Explosion Rocks University in Armenia’s Capital, Killing 1 Person and Injuring – AP

NTD
Nov 17 2023
By The Associated Press

By The Associated Press

YEREVAN, Armenia—An explosion rocked a university building in Armenia’s capital, Yerevan, on Friday, killing one person and injuring three others, authorities said.

The Interior Ministry said the blast happened in the basement of the chemistry department building at Yerevan State University. One person died and three others were hospitalized with burns and other injuries, health officials said, adding that one was in grave condition.

Authorities were investigating the cause of the blast.YEREVAN, Armenia—An explosion rocked a university building in Armenia’s capital, Yerevan, on Friday, killing one person and injuring three others, authorities said.

The Interior Ministry said the blast happened in the basement of the chemistry department building at Yerevan State University. One person died and three others were hospitalized with burns and other injuries, health officials said, adding that one was in grave condition.

Authorities were investigating the cause of the blast.

https://www.ntd.com/explosion-rocks-university-in-armenias-capital-killing-1-person-and-injuring_955110.html 

The Economic Landscape of Armenia: A Balancing Act of Salaries and Living Costs

Gillett News
Nov 12 2023

Armenia, an emerging economy nestled in the South Caucasus region, has been making remarkable progress in recent years. With its burgeoning industries and increasing foreign investments, one can’t help but wonder: do people get paid well in Armenia?

The Current Economic Progress

Armenia has enjoyed consistent economic growth during the past decade, particularly in fields like information technology, tourism, and agriculture. This upward trajectory has led to a surge in employment opportunities and an overall better quality of life for many Armenians. However, it’s worth mentioning that compared to certain European nations, the average salary in Armenia remains relatively modest.

Analyzing Salary Levels

Based on recent statistics from the National Statistical Service of Armenia, the average monthly salary in the country amounts to approximately 200,000 Armenian Drams (around $400). Nevertheless, this figure varies significantly depending on the industry and occupation. Professionals engaged in the IT sector or multinational corporations generally earn higher salaries compared to those in other sectors.

Factors Influencing Salary Levels

Multiple factors contribute to the variation in salary levels across Armenia. One of the most significant factors is the cost of living, which is generally lower than that of many European countries. This means that even with a comparatively lower salary, individuals can still maintain a reasonably comfortable lifestyle. Moreover, the level of education and work experience significantly impacts salary levels in Armenia.

FAQ

Q: Can one expect career advancement opportunities in Armenia?
A: Absolutely! Armenia’s expanding economy presents diverse opportunities for professional growth, particularly within industries like IT, finance, and tourism.

Q: How does the cost of living in Armenia compare to that of other nations?
A: The cost of living in Armenia is notably lower than in many European countries. Consequently, individuals in Armenia can adequately afford housing, food, and other essential living expenses.

Q: Does the Armenian government strive to enhance salary levels in the nation?
A: Yes, the Armenian government has devised various strategies to attract foreign investments and foster economic growth, indirectly contributing to improved salary levels for its citizens.

In essence, while the average salary in Armenia might be lower compared to certain European countries, the country’s economic growth and lower cost of living provide individuals with opportunities for a comfortable livelihood. With the continuous development of industries and the implementation of government initiatives, the future holds promise for further improvements in salary levels within Armenia.

Armenian Prime Minister meets with US Assistant Secretary of State

 18:28,

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 10, ARMENPRESS.  Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan received, at his temporary residence in Paris, the US Assistant Secretary of State James O'Brien, the PM's Office said in a statement.
''The PM emphasized the US’ role in the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process, and stressed its continuity.
Prime Minister Pashinyan referred to the "Crossroads of Peace" project of the Armenian government and added that the unblocking of regional transport infrastructures should take place based on the principles of sovereignty, jurisdiction, reciprocity and equality.
 During the meeting the PM touched upon the humanitarian problems of more than 100,000 forcibly displaced persons of Nagorno-Karabakh as a result of Azerbaijan's ethnic cleansing policy, as well as the steps taken by the Armenian government to overcome them,'' reads the statement.

‘Sadness in our hearts’: Armenian Christian recounts family’s escape from Nagorno-Karabakh

Nov 4 2023
Anya Safaryan (right), 78, who fled from Azerbaijan's controlled region of Nagorno-Karabakh, sits on a bed at a sports complex set up as a temporary shelter in the Armenian city of Artashat on Oct. 8, 2023. | Credit: Karen Minasyan/AFP via Getty Images

The little-known but decadeslong conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan erupted anew on Sept. 19, resulting in hundreds killed and a massive refugee crisis from the contested enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Lyudmila Melquomyan, 47, who is among the more than 100,000 Christian Armenians who fled their ancestral homeland after Azerbaijian launched an offensive, recently shared her harrowing experiences with CNA.

“Nobody wants to leave his homeland, but we had to in order to save the lives of our children, to protect them from war, starvation, and further atrocities of Azeris,” Melquomyan told CNA.

Melquomyan was born in the city of Hadrut and had lived in Nagorno-Karabakh her entire life until last month when, she said, “the whole population was forced to leave, escaping the genocide of Azerbaijan.”

The crisis centers on the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, also known by its ancient name of Artsakh. Though internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh was primarily made up of Armenian Christians who claimed self-sovereignty under the auspices of the “Republic of Artsakh.”

