Author: Karakhanian Suren

Armenia PM Pashinyan will be unable to ensure fair elections, says Homeland Party leader

Karakhanian Suren
News.am, Armenia
March 6 2021
17:50, 06.03.2021

YEREVAN. – There is definitely a significant change, first of all, in the mood of our people. The chairman of the opposition Homeland Party, Artur Vanetsyan, on Saturday told this to reporters on Marshal Baghramyan Avenue, across the National Assembly of Armenia. 

“Initially, the government tried to turn this struggle into a fight between the former and the incumbent [authorities], into a fight for the seat of power. But our society realized that it was not about that, but about more serious things: the existence of our country, the future, the welfare of our people. People who do not support us, do not have sympathy for the Homeland Salvation Movement also visit [Marshal] Baghramyan Avenue today. But they come here to show their protest, their position,” Vanetsyan added.

According to him, the agenda of the aforesaid movement is the same: PM Nikol Pashinyan’s resignation, the formation of an interim government, after which the holding of snap parliamentary elections. “The people must decide—through free _expression_ of will—who should be in power in Armenia. Nikol Pashinyan has recently shown that he is unable to remain Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia. Nikol Pashinyan will not be able to ensure fair elections. If the elections are organized under Nikol Pashinyan’s prime ministership, they will not enjoy the trust of the majority of the people,” Artur Vanetsyan said.

Armenia’s Pashinyan ready to call early election if opposition signs memorandum

Karakhanian Suren
TASS, Russia
March 3 2021
Nikol Pashinyan said he had already invited the leaders of oppositional factions to meet for consultations

YEREVAN, March 3. /TASS/. The Armenian authorities are ready to call early parliamentary elections provided the opposition agrees to sign a corresponding memorandum, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan told parliament on Wednesday.

“We can call early elections during 2021, if the opposition – the opposition in parliament in the first place – agrees to hold them [by signing a corresponding memorandum]. For this purpose, I have already invited the leaders of oppositional factions to meet for consultations,” he said.

The Female Hostage Forgotten By The Free World

Karakhanian Suren

March 2,  2021



Maral Najarian was captured by Azerbaijani forces on Nov. 10 from Berdzor, Artsakh

BY JASMINE H. SEYMOUR

It is hard to imagine what this friendly face with a Mona Lisa smile might look like now, in captivity for almost four months. The ordeal of Maral Najarian and her distressed family is inconceivable for those who have not been through wars, captivity, and brutal exploitation.

The international media and decision makers of the free world once again display double standards dealing with humanitarian disasters. While the disappearance (voluntarily) of the daughter of Dubai’s ruler was treated as major international calamity, the destiny of hundreds of Armenian POWs, including women and civilians, tortured, and abused in Azerbaijani prisons, does not concern the leading international media.

Since the trilateral Ceasefire Statement between Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenian ending the war over the control of Nagorno-Karabakh, over 230 POWs are still unlawfully held by Azerbaijan. This violates article 8 of the above Statement, as well as the III Geneva Convention on Prisoners of war. The Convention establishes the principle that prisoners of war must be released and repatriated without delay after the cessation of active hostilities (Article 118). Not only existing POWs have only partially been returned (total of 64), but new hostages – civilians and soldiers – have been taken by the Azeri forces, who gained the control over 75 percent of Nagorno-Karabakh after the 44-day-war in autumn 2020. Evidence of inhuman abuse and torture of Armenian POWs, has been reported across international media, including ISIS-style beheadings by the Azeri militants of an elderly civilian and soldiers.

A few weeks ago, a petition to release all Armenian Prisoners of war and captives, was initiated by the British Armenian humanitarian group, which has already amassed over 16.500 signatures, and the number is increasing daily. Amid the political and social chaos reigning in Armenia since the Ceasefire of 9 November, it is unclear for distressed families of POWs where to turn for help. 

Maral Najarian’s sister, Annie, has been campaigning tirelessly for her sister’s release since her capture on 10 November 2020. After the Beirut blasts of the last summer, the sisters decided to move permanently to Armenia on 24 August for a peaceful life. The reality for them turned out anything but peaceful, with Maral in captivity in Baku, and Annie alone in Yerevan, trying to survive and to fight for her sister’s release. Jasmine Seymour, is one of the founding members of the group, who held an exclusive interview with Annie Najarian this week, that we bring to your attention.

