratic Iran. 25,000 Armenians in Karabakh are holding three million Armenians to ransom. Both countries are under extensive international sanctions. Armenia pursued a pro-Russian foreign policy and joined Russian-led integration projects, such as the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organisation) and Eurasian Economic Union.

Armenia has no land border with Russia and overland trade must go through Georgia with whom relations have been poor. With Yerevan’s support for a ‘Greater Armenia’ through miatsum (unification of Armenia and Karabakh) it is not surprising Georgians are suspicious of separatist sentiment among its Armenian minority.

Armenia shares a small 44 km border with Iran with whom it has sought (unsuccessfully) to balance against over-reliance on Russia. Armenia’s much longer borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan have remained closed because of its occupation (until last year’s 44-day war) of a fifth of Azerbaijani territory. 

Armenia should sign a comprehensive post-conflict peace treaty with Azerbaijan which would bring five strategic benefits to Armenia. 

Firstly, Armenia could begin to pursue a balanced foreign policy between Europe and Eurasia, thereby reducing its reliance on rogue states Russia and Iran. Russia has no interest in seeing an economically prosperous Armenia as the Kremlin only views the country as part of its Eurasian sphere of influence and as a territory to locate Russian military bases. 

Secondly, Armenia could participate to a far greater extent in the European Union’s (EU) Eastern Partnership which would be far more beneficial to its development than Vladimir Putin’s Eurasian Economic Union. Armenia has until now straddled between the Eurasian Economic Union, which it is a member of, and the EU. The normalisation of relations with Azerbaijan followed by that with Turkey would provide Armenia with increased opportunities to integrate into the EU’s Customs Union through the DCFTA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Association). 

Armenia should take its cues from Ukraine which has massively increased its trade with the EU since signing an Association Agreement in 2014. The EU accounts for nearly half of Ukrainian exports. Boosting trade is one important benefit but what are also important are other benefits to the Armenian economy, such as the EU’s demands for higher standards, less corruption, fewer regulations, and better-quality products.

Thirdly, the opening of Armenia’s borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan would massively boost regional trade and thereby economic growth. Armenia would be able to reduce the dominance of Russia and Iran in its trade by joining regional integration projects from which it has been hitherto excluded. Participation in these would greatly benefit the Armenian economy and reduce the outflow of its population seeking employment and a better life elsewhere.

 Two million Armenians live and work in Russia. This is a huge number considering there are only three million people in Armenia.

Azerbaijan and Turkey have a combined population of 92 million which represents a huge potential market. Both countries are next door to Armenia and therefore exports to them would dramatically reduce transportation costs compared to trade with far away Russia and Iran. 

Fourthly, reducing ties to Russia and Iran would improve Armenia’s poor international image. Armenia has voted, together with rogue states North Korea, Syria, Myanmar, Iran, Venezuela, and Nicaragua, against every UN resolution denouncing Russia’s occupation of Crimea. Armenian politicians of cues demand the right to the ‘self-determination’ of ‘Republic of Artsakh based on Russia’s discourse on ‘self-determination’ of Crimea.

Reliance on Iran coupled with a stagnant economy has given Armenia the temptation to assist Tehran to bypass international sanctions imposed by the US and other Western countries. Armenia has acted as an intermediary for Bulgarian arms to Iran which Tehran transferred to pro-Iranian terrorist groups in Iraq, and which were then used to launch attacks against US troops. Armenia has supplied biochemical equipment to an Iranian front company in the UAE.  Armenia has assisted in deception schemes to provide aircraft which mysteriously undertake ‘emergency landings’ in Tehran and are then corporate raided into the country’s civilian airline fleets.  Armenia has been sanctioned by the US government for providing air services and banking services respectively to the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps-Quds Force, designated a ‘foreign terrorist group’ by the US, and Iranian government.

Fifthly, Armenia would be able to participate in regional energy projects, such as the Southern Gas Corridor thereby negating Armenia’s reliance on imports of gas from Iran. Until now pipelines have bypassed Armenia by exporting gas and oil into Europe via Turkey and Georgia though the Baku-Tbilisi-Supsa, Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan, Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum, and Trans-Anatolian pipelines. 

The potential is enormous for Armenia to participate alongside its Azerbaijani, Turkish and Georgian neighbours in these expanding energy hubs, pipeline projects and exports. 