Their bid for independence came to an abrupt end, however, when the Azeri government launched a short but intense military campaign on Sept. 19. The assault ended with more than 200 Armenians dead and a mass exodus out of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Azerbaijan launched its offensive on Nagorno-Karabakh after a more than nine-month-long blockade of the region in which the delivery of all food, medical supplies, fuel, and humanitarian aid were severely restricted. By the time Azeri forces moved to wrest control of the region, the Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh were already critically low on food, supplies, and necessities like electricity and heating. 

On the morning of Sept. 19, “when all the people were at offices and children at schools,” Melquomyan said, the Azeri military began launching artillery and mortar strikes on both military and civilian positions. 

“When the missiles were being fired my 17-year-old daughter was awfully scared and began to cry,” Melquomyan said. “My younger son behaved like a brave man; he didn’t show his fear. As for me, I was afraid for my kids’ lives, not for me.” 

Melquomyan feared especially for the life of her eldest son, who was a soldier in the Artsakh military.  

The breakaway region’s Artsakh Defense Forces fought back, but vastly outgunned and without any outside support, the Armenians were forced to surrender just one day after the start of the offensive. 

“Our hungry but brave soldiers fought as much as they could,” she explained, “but without armament, without [the] support of Armenia, left alone … many people were killed or injured, even civilians.”  

According to Melquomyan, many Artsakhis, including a 15-year-old relative of her husband’s, are still missing. 

Though the Azeri government promised to integrate ethnic Armenians into the country, widespread fears of more violence, reprisals, and religious and cultural persecution led to a massive exodus. 

In the days that followed, videos on social media showed miles-long lines of cars filled with Armenians attempting to leave their homeland to escape Azeri rule. 

Melquomyan said that people began fleeing just five days after the Azeri offensive, on Sept. 24. 

With her family, Melquomyan also fled, leaving her home for the very last time at noon on Sept. 25.

“It was a terrible way with long miles [of] traffic jam, without food and water, sadness in our hearts, tears, homesickness,” she said. 

Though the journey to Armenia proper would typically take only six hours, Melquomyan said that it took her family some 36 hours to get out. All the while, she feared that somewhere along the way Azeri authorities would stop and arrest them. 

“When driving out of Artsakh I was also afraid that they would stop and arrest my eldest son (he was driving the car) and maybe me too,” she explained. “My daughter was terribly scared and pale, she was always saying: ‘It’s hot, open the window,’ though it was quite cool in the car, she was short of air.” 

While over 100,000 Artsakhis successfully escaped into Armenia, not everyone was able to get out. The Azeri government has arrested several high-ranking Artsakh officials and at least one Artsakhi civilian, charging them with war crimes and treason. 

Additionally, some 68 Armenians, including women and children, were killed and hundreds more were injured when a gasoline tank exploded beside the highway leading out of Nagorno-Karabakh’s capital city, Stepanakert. 

Though she was able to escape, her new life in Yerevan, Armenia’s capital city, has not been easy. Far from her ancestral homeland, she and her family must now struggle just to survive and to rebuild their lives. It’s a common struggle that all the Artsakhi refugees share. 

“One of the problems is too high [a] renting price, the other one is unemployment,” she said. 

Though she said that the Armenian government and aid groups are attempting to help by supplying food and household and hygiene items, many are still struggling to get by. Moreover, the physical and emotional scars that many Artsakhi refugees now bear will last for the rest of their lives. 

A people deeply rooted in tradition, perhaps the greatest struggle of all is being separated from the land of their parents and forebears. 

“We left the graves of our parents, children, brothers, and sisters,” Melquomyan mourned. 

Both her mother and brother were buried in Hadrut. By the time her father died in 2022, however, Hadrut had already been occupied by Azeri forces. 

“We had to bury him not far from Stepanakert,” she said, “but he asked me so much before dying to bury him in our native Hadrut.”

Despite everything, Melquomyan said that “each citizen of Artsakh hopes to return someday.” 

Though the battle for Nagorno-Karabakh has ended in a devastating defeat for the Armenians, many fear that Armenia itself may also be in danger of invasion. 

Wedged between Azerbaijan and the region’s major power, Turkey, Armenia sits much like an island in a sea of enemies who are ethnically, religiously, and ideologically opposed to it.

Robert Nicholson, president of the Christian advocacy group the Philos Project, told CNA that “at this point, an invasion by Azerbaijan into southern Armenia is very possible.”

Armenia and Azerbaijan have participated in several peace talks and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said last week that they were nearing a peace agreement. However, the two countries continue to engage in clashes at their border. 

Nicholson said that at this time “it is hard to imagine Azerbaijan signing a peace agreement.” 

According to Nicholson, Azeri President Ilham Aliyev and Turkish President Recep Erdoğan have been “very open” that they “would like to seize southern Armenia” as part of a plan to “reassert Turkic-Islamic international supremacy.” 

Armenia’s southern Syunik province, Nicholson explained, is the “only stretch of land that stands in the way of the pan-Turkic dream of a contiguous, Turkic federation stretching from Istanbul to Central Asia.” 