JASMINE SEYMOUR: Can you please give some background about your family and your life back in Lebanon?

ANNIE NAJARIAN: We are Armenians from Lebanon, born and bred in Beirut, we are a large extended family – I have 6 siblings.  My grandparents were from Kilis and Aintab in Western Armenian, now part of modern Turkey. After the Armenian Genocide of 1915-1923, they escaped their homeland via Syria and settled in Beirut, Lebanon.  My sister Maral is in her 40s, the second eldest among siblings.  She has two children in their twenties and lost her husband three year ago.  

J.S.: Why did Maral decide to move to Armenia?

A.N: Maral came to Armenia a year ago together with her two children to settle down but returned to Lebanon because of the pandemic.  When I made the decision to move to Armenia, she told me she would also repatriate.  We decided to arrange everything and then bring our children.  We came on 25 August without our children. We went to Nagorno-Karabakh in mid-September, then unexpectedly, Azerbaijan started a wide-scale military assault on Karabakh. Our lives were shattered once again.

J.S.: Did you have any idea of the threat of war?

A.N: We had no idea about that.  When we moved to Karabakh, there were 4 other Lebanese-Armenian families with us, more families arrived by mid-September. We were placed in hotels in Karabakh.  As far as I know, everyone went back to Yerevan because of the war.

Sisters Maral and Annie Najarian in Stepanakert before the war

J.S.: What did the Armenian government offer to Lebanese Armenians?

A.N.: We learnt there was a scheme to help people to repatriate from the diaspora to Karabakh. They promised us housing and work permit.  We are hardworking people and we decided to make our home in Karabagh.  We wanted to open a small restaurant or a hairdressing salon, since Maral is a hairdresser.

J.S.: What happened next?

A.N.: On 26 September we left the town of Shushi, as we both suffered from hypertension.  We could not adapt to Shushi’s high altitude, so we decided to settle in Berdzor (Lachin).  We stayed in a hotel in Berdzor, when the war started the next day, on September 27.  

J.S.: Where were you during the war?

A.N.: We stayed for a week or 10 days after the start of the war, but when the bombing of the Lachin corridor by Azerbaijani forces started, we decided to go back to Yerevan to stay with our maternal aunt.  Afterwards, we rented a house near Yerevan, but after Maral was taken captive, I have moved back with my aunt.

J.S.: What happened to Maral?

A.N.: We read on Facebook that Ceasefire Statement had been signed, so we called the hotel employee to ask whether we could go back to retrieve our luggage.  Maral went to Karabakh with Vicken Euljekjian, a Lebanese-Armenian friend of ours, a driver.  I didn’t know that Maral and Vicken would also go to Shushi.  Our luggage was in Lachin, but Vicken’s stuff was in Shushi.  

J.S.: When did you hear that they had been detained?

A.N.: We learnt from Facebook posts that Shushi had been taken.  We did not yet know they were taken hostage.  Only a fortnight later we received messages via Maral’s messenger.  Maral’s Facebook account showed she was online, so when we messaged her, Azerbaijanis replied.  They gave contradictory messages, once they said they had killed her, then they said she was alive, they were agonizing us with those messages which lasted for days.

J.S.: What about Vicken?

The Surp Ghazanchetsots–Holy Savior–Cathedral in Shushi after it was bombed by Azerbaijani forces

A.N.: Whatever has been published on YouTube, that he has been charged with terrorism, that’s all we know.  His family still lives in Lebanon and they are looking for him, my family have been more vociferous and actively campaigning for Maral.  We’ve been told to stay away from social media, but I believe if we get media attention, hopefully, they would be more watchful and not torture her.  We were desperate because we didn’t know how she was.  We believe that they have mistreated and abused Maral, that is why the Azerbaijani authorities did not allow the Red Cross to visit Maral until now.

I believe there are good and bad people in every country.  There are people who have a conscience and there are cruel people.  I just hope Maral is in the hands of more considerate Azerbaijanis, but we don’t really know.

J.S.: What about the International Red Cross in charge of repatriating prisoners or war?

