19 Companies And 22 Property Units Offered For Privatization In 2006

19 COMPANIES AND 22 PROPERTY UNITS OFFERED FOR PRIVATIZATION IN 2006

Noyan Tapan
Jul 26, 2007

YEREVAN, JULY 26, NOYAN TAPAN. Taking as a basis the fourth part
of Article 53 of the RA law National Assembly Regulations, the RA
government, at the July 26 sitting, decided to submit to the RA NA the
revised variant of the RA bill On Approving the 2006 Annual Account
on Fulfilment of 2006-2007 Program of State Property Privatization
submitted for the discussion of the RA NA of third convocation. Noyan
Tapan was informed about it by the RA government Information and
Public Relations Department.

According to the account, 19 companies and 22 property units were
offered for privatization in 2006, at that, 17 companies (or 90%) were
offered for privatization by a tender and auction. 38 property units
that remained after liquidation were also offered for privatization.

11 companies and property units included in the program were privatized
in the period under review: 4 out of the companies through a direct
sale, 3 through a tender, and 4 through an auction. The most of
the privatized companies (45.5%) are the companies, the powers of
managing of whose shares have been passed to the State Property
Management Department under the RA government, 27.5% are companies
and privatization entities of the RA Ministry of Culture and Youth
Affairs, 9% of the Ministry of Trade and Economic Development, 9% of
the Ministry of Health, and another 9% of the Ministry of Agriculture.

178 commercial organizations were in the process of liquidation, and
decisions on liquidation of 113 out of them were made in 2006. The
process of liquidation of 20 out of the above mentioned organizations
has been completed and 14 have been declared bankrupts by the decisions
of the RA Economic Court.

ANKARA: Same Court Same Journalist Different Decrees

SAME COURT SAME JOURNALIST DIFFERENT DECREES

BIA News Center
posted on July 25 2007
Turkey

After dismissing a case against journalist Bogatekin three months
earlier, the same prosecutor’s office in Gerger, south-east of Turkey,
has started a second trial against the same journalist under Article
301. His trial is to start 25 July.

BÝA (Ýstanbul) – The indecisiveness and contradictions which the
Turkish government becomes embroiled in when dealing with freedom of
expression become obvious when considering Article 10 of the European
Convention on Human Rights.

In one case in the district town of Gerger in the province of Adiyaman
(south-east of Turkey), a case against journalist Haci Bogatekin was
dismissed by Public Prosecutor Sadullah Ovacikli.

Writing on a flea epidemic in an article entitled "Flea, Pig and Agha"
in the local newspaper, Bogatekin had criticised the government.

Prosecutor Ovacikli cited the Observer-Guardian versus United Kingdom
and the Prager-Oberschlick versus Austria cases, which had been taken
to the European Court of Human Rights, as precedents for his decision.

After dismissal a new trial

However, three months after the dismissal, the same prosecutor’s
office started a trial against the same journalist for a similar case,
citing Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code.

In an unsigned article published on 10 March 2007 and entitled "Turkey
Has Made a Mistake", Bogatekin had said: "The government has made a
mistake. Where and when? Yesterday, in the East and South-East. And
then in Istanbul. In Maras, in Sivas. Today in Trabzon, Istanbul,
Mersin and the South-East…" The journalist is now on trial for
"degrading the state" and the court case will begin on 25 July at a
penal court in Gerger.

Bogatekin said in his statement to the prosecution on 3 April: "I
did not write the article with a criminal intent. As a journalist,
I tried to criticise some of the mistakes the government made in the
past and recently." However, his statement did not prevent prosecution.

Wanted to prevent repetition of mistakes

Bogatekin argued that he had presented his thoughts in order to
show that the repetition of mistakes would blight the future of the
country. In his article, he had held the government responsible for
"the death of millions of Armenians and Syriac Christians in the
East and South-East, after that the death of the Alevi in Dersim,
then the Greek Orthodox in Istanbul with the September movement,
and more recently the death of hundreds of people in Maras, Malatya,
Corum and Sivas".

In the previous case against Bogatekin, related to the article
published on 7 December 2006, in which he had criticised the
government’s hygiene standards, the prosecution had dismissed
proceedings, arguing that "although freedom of expression was
exaggerated to a certain extent, the article even contained some
provocations, and some of the expressions used were polemical
in nature, the expressions were used to support an objective
statement, and they are not considered an unfounded personal
attack". (EO/EU/AG/EU)

–Boundary_(ID_bJsE2lps7scAO3HyxH5q HA)–

TV Show Hosts Discuss Significance Of Election Results

TV SHOW HOSTS DISCUSS SIGNIFICANCE OF ELECTION RESULTS

NTV television, Istanbul
23 Jul 07

The NTV Television Network in Turkish at 1700 gmt on 23 July airs
the first of its postelection "Difference of Interpretation" shows
in the usual format of a point-counterpoint discussion of selected
current topics by programme hosts Emre Kongar and Mehmet Barlas. This
particular show goes over the alloted time and lasts 50 minutes.