“Aliyev has openly discussed his desire to take further territory,” Nicholson explained. “He recently instructed government officials to start assigning Azeri names to cities in Armenia, and a joint conference was recently held with Turkey to promote the revisionist idea that Azerbaijan has a historical claim over Armenia.”

https://www.catholicnewsagency.com/news/255915/armenian-refugees-escape-nagorno-karabakh

Hamo Beknazarian’s 1928 Khaspush to be screened in New York’s Museum of Modern Art

 10:43, 1 November 2023

YEREVAN, NOVEMBER 1, ARMENPRESS. The 1928 drama Khaspush by Hamo Beknazarian, the founder of Armenian cinema, will be screened in New York’s Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) on November 3 and 13.

The National Cinema Center of Armenia has provided the 35mm print of the film for the screening.

Khaspush is the second Armenian film to be screened in MoMa after Sergey Parajanov’s 1967 Hakob Hovnatanyan in 2021.

Kansas National Guard, Armenia partnership stays strong with help of 35th Infantry Division

Oct 30 2023

YEREVAN, Armenia – Members of the 35th Infantry Division staff met with the Armenian National Defense Research University, members of the ministry of defense general staff, and students of the Vazgen Sargsyan Military Academy September 1-16 as part of the Kansas Army National Guard State Partnership Program. The purpose of the visit was to facilitate discussions and training on mission command and the officer/non-commissioned officer relationship from a U.S. Army and National Guard perspective.

This year marks the 20th anniversary of the State Partnership Program between the Kansas National Guard and the Republic of Armenia. Over the years, the Kansas National Guard has worked closely with the Armenian Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Health, Rescue Service, and other governmental offices and agencies, cooperating on military-to-military, military-to-civilian, and civilian-to-civilian events.

Topics for engagements are chosen through discussions between the two entities and depend on the capabilities and interests of each.

“One of the first things we did was meet with the commander of the NDRU – which is the equivalent of the U.S. Army War College – and his staff and talk through what he wanted out of the engagement,” said Lt. Col. Jason Inskeep, deputy operations officer for the 35th Inf. Div. “And then similarly, we talked with the commander of the military academy to see what his intent was. A big part of it is making sure we are meeting the commander’s intent.”

Mission command and officer/NCO relationships were chosen as topics in part because of the significant differences between the two countries’ doctrines.

“Currently, they are in the process of revising their doctrine and looking at how they utilize their NCO corps,” said Inskeep of the Armenian military. “Their NCOs don’t have the same types of responsibilities that NCOs have in the U.S. Army.”

Discussions centered around the U.S. Army’s concept of mission command, which allows for decentralization and the execution of disciplined initiative.

Command Sgt. Maj. Richard Peplow, senior operations NCO for the 35th Inf. Div., also noted of the differences in the way the doctrine of the two militaries codifies officer/NCO roles and responsibilities, remarking that the concept of mission command might seem somewhat strange to militaries in other countries.

“The Armenian idea of how their NCO corps works is completely different than in the United States Army,” said Peplow. “I hoped to be able to give the Armenian officers a different point of view. We weren’t there to say ‘Our way is the right way.’ It was about having an open dialogue about how we operate and the success we’ve had with it.”

Peplow, who recently returned from the 35th Inf. Div. 2022 deployment in support of Operation Spartan Shield, said it was helpful being able to provide real-world examples from his experiences.

“It was my first visit to Armenia and I didn’t really know what to expect,” said Peplow. “But I was pleasantly surprised with how open and accepting everyone was of us bringing a somewhat unusual, different way of doing things and their willingness to at least listen.”

With the Armenia/Kansas Army National Guard relationship being now well-established, Inskeep sees many more opportunities in the future to continue the conversations.

“Over the past 20 years, the amount of involvement we have had has only increased,” said Inskeep. “There’s a lot of opportunities to participate in exercises and instruction. The division is the unit of action for the Army, so it’s a good opportunity for us to teach what we know and what we do, and also for us to learn from their experiences.”

https://www.dvidshub.net/news/456824/kansas-national-guard-armenia-partnership-stays-strong-with-help-35th-infantry-division

Construction of Gyumri Dry Port and Industrial Estate could start in 2024

 15:40,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 31, ARMENPRESS. The Dry Port and Industrial Estate project in Gyumri could get approved this year and enter the construction phase in 2024, the Minister of Economy of Armenia Vahan Kerobyan has said.

He said that MTBS, a Dutch company, is currently carrying out a feasibility study of the project and the preliminary report shows sufficient demand to build the industrial estate.

The final report is expected by yearend. Then, the Public Investments Committee must hold another hearing to determine whether or not to continue the project.

Kerobyan said he finds it likely for the committee to greenlight the project.

The Dry Port and Industrial Estate project will likely be carried out by a public-private partnership model.

“We must try to involve a leading operator that will be able to perform a high-level management both in the industrial park and the logistics section,” Kerobyan added during a press briefing when asked by Armenpress on the project. 

“I think that in 2024 we will definitely pass the phases of preparing and implementing the tender. I think we can also hope that some construction works will commence in 2024,” he said.

Kerobyan said he has presented the project in various countries such as the UK, China, UAE and in different business forums. There is interest for the project from both the Gulf states and Southeast Asia.