A.N.: Following our pleas, the Lebanese government interfered, and the International Red Cross was allowed to visit Maral and Vicken on the same day on 12 February for the first time in three months!  They are kept in the same prison but in different sections.  They reported they are both ok.  We must wait until they release Maral.  After that we will see what steps we need to take.  I am very upset with the fake news being spread, how dare people speak about my sister’s situation without checking their sources?  I am not only speaking for my sister, but for all POW’s, every single one of them must come home.  There are over 230 Armenian POW’s.

J.S.: Do you know if the POW’s are held in the same prison or different prisons?  

A.N.: All I have heard is that all the Armenian POW’s are held in a prison in Gobustan, some 70 kilometers (43 miles) from Baku.  But I have also heard that after being interrogated, some may have been taken to Baku.  

J.S.: Why do you think Maral and the other civilians are being held? 

A.N.: The only reason is that they are Armenian. The more people they hold captive, the more they manipulate the negotiations and get more concessions from the Armenian side.

 ***

After our interview, Annie Najarian confirmed that after ten days, the Red Cross has finally handed over Maral’s letter to her children in Beirut and her sister in Yerevan, where Maral wrote that she was doing well, but had no idea when she would be released. 

A change.org petition has been launched calling on Azerbaijan to release of all Armenian POWs

Following Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s announcement of February 26 that Azerbaijan had returned all Armenian POWs already (total of 64), and that everyone captured after the Ceasefire was a terrorist, the human rights lawyer Siranush Sahakyan representing families of 95 POWs at the European Human Rights Court (ECtHR), and Human Rights Ombudsman Arman Tatoyan condemned Aliyev’s distortion of facts and evidence. In her interview to the Armenian TV H1, Miss Sahakyan confirmed that Azerbaijan was still holding Armenian POWs taken before the Ceasefire of 9 November, that Azerbaijan has previously acknowledged to the European Court. Human Rights Defender, in his turn, strongly condemned Aliyev’s deceitful statement, ‘’I emphasize once again that, regardless of the date of captivity, all servicemen of the Armenian side detained in Azerbaijan, as well as civilians, are prisoners of war by their status’’ . 

The group British Armenian continues to campaign for the families of victims urging world leaders and international organizations to take immediate action to release all Armenian POWs and civilians. Maral is one of them, an innocent casualty, who, dreaming of a peaceful life, happened to be at the wrong place at the wrong time.

Notes

[1] http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/64384

[2] https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/applic/ihl/ihl.nsf/COM/375-590006?OpenDocument

[3] https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/12/02/azerbaijan-armenian-prisoners-war-badly-mistreated

[4] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/dec/10/human-rights-groups-detail-war-crimes-in-nagorno-karabakh

[5] https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100017676420633




We are ready to hold snap elections, if opposition agrees.

Karakhanian Suren

We are ready to hold snap elections, if opposition agrees – PM Pashinyan

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 19:58, 1 March, 2021

YEREVAN, MARCH 1, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan announced that they are ready for snap elections, if the parliamentary forces give consent, ARMENPRESS reports Pashinyan said during the rally at the Republican Square.

The PM added that the opposition has made all possible efforts to show in the streets that the people demand his resignation. ‘’They failed to do that, and I give them another chance, I challenge them, let’s hold another election and we will see whose resignation the people demand’’, Pashinyan said.

EU to provide additional 3 million euros in Karabakh aid

Karakhanian Suren
Reuters
Feb 18 2021

by Reuters
Thursday, 18 February 2021 16:07 GMT

YEREVAN, Feb 18 (Reuters) – The European Union said on Thursday it had decided to allocate an additional 3 million euros ($3.62 million) in humanitarian aid to civilians affected by the brutal fighting last year over the Nagorno-Karabakh region.

Fighting erupted between Azerbaijan and ethnic Armenian forces on Sept. 27 and ended on Nov. 10 when a Russian-brokered peace deal ushered in a ceasefire. Thousands died in the most bloody fighting over the region since the early 1990s.

The EU has now allocated a total of 6.9 million euros in humanitarian assistance since September, it said.

According to an EU statement on its website, the new aid will help provide food, shelter, winter items, essential health services and psychosocial support, as well as cover other basic needs.

“It will help provide emergency supplies to those most in need,” Commissioner for Crisis Management Janez Lenarčič said in the statement. ($1 = 0.8283 euro) (Reporting by Nvard Hovhannisyan; editing by Tom Balmforth)

Lithuania proud to have been the 1st country to recognize Armenia’s independence

Karakhanian Suren
Public Radio of Armenia
Feb 19 2021

Lithuania is proud to have been the 1st country in the world to recognize the independence of Armenia, and one of the first countries with which Armenia established diplomatic relations in 1991, the Embassy of Lithuania to Armenia said in a Facebook post.