The ending of Azerbaijan’s occupation of Azerbaijan territory in last year’s 44-day war has opened the potential for Armenia to escape from its reliance on rogue states Russia and Iran. Armenian politicians and nationalists should negotiate a post-conflict peace treaty which recognises the former Soviet internal republican boundaries as post-Soviet international borders. This would require relinquishing claims to Karabakh and support for the self-determination of the so-called ‘Republic of Artsakh.’

 Armenia could choose to not sign a treaty but this would lead to a continuation of decades of economic stagnation and international opprobrium. Or Armenia could accept the new realities brought about by the end of the Karabakh conflict, become less reliant on Russia and Iran and boost its economy, standards of living and trade by participating in regional and European integration.

*Professor Taras Kuzio PhD, Department of Political Science, National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy and Non-Resident Fellow, Foreign Policy Institute, Johns Hopkins University.Member of editorial boards of Demokratizatsiya, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Eurasian Geography and Economics, Central and European Migration Review and The Ukrainian Quarterly.


Azerbaijan trying to create feeling of impossibility of living peacefully in the homeland. Artsakh Prosecutor’s Office

Azerbaijan trying to create feeling of impossibility of living peacefully in the homeland. Artsakh Prosecutor’s Office

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 18:03, 7 September, 2021

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 7, ARMENPRESS. On September 6, at around 19:30, the Azerbaijani side opened fire at the Armenian positions and the direction of peaceful settlements from the positions located in the direction of Karmir Shuka-Taghavard settlements of the Martuni region of Artsakh, targeting also one of the houses of Taghavard village, where 6 civilians reside.

‘’ It is obvious that the Azerbaijani side is trying to intimidate the civilian population with such actions, to keep them in tension, thus trying to create a sense of constant danger, fear and impossibility of living peacefully in the homeland’’, the Prosecutor’s Office said.

Armenpress: Armenia needs support of intl. partners for repatriation of POWs – Justice Minister meets Head of ICRC delegation

Armenia needs support of intl. partners for repatriation of POWs – Justice Minister meets Head of ICRC delegation

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 18:19, 3 September, 2021

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 3, ARMENPRESS. For ensuring the return of Armenian prisoners of war and civilians held in Azerbaijan, Armenia needs the strong support of international partners and the strengthening of international pressure in this regard, ARMENPRESS reports Justice Minister of Armenia Karen Andreasyan said during the meeting with Thierry Ribo, Head of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) Delegation to Armenia.

The Minister praised the ICRC mission during and after the 44-day war unleashed by Azerbaijan for visiting the Armenian POWs and civilian hostages in Azerbaijan and ensuring their communication with their families.

He shared with Thierry Ribo deep concern over the torture,  inhuman and degrading treatment of Armenian captives and hostages in Azerbaijan.

The head of the ICRC delegation presented the activities carried out by the organization in the post-war period and touched upon other issues of mutual interest.

At the request of the guest, among other issues, Karen Andreasyan referred to the reform agenda of the Ministry of Justice.

The interlocutors stressed their readiness to further deepen the existing cooperation between the two institutions.

Military forces of Azerbaijan, Armenia clash in Nakhichevan

Mehr News Agency, Iran
Aug 2 2021

TEHRAN, Aug. 03 (MNA) – For the second consecutive day in a row, Ministry of Defense of Republic of Azerbaijan issued a statement, announcing the border conflict with Armenia in Autonomous Republic of Nakhichevan.

“On August 2, at about 03.27 a.m., the Armenian armed forces’ units from the positions near Arazdeyen village of Vedi region using small arms subjected to fire the positions of the Azerbaijan Army in the direction of Heydarabad settlement of Sadarak region of the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic,” the Defense Ministry said in a statement.

Azerbaijan reported no casualties and said it responded with retaliatory fire, Anadolu news agency reported.

“Currently, the situation in this direction is stable, our units control the operational situation,” it added.

Relations between the two countries of Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia have been deteriorated since 1991, when the Armenian military occupied Nagorno-Karabakh, also known as Upper Karabakh, a territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, and seven adjacent regions.

New clashes erupted in September 2020, and ended on Nov. 10 with a Russia-brokered cease-fire.

During the 44-day conflict, Azerbaijan liberated several cities and nearly 300 settlements and villages from Armenia’s nearly three-decade occupation.

A joint Turkish-Russian center was established to monitor the truce. Russian peacekeeping troops have also been deployed in the region.