The California Courier Online, October 26, 2023

The California
Courier Online, October 26, 2023

 

1-         Pashinyan
Boasts About Armenia’s Fake

            Democracy
at European Parliament

            By Harut
Sassounian

            Publisher,
The California
Courier

            www.TheCaliforniaCourier.com

2-         Armenia and France Sign Military Agreement

3-         Two rare
oral histories converge in Dr. Gil Harootunian’s newest publication

4-         Armenian
Literarian, Translator
Yervant Kotchounian
Passes Away

 

************************************************************************************************************************************************

 

1-         Pashinyan
Boasts About Armenia’s Fake

            Democracy
at European Parliament

            By Harut
Sassounian

            Publisher,
The California
Courier

            www.TheCaliforniaCourier.com

 

Regardless of whether I like Armenia’s Prime Minister or not, I
want to be fair to him. I praise him when he does something right and criticize
him when he does something wrong.

For example, I wrote an article in April 2019 praising Nikol
Pashinyan for his speech at the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe
(PACE) in Strasbourg, France. Here is what I wrote:
“Pashinyan gave an impressive speech to the representatives of 47 European
countries. Even more impressive were the Prime Minister’s answers to their
dozen questions. While his speech was prepared in advance, the questions were
impromptu and the answers had to be delivered on the spot.”

Pashinyan posted my article on his Facebook page which has
over one million followers. Here is the comment he added: “I am happy that one
of the most prestigious Diaspora newspapers, The California Courier, has
appreciated my speech at PACE.” My article received 4,000 Likes, 197 Shares and
185 comments.

I will now comment on Pashinyan’s speech at the European
Parliament on October 17, 2023, in Strasbourg,
France.

In his speech, Pashinyan used the word ‘democracy’ or
‘democratic’ 21 times to describe Armenia’s current government. He
emphasized that democracy provides “security, peace, unity, well-being and
happiness?” Regrettably, Armenia
does not enjoy any of these attributes, since Artsakh was lost and Azeri troops
have been stationed inside Armenia’s
borders since 2021. Armenia’s
problems are mostly due to the incompetence of its leader. Pashinyan came to
power under the guise of promoting democratic values, but ended up violating
the basic principles of democracy. What we have in Armenia now is one-man rule.
Pashinyan listens to no one, whether they are ministers, advisers, his party
members, the Parliamentary majority or the President. He makes all decisions by
himself. He claimed in his speech that Armenia “would have simply been
paralyzed, would have lost its independence and sovereignty if it were not
democratic.”

Pashinyan falsely said that his government “did not violate
any principle of democracy.” The fact is that Pashinyan has turned Armenia into a
police state. When he first came to power, he used to go to the Prime
Minister’s office on a bicycle. Now, he hides behind hundreds of policemen
before he puts one foot out the door. The policemen, who receive big salaries
and bonus payments, beat up and arrest demonstrators. Pashinyan’s political
opponents face trumped up charges in court. He has threatened to squash his
critics on the asphalt and slam them to the wall. Unbelievably, while
campaigning for the parliamentary elections in June 2021, he waved a hammer in
the air, threatening to smash the heads of his domestic opponents. Is that
democracy?

Even Diaspora Armenians are not immune from the long arm of
Pashinyan’s dictatorial regime. Anyone who criticizes him from outside Armenia is banned from entering the country
after arriving at the Yerevan
Airport. What happened to
the democratic principle of freedom of _expression_?

Pashinyan described Azerbaijan’s
May 12, 2021 attack on Armenia
as a “provocation that took place before the parliamentary elections… to fail
the upcoming parliamentary elections and paralyze the statehood of Armenia, or at
least its government.” The fact is that Azerbaijan’s
attack on Armenia
was unrelated to the Parliamentary elections. Such attacks have taken place
before and after the elections. Furthermore, Pres. Aliyev has no reason to
topple Pashinyan since he is making endless concessions to Azerbaijan on Artsakh and Armenia.

Pashinyan bragged in his speech that Armenia was
able to settle the 100,000 refugees from Artsakh. He claimed that thanks to
democracy in Armenia,
“We did it honorably.” The fact is that despite the persistent indications for
years that Azerbaijan
intended to occupy the remainder of Artsakh and force out its inhabitants, the
Armenian government made no preparations to settle the refugees in Armenia. Many
of them spent days in their cars, deprived of food, water and shelter. As a
result, several thousand Artsakhtsis have already left Armenia.

In his speech, Pashinyan explained his readiness to allow
Azeri cargo, vehicles, people, pipelines and electricity lines to traverse Armenia’s territory from Azerbaijan
proper to its exclave of Nakhichevan. Even though such access is supposed to be
reciprocal, as mentioned in the Nov. 9, 2020 agreement, Azerbaijan has never indicated its willingness
to allow similar transit for Armenians through Azerbaijan. The same disparity
applies to Pashinyan’s recognition of Azerbaijan’s
territory as 86,600 square kilometers, without Pres. Aliyev agreeing to
Pashinyan’s proposed size of Armenia’s
territory as 29,800 square kilometers. Pashinyan also conceded that the former
Azeri-inhabited enclaves within Armenia
belong to Azerbaijan,
without Pres. Aliyev accepting a reciprocal exchange.

Finally, Pashinyan repeated his offer to sign a peace treaty
with Azerbaijan by year-end
even though there is no necessity for such a treaty as Armenia and Azerbaijan had not declared war on
each other. The peace treaty will only serve as an opportunity for Azerbaijan to extract further concessions from Armenia.