This year marks the 30th anniversary of establishment of diplomatic relations between Lithuania and Armenia.

The cooperation has since deepened and expanded, creating a strong partnership and close cooperation in many areas.

This year the activities of the Embassy of Lithuania in Armenia will be dedicated to this important anniversary. 

Germany supports OSCE MG Co-Chairmanship on settlement of NK conflict: Ambassador’s interview

Karakhanian Suren

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 17:33,

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 16, ARMENPRESS. The return of prisoners of war is a humanitarian issue which has to be settled under full respect of international humanitarian law, Ambassador of Germany to Armenia Michael Johannes Banzhaf said in an exclusive interview to ARMENPRESS, commenting on the observation according to which Azerbaijan is artificially delaying the process of the return of Armenian POWs.

– In the aftermath of the war unleashed by Azerbaijan against Artsakh, which lasted from September 27 to November 10, the issue of the status of Artsakh is not clarified yet. How does Germany consider the settlement of the issue of the status of Artsakh? What’s Germany’s comment on the statements claiming that Nagorno Karabakh conflict is solved?

– Germany fully shares the view that the cessation of hostilities is only a first step to end the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. Efforts must be renewed for a negotiated, peaceful, comprehensive and sustainable settlement of the conflict, including on the status of NK. Germany fully supports the OSCE Minsk Group led by its Co-Chairs to find a long-lasting solution.

– The statement signed by the leaders of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia on the cessation of hostilities referred to the issue of the return of prisoners of war and captured civilians as well. Both conflicting sides have stated that the exchange will be carried out on the “all for all” principle, however, Azerbaijan is artificially delaying the return of prisoners of war. What kind of steps can the international community undertake to urgently resolve this issue?

– The international community should recall that the return of prisoners of war is a humanitarian issue which has to be settled under full respect of international humanitarian law. I do hope that further progress will be made in the next future. My sympathy is with all families waiting with growing impatience to embrace their beloved ones.

– As a result of the war unleashed by Azerbaijan, the people of Artsakh encountered serious humanitarian issues, many civilian infrastructures were destroyed, and prohibited weapons were used, putting the region on the brink of a humanitarian catastrophe. What kind of steps should the international community undertake, including Germany, to relieve the humanitarian issues of the civilians of Artsakh?

– Providing humanitarian aid to all those who suffered from the recent military hostilities is high on the agenda of the international donor community. Germany for its part is supporting the International Committee of the Red Cross. Germany is also supporting the cooperation of the German Red Cross with the Armenian Red Cross in this regard. The problem of access to Nagorno Karabakh is still unsolved and so humanitarian aid prevented from unfolding its full effect. A speedy settlement of this issue is urgently needed.

How Biden Can Create Permanent Armenian-Azerbaijan Peace in the South Caucasus

Karakhanian Suren
The National Interest
Feb 10 2021

The Armenia-Azerbaijan agreement provides an opportunity for the U.S. to develop a new regional policy focusing on conflict resolution and an inclusive platform for peacebuilding.

by Nurlan Mustafayev
Europe’s longest-running territorial conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan ended after forty-four-days of bloody fighting with the signing of a Russia-brokered trilateral Joint Statement on November 10, 2020. The agreement’s key consequences are the withdrawal of Armenia’s armed forces from Upper Karabakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) and seven adjacent districts of Azerbaijan and the right of return of all displaced persons (IDPs)—a critical impediment to regional stability in the past thirty years.


The emergent new regional order post-hostilities is based on an umbrella of Russian-Turkish security cooperation. Under this arrangement, a sizable Russian peacekeeping force was deployed in Upper Karabakh and alongside the land corridor connecting the region with Armenia. In addition, the joint Turkey-Russia peacekeeping center operates to monitor the cease-fire. It will be the first time in NATO’s history for its member state to engage in regional security monitoring in a former Soviet Union country.

Notably, the United States and France, as co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group—the mediation group entrusted to find a peaceful solution to the conflict—were absent in this critical regional diplomatic endeavor. It was hardly accidental. The U.S. disengagement, France’s perceived partiality, the diplomatic stalemate, coupled with the Minsk Group’s ineffectiveness in the past twenty-six years played a key role in this situation.