MA/PR

British Kurds, Armenians, Cypriots call for UK sanctions on Turkey

RUDAW, Kurdistan Province, Iraq
July 29 2021

Khazan Jangiz
ERBIL, Kurdistan Region — Kurdish, Armenian, and Cypriot representatives in the United Kingdom this week made an appeal to the British prime minister to impose sanctions on Ankara in order to halt its military activity in the Kurdistan Region, part of what they said is growing Turkish aggression in the region. 

In April, Turkey launched two new major military operations, named Claw-Lightning and Claw-Thunderbolt, against the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in the northern border areas of the Kurdistan Region where the PKK has bases. The goal of the operation is to limit PKK movement, cutting off access to Turkey and northeast Syria. Turkish air and ground forces are involved in the operations and have set up new military outposts on Kurdistan Region soil. Several villages have been emptied as residents fled the conflict, and acres of land have burned in fires sparked by artillery fire. 

Early Thursday morning, Turkish drones bombed near two villages in northern Duhok province.

Three months into the conflict, tensions between the PKK and Kurdistan Region forces have risen, raising fears of civil war. 

“We urge the Government to use its diplomatic position to stop the invasion and prevent an intra-Kurdish war. We particularly ask for the Government to put in place sanctions to be lifted only when Turkey ceases its military operations in South Kurdistan [Kurdistan Region],” read the letter signed by the chairs of Kurdish People’s Democratic Assembly, the National Federation of Cypriots, and the Armenian National Committee in Britain. They delivered it on Wednesday to Downing Street.

“In light of Turkish support for Azerbaijan in the 44-day war with Armenia last year, the Turkish state’s general stance in its bordering regions can only be described as aggressive,” the letter stated. 

“Following Turkey’s devastating invasion of Cyprus in 1974, we are worried about the possibility of history repeating itself if the UK doesn’t do more. Turkey is a fellow NATO country to the UK, and therefore these military actions must be of concern to the Government,” it added.

The PKK is an armed Kurdish group fighting for the increased rights of Kurds in Turkey. Ankara considers it a terrorist organization and a threat to its national security, and it regularly sends forces across the Kurdistan Region’s borders to pursue the group. 

On Thursday, Turkish security forces said they captured a senior PKK member in the Kurdistan Region and brought him across the border to Turkey. The man, identified as Cimsit Demir, code-named Piro Karker, was caught by Turkish intelligence operatives as he was preparing an escape to Europe, Anadolu Agency reported

Turkish forces have advanced between 15 and 45 kilometres into the Kurdistan Region and have established more than 70 military and security posts along the border, Balambo Kokoy, a Kurdish lawmaker who was part of a parliamentary committee investigating the conflict, said earlier this month.

Scores of civilians have been killed and injured in decades of Turkish-PKK conflict in the Kurdistan Region.

The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) walks a fine line. It has called on Turkey to “respect” its sovereignty and on the PKK to leave the areas “in order not to cause chaos in the Kurdistan Region’s bordering areas.”

Recently, however, there have been several incidents between the PKK and forces aligned with the Kurdistan Democratic Forces (KDP), the ruling party in Duhok province. These clashes have sparked fears of an intra-Kurdish war. 

On Thursday, the PKK accused KDP forces of killing a number of their fighters. A group of guerrillas were moving between positions, but the PKK lost contact with them on July 26 in the Khalifan area. 

“According to the information we received from local people, the forces affiliated with the KDP surrounded the group and attacked it. Some of our friends fell [as] martyrs,” read a statement from the PKK’s armed wing, the HPG. 

The Ministry of Peshmerga on July 26 issued a statement saying PKK fighters opened fire on a Peshmerga base. “A number of PKK militants opened fire on a Peshmerga forces base, which lies between the Khalifan and Bekhma districts.” The statement added that they responded to the attack.

Tensions have been brewing between the KDP and the PKK for a year, both sides trying to assert control in areas of northern Duhok province where Turkey is carrying out its operations. 

The PKK have been blamed for two separate attacks on Peshmerga forces that resulted in the death of six Peshmerga, allegations the PKK have denied.


 

Turkish press: Armenia seeks greater Russian presence on Azerbaijan border

A member of the Russian peacekeeping troops walks by a tank near the border with Armenia, in the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, Azerbaijan, Nov. 10, 2020. (Reuters Photo)

Armenia has reiterated its request for Russian military support. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian on Thursday proposed that Russian border forces be stationed along the length of its border with Azerbaijan amid rising tensions between Yerevan and Baku, the TASS news agency reported.