Pashinyan concluded his 45-minute speech by repeating the
word ‘democracy’ two more times: “I am convinced that democracy can provide
peace, security, unity, prosperity and happiness. Let’s prove this together.
Long live democracy!”

The European Parliament members were extremely pleased with
Pashinyan’s remarks. Why shouldn’t they? Pashinyan is going along with the
interests of the West, Russia,
Azerbaijan and Turkey, which is the abandonment of Artsakh, to facilitate
the flow of Azerbaijan’s
natural gas (partly bought from Russia)
to Europe. Besides offering supportive words,
European Parliament members are not willing to do anything concrete for Armenia.

I am sure Pashinyan will not post this article on his
Facebook page.

 

************************************************************************************************************************************************
2-         Armenia
and France
Sign Military Agreement

 

Armenia’s
Defense Minister Suren Papikyan and his French counterpart Sébastien Lecornu
signed a military cooperations agreement on Monday, October 23 in Paris, the
defense ministry reported. This is Armenia’s first such agreement with
a Western nation. Lecornu said that France
will provide Armenia
with three GM200 radar systems and Mistral short-range missiles. According to
officials, France will also
assist in reforms in Armenia’s
Armed Forces.

“France and its people are standing by our side, just like
during all difficult moments in the history of the Armenian people, and also
today with the complex military and political situation around Armenia,”
Papikyan said, adding that this gesture “deserves the highest appreciation, for
which I am grateful again.”

“Today’s agreement stipulates cooperation in modernization
of the defense capabilities of Armenia’s
Armed Forces, military education, personnel training, advisory support and a
number of other aspects that are a priority for our Armed Forces,” added
Papikyan.

The French Defense Ministry said in a statement that the
agreement will also allow Armenia
to better defend its sovereign borders. The agreement would also allow Armenia to purchase defensive weapons from France.

The “agreement that will allow Armenia to protect its skies,”
Lecornu said in an interview the day before the agreement was signed.

Lecornu clarified to a French Senate commission last week
that the weapons that are being considered for sale are only defensive and not
offensive and meant to assist Armenia
in defending lives and the security of its territory.

During a visit to Armenia earlier this month, French
Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna pledged military support after visiting
displaced Artsakh residents, including burn patients injured in a Stepanakert
fuel depot station explosion. “I would like to publicly state that France has agreed on future contracts with Armenia which will allow the delivery of
military equipment to Armenia
so that it can ensure its defense."

Colonna’s pledge of military support to Armenia angered Baku,
with President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan
complaining to European Council President Charles Michel about what he called
the “anti-Azerbaijan” posturing by Paris and the EU.

 

************************************************************************************************************************************************
3-         Two rare oral histories
converge in Dr. Gil Harootunian’s newest publication

 

By Victoria Atamian Waterman

 

(The Armenian Weekly)—Two oral histories are combined in one
collection. At Four O’clock in the Afternoon is the only existing firsthand
oral account of an adult female who survived both the 1895 Hamidian massacres
and the 1915 Armenian Genocide. Bones and Bodies, We Had To Walk Over Them is
the firsthand oral account of her nine-year-old daughter who survived the
Genocide. Both accounts were translated by Rose D. Guertin, Ph.D. and written
and edited by Gil Harootunian, Ph.D. This stunning collection is told in four
voices.

Dr. Harootunian’s voice provides the introduction to both
oral histories with thoroughly researched facts and a relevant overview that
shine a light on key points that may have been dimmed during the emotional
narration or translation in language. She states there are many reasons why
self-narrated histories were not written by women, including but not limited to
the lack of literacy skills and the community taboo that precludes females
discussing their sexual trauma.

Guleeg (Toomasian) Haroian narrates At Four O’clock In the
Afternoon, starting her story at the age of 10, when she witnessed the killing
of her father, the theft of their wealth and the burning of their house down to
ashes by the Turks. By 1913, she was married to Hagop Haroian, blessed with two
daughters and pregnant with a third, when he left for America with the
dream of saving money to bring his family a life of freedom. With dreams
shattered, she survived the 1915 Genocide through a forced marriage to a Muslim
and later reunited with her daughter.

Excerpt: “And soon the crier yelled for us to go. I jumped. I
knew that place so well! I ran. They had begun separating the pretty ones, the
brides, for rape, marriage and property. They were raping and beating them,
then driving them out…I escaped. I had a stick in my hand. I was in my
thirties; my eyes and face I had rubbed all black mud on, so the Turks wouldn’t
recognize me, and they wouldn’t see how young I was…From roof to roof, I
jumped.”

Eva (Haroian) Hightaian, Guleeg’s only surviving daughter
from “the old country,” narrates Bones and Bodies, We Had to Walk Over Them.
Eva’s oral history is significant, as she reveals the decision-making process
of a nine-year-old child experiencing the collections, the Death March and
forced transfer into a Muslim household. Eva also talks about her years with an
Arab adoptive mother and her reluctance to re-join her mother and the Armenian
community.