Between Inconsistency and Disengagement

The United States did not have a consistent policy in the region under all three past U.S. administrations even though it has important security and economic interests, which include maintaining the strategic Northern Supply Route to Afghanistan via Azerbaijan and Georgia; promoting U.S. companies, trade and investments; preserving regional stability; preventing the resumption of frozen conflicts; and supporting democratic change and better governance as well as the international integration of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. The past U.S. administrations pursued some of these goals at the expense of others and without clear prioritization. As a result, it achieved some of its policy goals in regional integration, energy, trade, and investments. However, it failed in its most crucial goal of peaceful settlement of frozen conflicts.     

The lack of consistent regional policy also led to contradictory policies towards Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. The United States has focused on Georgia as the cornerstone of the U.S. approach toward the region. However, thanks to the pressure from the influential Armenian lobby in the U.S, it granted Armenia preferential treatment vis-à-vis Azerbaijan, such as diplomatic backing, increased security, and economic assistance—the platform of the U.S.-Armenia strategic dialogue. The past U.S. administrations pursued this preferential approach against the background of the ongoing, albeit frozen, Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict and Armenia’s opposite foreign policy orientation.

While all three recent U.S. administrations valued Azerbaijan’s contributions to the U.S. goals, such as regional stability, Afghanistan policy, energy projects, exports, the bilateral relationship remained relatively static. Despite increasing security assistance to Azerbaijan’s border security, the parties could not elevate their ties to a new level on par with Armenia and Georgia. It has created a sense of uncertainty in Azerbaijani society about U.S. impartiality in the conflict and its regional strategy.

Options for New Regional Policy   

The success of the United States’ new re-engagement policy will largely depend on how it will deal with the reconciliation of Armenia and Azerbaijan. Given the end of the hostilities now, the United States needs to develop a coherent regional policy based on the priority of the permanent resolution of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict and regional economic integration. Here are the six points of how the Biden administration can approach these complex issues in its new regional push.

First, the United States needs to shift away from its traditional policy of “conflict prevention” in favor of “conflict resolution” in the region. It requires strengthening the implementation of the Armenia-Azerbaijan agreement, which significantly overlaps with the “Basic Principles” proposed by the Minsk Group. U.S. policymakers should be aware that Azerbaijan as a state does not consider itself to be entirely viable without Upper Karabakh in terms of security, geography, and economy. Given such complexities, the conflict needs an incremental approach in negotiating numerous supplemental agreements to meet Azerbaijan’s critical national security needs and protect minority rights of ethnic Armenians (e.g., cultural autonomy) in Upper Karabakh. The Northern Ireland peace process overseen by various U.S. diplomats since 1995 is an example of how long and arduous a genuine reconciliation process can take between two nations.  

Second, the United States needs to see the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict as a standalone issue separate from its worsening relationship with Turkey or Russia, NATO-Turkey, and Russia-Turkey, or Turkey-Armenia relations. Linking this conflict to geopolitics and external players, as advocated by some U.S. lawmakers and lobby organizations, will limit options for negotiation in the fragile peace process. It will also divert attention from the core issues—a reconciliation of Armenia and Azerbaijan, undertaking extensive post-war reconstruction work, including the return of IDPs.  

Third, the United States should strive to be a neutral and impartial mediator and avoid the perception of appearing pro-Armenian in the conflict. The United States and Russia are the only global powers in the region that both Azerbaijan and Armenia still trust and accept. U.S. policymakers need to build on this trust instead of weakening it by calling for reviewing security assistance to Azerbaijan or recognizing the “Nagorno-Karabakh Republic” as a response to Azerbaijan’s recovery of its internationally recognized territories. Azerbaijani society will view such potential moves as profoundly unfair and as recognition of Armenia’s territorial claims, which will significantly reduce U.S. soft power and influence in shaping the region’s political future. 

Fourth, the United States’ new regional engagement should continue supporting Azerbaijan-led regional energy and transport projects that link the South Caucasus to European and East Asia, especially Chinese markets. Mutual economic dependence and linking peace to economic opportunities will augment a chance for regional peace. For instance, in addition to standalone land corridors stipulated in the Joint Statement, the implementation agreement between Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia signed on January 11, 2021, envisages the unblocking of regional rail connections and building new interconnections, connecting the region’s economies. It will link Armenia to Iran, Russia, Turkish markets, and Azerbaijan to its Nakhichevan exclave and Turkey.