Armenia and Azerbaijan accused each other earlier on Thursday of flouting a Russian-backed cease-fire that both sides had accepted the previous day to halt deadly clashes over their joint border, which Yerevan wants to be demarcated.

“Given the current situation, I think it makes sense to consider the question of stationing outposts of Russian border guards along the entire length of the Armenian-Azeri border,” Pashinian was quoted as saying at a government meeting.

He said that Yerevan was preparing to discuss that proposal with Moscow and that the move would allow work to be carried out on the demarcation and delimitation of the border without the risk of military clashes.

Armenia’s Defense Ministry said earlier that Azeri troops had opened fire on Armenian positions at the Gegharkunik section of the border in the early hours of Thursday morning, prompting Armenia to return fire.

Azerbaijan’s Defense Ministry said that Armenian forces had opened fire with machine guns and grenade launchers in the direction of a village in the Kelbajar region, and had thrown hand grenades. It said its forces returned fire in a statement.

The cease-fire was called on Wednesday after one of the deadliest border incidents since last year’s six-week war between Armenian forces and Baku over the Nagorno-Karabakh region and surrounding areas.

Armenia said that three of its soldiers had been killed, with four of them injured. Azerbaijan said that two of its soldiers had been wounded.

In fighting from last September to November, Azerbaijani troops drove Armenian forces out of swathes of territory they had controlled since the 1990s in and around the Nagorno-Karabakh region, before Russia brokered a cease-fire.

A simmering border dispute between the two has since flared up, with both sides accusing each other of separate incursions into each others’ territory in recent months, highlighting the fragility of the cease-fire.

Armenia has frequently called for military support from Russia. In a fresh attempt of expanding its sphere of influence in the Caucasus region, Russia in May occupied two new sites in the south of Armenia near the Azerbaijani border as an “additional security guarantee” following last year’s conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region.

It also said it would continue to mediate and provide advisory assistance aimed at reaching an agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia, as the two countries look to settle border disputes that are nearly three decades old.

However, the one-sided and partial attitude of Russian military elements deployed in the Karabakh region to monitor a cease-fire deal signed in November in favor of the Armenian side has raised eyebrows in Azerbaijan.

Ankara has pledged its full support to Baku in its efforts to liberate its lands from Armenian occupation. Following the Nov. 10 signing of a Russia-brokered agreement to end the fighting and work toward a comprehensive resolution, Turkey agreed with Russia that its troops would also monitor the cease-fire. Ankara and Moscow signed an agreement to establish a joint observation center in Nagorno-Karabakh as soon as possible.

Highlighting that President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and President Ilham Aliyev proposed a six-country platform for peace in the region in the postwar period, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) Deputy Chair Numan Kurtulmuş said Wednesday that Ankara and Baku are sincere and determined to create an environment where all countries of the region –Turkey, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Russia, Iran and Georgia – will solve their problems among themselves and make economic gains together.

Pashinyan proposes Russian border guards for entire Armenia-Azerbaijan border

EurasiaNet.org
July 30 2021
Joshua Kucera Jul 30, 2021


Armenia is seeking to deploy Russian border guards along its entire border with Azerbaijan as tensions and violence between the two countries continue to fester.

“This would allow the possibility of conducting delimitation and demarcation [of the two countries’ border] without the risk of armed clashes,” Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said at a July 29 cabinet meeting.

Russian border guards already patrol the southernmost part of the border, along Armenia’s Syunik province, and there have been talks about expanding that effort into the next Armenian province to the north, Gegharkunik. (The governor of Gegharkunik said July 29, however, that he didn’t know whether those discussions had advanced.)

Pashinyan’s proposal comes as Azerbaijan continues to push the advantage it won in last year’s war, steadily ratcheting up pressure in the hopes that it will force Yerevan into a final resolution of the conflict on terms favorable to Baku. In particular, Baku is seeking the handover of the remaining parts of Karabakh that are still under Armenian control, a demand Yerevan finds unacceptable.

“The situation along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border is not stabilizing, regardless of the efforts of the Armenian government and the international community,” Pashinyan said. “Azerbaijan is continuing its aggressive rhetoric and actions.”

The military pressure has steadily been increasing, as this week saw the single deadliest fighting since the two sides signed a ceasefire statement in November. On July 28, three Armenian soldiers were killed in a shootout between Gegharkunik and neighboring Kelbajar in Azerbaijan, in fighting that reportedly involved heavy artillery and tank fire. On July 23, an Azerbaijani soldier was killed in the same region.