Excerpt: “After the Turkish government took all the
ammunition and everything they saw, they decided you still have more…The
soldiers took the women they found to the konagh. They tortured them. No woman
would talk about it, but you can imagine what they did to the women. …The
Turkish soldiers collected all the old men. They took them to a gorge, shot
them, and those old men fell right there…After that, the massacre time came…And
now the Turks claim they never did such a thing. But I saw it with my own eyes,
in my young days, my childhood, they did all those things…”

The afterword is written by Dr. Rebecca Jinks, Department of
History, Royal Holloway, University
of London, and a
respected authority of women’s experiences during the Armenian and Yezidi
genocides and humanitarian responses and representations in the aftermath. Her
article “‘Marks Hard to Erase”: The Troubled Reclamation of ‘Absorbed’ Armenian
Women, 1919-1927” was published in 2018 in the American Historical Review. Dr.
Jinks provides a comparative analysis to a phenomenon called “genocidal
absorption” that occurs when children are removed from the ethnic, religious
and national communities that they are born into, as part of the process of
group destruction. Dr. Jinks states that Guleeg and Eva’s experiences give us
real insight into different experiences of genocidal absorption during the
Armenian Genocide. 

The book is just over 200 pages and flows smoothly for a
quick read. However, the words on those pages will stay with you long after as
you reflect on the unspeakable horror and remarkable resilience. Please note
trigger warnings of violence, sexual trauma and genocide.

This level of firsthand accounts is a rarity, and their
value cannot be understated.

It was not lost on me that this rare collection of Armenian
history was written by a family matriarchy of four generations of women. The
two oral histories consist of excerpts from recordings made beginning in 1976
with all four generations present. Had this not been a collaborative effort
among trusted family members, these stories would join others that will never
be told. This level of firsthand accounts is a rarity, and their value cannot
be understated.

This treasure could not have been written by anyone other
than Dr. Harootunian. We highly recommend this book for its rare and unique
firsthand points of view, especially for readers and researchers interested in
the lesser told stories from women that are written in English.

We also commend and thank Guleeg and Eva for their selfless
bravery, for opening deep wounds and for reliving their nightmares, and Rose
and Gil for pushing through their generational trauma to share this invaluable
treasure with the world.

 

**********************************************************************************************************************************************

4-         Armenian
Literarian, Translator
Yervant Kotchounian
Passes Away

 

Yervant Kotchounian was born on May 20, 1950, in Damascus, Syria.
He was the youngest son of Garabed and Tshkhoun (Vanes Kehian) Kotchounian. He
came to join his siblings Kalousd and Elmasd.

His mother passed away when Yervant was an infant. In 1958,
with the help of his brother Kalousd, Yervant and his sister Elmasd were
accepted into the Armenian Evangelical Secondary School of Anjar, Lebanon,
where they spent the next ten years.

In 1968, Yervant moved to the capital city of Beirut where he attended Haigazian College
for four years, graduating in 1972 with a degree in English literature. He
taught at Shamlian-Tatigian High School in Beirut
for two years after completing his degree. Yervant also hosted a radio program
called Armenian Hour, which aired in Beirut.
He also hosted another radio program that aired in Cyprus.

In 1974, he married Grace Varbedian and together they
immigrated to the United States
in 1975, where they settled in Los
Angeles and where their children—son Todd, and
daughter Tara—were born.

For many years, Yervant worked at Blue Cross in an
administrative capacity.

At his core, however, Yervant was a man of letters. He loved
words and ideas. In all languages. The best living examples of that are his
children and their names. Todd is “tahd”—cause, the permanent Armenian call for
justice. And his daughter is Tara—terra, land,
the resolution that justice would bring. This is how he was in all things: he
was true to himself, honest, and very very smart. Sometimes even practical.

His true passion was Armenian letters. He was a translator
who sought to preserve and extend the essence of Armenian for its rich and
expansive vocabulary while creating a bridge for Armenian writers to reach new
audiences. He was the translator and editor of a number of scholarly and
literary books. Some on commission; most out of love and curiosity. He had
translated a series of adventure novels because he wanted them available to
Armenian language readers. His writings appeared in all of the local Armenian
newspapers, and he was respected as a theater critic.

He served as a jurist for many years for the Hamazkayin
Tololyan Prize in Contemporary Literature, awarded to authors of various genres
in both English and Armenian whose themes centered around Armenian issues.

Yervant had a passion for music and was always quick to sing
or hum along. Especially if it was country music. He of course especially
appreciated classical and Armenian music, and was an avid supporter of the Lark
Conservatory, and the Dilijan Chamber Music Series.

He loved gathering with friends and family, sharing poetry
and telling stories — a smile never far, and his booming laugh often filling
the room. 

In the past few months, he was in significant pain when he
agreed to enter the hospital. On Friday, September 29, he had been in good spirits,
laughing and talking. Later that night, he suffered a heart attack that greatly
deteriorated his overall condition. After two weeks of treatment in critical
care, Yervant died on Saturday, October 14, surrounded by loved ones.

He is lovingly remembered by: Former wife, Grace
Kotchounian; Son, Todd Kotchounian; Daughter, Tara Kotchounian; Brother,
Kalousd Kotchounian; Sister, Elmasd Kotchounian Miller; Niece, Nanor and Elie
Tashdjian and family; Niece, Houry and Zohrab Ghazarian and family; Niece, Hasmig
and Kevork Harboyan and family; Nephew, Garo and Katie Kotchounian and family;
Nephew, Greg and Katrina Miller and family; And the entire Kotchounian, Miller
and Varbedian families, relatives, friends and colleagues.