It is a substantial economic opportunity for Azerbaijan and Armenia—a land-locked country whose 85 percent of rail traffic used to pass through Azerbaijan before the start of the conflict in 1990.

Fifth, by applying its experience in Kuwait’s reconstruction, U.S. humanitarian assistance and participation of American companies will be essential in rebuilding the war-torn de-occupied areas—utilities, roads, housing, schools, medical facilities for almost 800.000 Azerbaijani IDPs, and Karabakh Armenians. The UN estimate of economic damage is about a staggering $53.5 billion, beyond the capacity and resources of a small country like Azerbaijan.

Six, common regional problems can no longer be dealt with in a piecemeal manner and through bilateral relations alone. Developing a joint strategic dialogue platform involving the United States, on the one hand, and Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia, on the other hand, to regularly discuss security and economic integration issues would significantly advance the goals of a new U.S. regional policy. Such inclusive regional engagement would produce better coordination among regional countries, build more trust and make the permanent Armenia-Azerbaijan peace closer. Given Azerbaijan’s role as the regional integrator with the largest economy and multi-directional foreign policy, there is a need to elevate the U.S.-Azerbaijan relationship to strategic dialogue on par with Georgia and Armenia. In this respect, as the transport routes between Armenia and Azerbaijan are being restored, repealing Section 907 of the Freedom Support Act—a psychological barrier and highly unfair legislation—could start a new era U.S.-Azerbaijan relationship and contribute to the success of its new regional engagement.

Nurlan Mustafayev is a Baku-based specialist in international law and public administration. He works as a senior advisor on international legal affairs at the State Oil Company of the Republic of Azerbaijan.  His views are his own and do not represent that of his employer. Follow him on Twitter @nmustafayev.

 

Garegin Nzhdeh statue reportedly removed from Artsakh’s Martuni in line with Azerbaijan’s demand

Karakhanian Suren
Panorama, Armenia
Feb 12 2021

A statue of prominent Armenian statesman and military strategist Garegin Nzhdeh has reportedly been removed from Artsakh’s Martuni town in compliance with the demand of Azerbaijani troops before its inauguration.

“The statue was definitely dismantled and taken to the History Museum,” former pro-government lawmaker Sofya Hovsepyan said in comments on a Facebook post of Armenian reporter and TV host Nairi Hokhikyan.

“This is the statue of Garegin Nzhdeh in the Artsakh town of Martuni. Azerbaijan demands its removal, while the Russian peacekeepers do not want to take responsibility for the fate of the statue instead of the Armenians. Although the issue is still being discussed only in offices, it is clear that Azerbaijan is close to achieving what it wants, as there is no adequate response to it from the Armenian side,” Hokhikyan wrote on Facebook, sharing a photo of the statue.

“Our brothers and sisters in Artsakh are unanimously against the removal of the Nzhdeh statue. If we today fail to resist the aspirations of the enemy, tomorrow the Armenian authorities will reserve the right to say that there was no public demand, therefore they obeyed the Azerbaijani demands.

“I suggest declaring together, in a crowded march, that we are the owners of our land and the statue of the hero placed there. Nzhdeh [statue] must remain in Martuni,” the reporter said.

Meanwhile, Artsakh Minister of Education, Science, Culture and Sport Lusine Gharakhanyan denied the reports of the dismantlement of the statue as “false.”

https://www.panorama.am/en/news/2021/02/12/Garegin-Nzhdeh-statue-Martuni/2450588

————-

Lieutenant Colonel of the Armenian Armed Forces, the Foundering Chairman of the Armenian National Disabled Sport Federation Sargis Stepanyan informs that the statue of the prominent Armenian statesman and military strategist Garegin Nzhdeh will not be demolished in Martuni town of Artsakh. 

“Dear friends, Nszhdeh statue will not be demolished in Martuni. Please, refrain from spreading disinformation. The photo here was taken today to prove that,” Stepanyan wrote on social media, along with the photo of the statue.

To remind, earlier reports suggested the statue had been removed from Artsakh’s Martuni town in compliance with the demand of Azerbaijani troops before its inauguration.