Following the heavy fighting, Russia mediated a return to the ceasefire, but shooting has continued intermittently since then. Armenia reported on July 30 that it had intercepted two Azerbaijani drones flying over Gegharkunik, but Azerbaijan denied the reports.

The deteriorating security situation continues to demand attention from foreign actors. The U.S. State Department called on the two sides to immediately stop the fighting and to return to negotiations under the auspices of the Minsk Group of the OSCE. “[O]nly a comprehensive resolution that addresses all outstanding issues can normalize relations between the two countries and allow the people of the region to live together peacefully,” department spokesman Ned Price said in the July 28 statement.

Iran’s foreign ministry similarly called on “both sides” to stop shooting, and offered its own mediation services.

Pashinyan’s request for an expanded Russian border guard presence, though, seemed to fall on deaf ears. Asked about the proposal, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitriy Peskov dodged the question. “Contacts with Yerevan are continuing, we have nothing more to add,” he said.

Russian military analyst Pavel Felgenauer said that Moscow was unlikely to be interested. “Armenia wants to draw Russia into the conflict because it lost the war, it has no more strength, no more soldiers, it’s unable to rebuild its armed forces,” he told the news outlet Caucasian Knot. “Armenia is counting on Russia, but Russia has other priorities: Ukraine, Afghanistan, NATO. […] Russia doesn’t have extra armed forces to send fighters to help Armenia.”

Some form of international help could be coming Armenia’s way: Starting in September, Armenia will assume the chairmanship of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), the Russia-led post-Soviet mutual defense bloc. Yerevan has been appealing to the CSTO as Azerbaijani forces have crossed the (as yet not formally delineated) border between the two countries. Armenia says that amounts to a foreign invasion of the type that is supposed to trigger the CSTO’s collective defense provisions, though the organization’s leadership disagrees.

Ruben Rubinyan, the head of the Armenian parliament’s foreign affairs committee, said Armenia will assume the chairmanship of the CSTO (currently held by Tajikistan) on September 16. Will that help Armenia get anything more out of the CSTO than it has been able to so far? Rubinyan was noncommittal.

“The international community must respond appropriately to these actions of Azerbaijan, which is trying to blow up regional stability. […] There is a process under way in the CSTO, and we will continue to make use of the tools available to us,” Rubinyan told Armenian public radio. “We think that the CSTO should respond accordingly to these situations, because it is the CSTO obligation.”

Meanwhile, another international military bloc is holding exercises close by: NATO kicked off its regular Agile Spirit drills in neighboring Georgia on July 26. Armenia and Azerbaijan both have on-again-off-again relations with NATO and its multilateral exercises, and this time Azerbaijan is taking part while Armenia is not. It’s not too surprising why: NATO member Turkey, which provided substantial support to Azerbaijan in last year’s war, will be there.

The Kremlin’s Peskov was asked about Azerbaijan’s participation, and his disapproval was clear. “We value our relations with Azerbaijan,” he said, before adding that “it’s important [for Moscow] that these exercises do not suppose any veiled activities with respect to our country […] NATO sets the scenarios for these exercises and the alliance does not hide who is the enemy in them.”

Military pressure is not the only lever Azerbaijan is using against Armenia. A Baku court on July 29 convicted a group of Armenian soldiers who had crossed into Azerbaijani-held territory in Karabakh after the ceasefire was agreed last fall. The 13 soldiers were sentenced to six years in prison on charges of illegal border crossing and weapons possession. Another group of 13 soldiers was convicted for the same crimes and received the same terms a week earlier.

The sentences are likely merely a bargaining chip. Azerbaijan has been trying about 60 such soldiers in groups, and some of them have already been sent back to Armenia in exchange for maps of land mines that Armenia laid in the territories Azerbaijan retook during the war.

The prosecutions amount to a breach of the Geneva Conventions on war crimes, said Giorgi Gogia, the associate director for Europe and Central Asia for Human Rights Watch. 

 

Joshua Kucera is the Turkey/Caucasus editor at Eurasianet, and author of .

Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 08-07-21

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 17:29, 8 July, 2021

YEREVAN, 8 JULY, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 8 July, USD exchange rate up by 0.17 drams to 495.38 drams. EUR exchange rate up by 0.35 drams to 586.08 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate down by 0.07 drams to 6.60 drams. GBP exchange rate down by 1.55 drams to 682.29 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price down by 72.93 drams to 28742.36 drams. Silver price down by 3.44 drams to 420.23 drams. Platinum price down by 185.07 drams to 17423.96 drams.