A celebration of life will be held on October 28 at 5 p.m.,
at Phoenicia Restaurant (343 N
Central Ave, Glendale
).
In lieu of flowers, the family has asked that remembrances be made by
supporting Abril Bookstore, or by donating to an Armenian literary cause in
Yervant's name.

 

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‘We will not give away our land’: Armenians near Azerbaijan exclave

Al-Jazeera, Qatar
Oct 20 2023

Meghri, Armenia – One week after Azerbaijan seized Nagorno-Karabakh, Margo, a 74-year-old retired piano instructor, sat in a cafe and wondered if her hometown of Meghri, in southern Armenia, would soon share Karabakh’s fate.

In Armenian, Meghri means the town of honey, but life is rarely sweet, Margo said, not least now.

She believes that following Baku’s recent victory, Azerbaijan, emboldened, will now seek to seize parts of her native region, a strategic strip of land which separates Azerbaijan from its exclave of Nakhichevan.

“We worry every day. Every hour. We even know where their troops are located at our borders,” said Margo. “We will not give away our land, not a chance. We will fight till the end. But if they seize it, they will force all of us out of here, too.”

Back in the Soviet days, Meghri, a mountainous town of about 4,000 residents near Iran’s border, lay on a train route connecting Azerbaijan with its exclave. But following years of conflict between the neighbours over Nagorno-Karabakh, and mutual acts of violence, the route fell into oblivion.

Armenia and Azerbaijan have fought two wars over Nagorno-Karabakh, in the nineties and in 2020. But this year, after Azerbaijan’s lightning offensive, Baku took total control of the region, which lies within its borders. Until a few months ago, it was dominated by ethnic Armenians. Now, it resembles a ghost town, as most have fled to Armenia.

After the second Karabakh war, which ended with an agreement facilitated by Russia, Armenia agreed to allow a land connection between Azerbaijan and Nakhichevan.

While Azerbaijan and Russia claim that the road was meant to be outside of Armenia’s control, overseen by the Russian Federal Security Service, or FSB, Armenia rejects this interpretation.

In Yerevan’s view, the agreement was made at the time when Azerbaijan was blocking Armenia’s only land connection to Nagorno-Karabakh and was meant as part of mutual concessions.

But as Azerbaijan began a nine-month blockade of the area in December 2022, effectively cutting ethnic Armenians off the outside world, and eventually recapturing the area, Armenia does not feel obliged to meet its part of the agreement.

And that is despite Azerbaijan’s claim that it can only benefit from the deal.

“Armenia will be able to benefit from the developing trade in the region and all trade projects that are likely to be realised in the future,” Kanan Heydarov, a political analyst from Azerbaijan, told Al Jazeera.

“It will be able to make great economic gains. As it is known, Armenia has not been able to benefit from many big trade projects developed in the region so far.”

In recent years, Azerbaijan’s president, Ilham Aliyev, began to refer to Armenia as “Western Azerbaijan”. He also started calling for the creation of the “Zangezur Corridor”, a highway linking Azerbaijan with Nakhichevan along the former Soviet rail track.

“The Zangezur Corridor is a historical necessity,” Aliyev said last January adding that it will be created whether Armenia wants it or not. Earlier, in 2021, the president threatened to establish it by force.

Following Azerbaijan’s victory over Nagorno-Karabakh, which led to an almost full exodus of its Armenian population, locals like Margo – and some experts – fear that Azerbaijan might bring its plan to life by force.

“I think Aliyev is careful not to burn bridges behind. He likes to appear at Davos, the Munich Security Conference and other global forums, and he wants to continue serving gas to Europe,” David Akopyan, former United Nations diplomat and Armenian analyst, told Al Jazeera.

“But he is going to take as much as he is allowed to take, so we have to be mindful and prepared. It’s important that when it happens, we have measures to respond to the aggression.”

An ethnic Armenian woman from Nagorno-Karabakh sits inside an old Soviet-style car as she arrives in Goris, in Syunik region, Armenia [File: Vasily Krestyaninov/AP Photo]

Russia, Armenia’s traditional ally, whose troops were responsible for protecting Nagorno-Karabakh’s population, failed to prevent Azerbaijan’s military offensive.

Analysts said Moscow might not stand against the creation of a corridor that would connect not only Azerbaijan with Nakhichevan but also Central Asia – a region in its backyard – with Turkey and further with Europe.

Many Armenians, who have little faith in Russia now, have also turned against Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, blaming him for jeopardising Armenia’s security by antagonising Russia.

Russia has a significant military presence in Armenia, while the FSB controls some of Armenia’s borders. It is also Armenia’s largest trading partner which controls the country’s energy sector.

“Russia’s ultimate goal here is to change the Armenian government since Pashinyan is trying to effect a geopolitical shift in the region,” claimed Karen Harutyunyan, editor in chief of Armenian news site CivilNet.

“But my fear is that in the end, Pashinyan’s actions will only increase Russia’s influence on Armenia, despite the growing anti-Russian sentiment among the public.”

Armenia receives continued support from the United States and France. During a visit to Yerevan earlier this month, French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna agreed to deliver military equipment to Armenia.

Meanwhile, Azerbaijan is a close ally of Turkey, a NATO member, whose influence in the South Caucasus has risen prominently in recent years.

“An Azerbaijani invasion is a realistic scenario,” Harutyunyan said. “If it happens, no one is going to stop it: neither the European Union nor the United States.”

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/10/20/armenians-fear-after-karabakh-offensive

Trial of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenian for war crimes continues in Baku

Oct 19 2023
 

A Nagorno-Karabakh Armenian detained in July is on trial in Azerbaijan on charges of committing war crimes during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. 

Vagif Khachatryan, 68, was arrested in July as he was being evacuated to Armenia by the Red Cross for heart surgery. He is accused of taking part in a massacre of Azerbaijani civilians in the village of Meshali, in Khojali district, on 22 December 1991. 

[Read more: Azerbaijan arrests Nagorno-Karabakh resident for ‘war crimes’]

A 1992 report by the Russian human rights group, Memorial, cited ‘severe violence against the civilian population’ in Meshali by ethnic Armenian forces in 1991.

According to Azerbaijan’s General Prosecutor’s Office, 25 Azerbaijanis were killed, 14 were injured, and 358 were displaced from their places of residence during the events in Meshali village.

Khachatryan is being tried on charges of genocide and deportation or forced transfer of the population. If found guilty, he faces 14 to 20 years or life imprisonment. 

Khachatryan has denied all charges against him and claimed that witness statements had been falsified. He claimed that the attack had been planned in Stepanakert (Khankandi) a day earlier, but that he only learnt about the attacks in Meshali a day after they happened, as he was working at the time. 

‘Someone comes and says they saw me at the bottom of the village, someone says that I was at the top of the village, someone says that I saw him near the pond. How is it that I was in all those places?’, asked Khachatryan. ‘I swear to God, I was not there’. 

He added that if he had been a participant in such a crime, he would not have attempted to enter Armenia at the Lachin checkpoint and ‘would have crossed illegally like others’. 

Witnesses interrogated on 18 October claimed that Khachatryan was one of the main perpetrators of the violence in Meshali, with some claiming to have directly seen Khachatryan, while others stated that their family members had told them of his participation in the attack. 

Fazil Hajiyev, one of the witnesses, stated that Khachatryan had been a leading perpetrator of the massacre.

Hajiyev described the events of the day in court, stating that inhabitants of the village were blocked from leaving. 

‘Five people were set on fire in one house. Imagine they set the house on fire and shot at the door so that they cannot leave the house. Five or six people were also burned alive in the school’, said Hajiyev. 

The case’s victims include the legal heirs of those killed in Meshali, those injured there, and the Executive Power of Khojali district. 

Khachatryan’s trial will continue on 24 October. 

Armenian authorities and Khachatryan’s family have been swift to condemn the trial, with one of his daughters telling RFE/RL that the accusations against him were ‘defamation’. 

‘He was neither a commander nor a deputy commander. He was a driver’, said Tsovinar Khachatryan. 

Vera Khachatryan, also Vagif’s daughter, told OC Media that the family was going through a very difficult and emotionally overwhelming time. 

‘We are upset because we don’t have any information, we get information from the internet like you. We only know that our father is innocent, but we don’t know why he is there now,’ said Vera. 

Vera added that the family had been in contact with Vagif Khachatryan only once through the ICRC since his arrest, prior to the start of his trial on 13 October. 

Armenia’s Human Rights defender Anahit Manasyan stated that the trial was a ‘blatant violation’ of Khachatryan’s ‘fundamental rights’, and called on international human rights organisations to respond. 

Manasyan had earlier dismissed Azerbaijan’s accusations, stating that no ‘international prosecution’ was registered in any international databases against Khachatryan. 

The Armenian Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated after Khachatryan’s arrest that the ICRC had provided a list of patients to be transported in advance, and transported patients only after they had received agreement. 

It also claimed that the Azerbaijani Prosecutor General’s statement released shortly after the detention was ‘full of false narratives and accusations’, proving that Khachatryan’s arrest had been ‘thoroughly planned in advance’. 

The Ministry noted that Azerbaijan’s statement contained ‘an open threat to apply the same approach to other residents of Nagorno-Karabakh as well’.

In late August, Azerbaijani border troops detained three Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians at the Lachin checkpoint. They were released after ten days of administrative detention, allegedly for insulting the Azerbaijani flag in 2021. 

Araz Aliyev, a political commentator and member of the Board of Directors of the Azerbaijani pro-democracy NIDA Movement, told OC Media that it was important that the trial was held openly, with public access to ‘the issues and accusations’. 

He stated that while Azerbaijan should be interested in ‘uncovering the truth’ in Khachatryan’s trial and in the case of other historical crimes, media reports suggested that the authorities were attempting to use the judicial process ‘for the domestic audience’. 

He added that two Azerbaijani soldiers imprisoned in Armenia, one on charges of murdering a security guard in Syunik, should be tried in a ‘fair and legal manner’. 

‘The issue of the fair, objective, and legal trial of Khachatryan and prisoners of war can be an important step in the restoration of lasting peace and justice for both countries’, said Aliyev. 

 For ease of reading, we choose not to use qualifiers such as ‘de facto’, ‘unrecognised’, or ‘partially recognised’ when discussing institutions or political positions within Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and South Ossetia. This does not imply a position on their status.

https://oc-media.org/trial-of-nagorno-karabakh-armenian-for-war-crimes-continues-in-baku/