Barlas opens the show by enumerating a number of possible discussion
topics, but Kongar proposes that the two hosts first discuss the
significance of the electoral shares of the three parties that gained
seats in the Assembly.

Kongar begins talking about the "unequal representation" of different
constituencies and Barlas points out that "27 independents were
elected with only 5 per cent of the vote while the Democrat Party [DP]
did not win any seats with about the same percentage." At this point,
the discussion turns to the resignation of DP General Chairman Mehmet
Agar and the status of "the centre right." Barlas notes that he spoke
to former Prime Minister Tansu Ciller earlier and that she told him
that "there is strong pressure from the bottom" for her to step in
but that this "needs to be discussed" by the DP.

Returning to the discussion of unfairness of the election system,
Kongar says that the election of the 27 independents, most of them
affiliated with the Democratic Society Party [DTP], shows that it is
time "to do away with the 10-per-cent electoral threshold" because
it does not serve its purpose of stopping small parties from winning
seats in the Assembly.

Barlas notes that the Justice and Development Party [AKP] won more
votes than the DTP in most southeastern provinces. He says that this
suggests that citizens are not voting along ethnic lines and that the
newly-elected "DTP-backed independents must utilize the parliamentary
system for the development of Turkey."

When Kongar says that he would like to see "a Turkey where all
citizens can exercise their citizenship rights regardless of ethnic
origin" irrespective of "whether we enter the EU or not," Barlas
says that European and Western values can help Turkey "neutralize"
"certain ills" that come from "being part of the Middle East."

Kongar says that he objects to the "chaos" created in Turkey’s criminal
laws because of the rush to adapt to EU laws and complains that the EU
has been introducing new preconditions on Cyprus and even insisting
on "the recognition of the Armenian genocide." Barlas responds that
the election results suggest that Turkey’s "national will approves
the continuation of the EU process." Kongar disagrees and says that
different voters vote for various parties for different reasons and
that it cannot be concluded from the election result that it was a
vote in favour of the EU. He adds that "the EU process was discussed
only in the abstract" during the election campaign and that "in any
event the Republican People’s Party [CHP] did not say that ‘we will
not enter’" the EU.

Barlas says that "we cannot discuss on 23 July what was said before
22 July." He adds: "The people said: I support you. Carry on what you
are doing. I am satisfied with the services you have provided." Barlas
insists that the people told the opposition: "Despite the backing you
have received from republic rallies, Constitutional Court rulings,
and presidential vetoes, you are at odds with the general perspective
of Turkish society. We are not voting for you."

Kongar objects vehemently that "the AKP’s victory cannot prevent
anyone from criticizing its mistakes over the past four and a half
years." He argues that he is "speaking on behalf of the 53 per cent
of the people who did not vote for the AKP." Barlas insists that
Kongar represents "the 14 per cent of the Nationalist Action Party
[MHP]." Kongar calls that remark "shameful" and "inappropriate" and
accuses Barlas of "demagoguery." He insists that "even if a party
wins 90 per cent of the vote," the remaining 10 per cent has a right
to criticize that party. Barlas responds that, in a democracy, "the
victory of the majority does not mean the trampling of the rights of
the minority." He adds that, if a party has the majority of seats in
parliament it must be able to elect whomever it wants even if small
"unelected" groups object. The two hosts that exchange heated remarks
over "demagoguery."

Commenting on the reasons for the MHP’s success in winning 14 per
cent of the vote, Kongar says that some of the MHP’s support came from
voters who "would vote for the CHP but did not because of its leader"
and that it succeeded partly because of its stance on "separatism." He
adds that Turkey’s "regional" ethnic problem has become a "central
problem" because most Kurds live in big cities today. He says that he
sees the presence of the DTP-backed independents and the MHP in the
Assembly as an "opportunity for Turkey." Barlas agrees and notes that
"Turkey’s Kurdish reality is also a regional reality." He expresses
the hope that all members of the National Assembly realize this and see
the current situation as an opportunity to solve a regional problem.

Changing the subject, Barlas says that he does not expect any
"dissidence" against CHP General Chairman Deniz Baykal within his
party because of the way Baykal "purged" his opponents within the
party in the past. He adds that, "as of now, Baykal has no intention of
stepping down" but that "it is certain that social democrats outside
the CHP will start an opposition movement against Baykal."

Kongar notes that the CHP was not able to increase its share of the
vote over 2002 despite its merger with the Democratic Left Party and
the support of many social democratic groups and that the election
results constitute a "major failure for the CHP." He attributes the
results to the failure of the CHP to "open up to the people" while the
AKP has been able "to mix with society at every level." He says that
"the CHP is a closed party" and that its leader has "no warmth."

Barlas says that the CHP "refuses to examine its mistakes" and
continues to blame "exploitation of religion" and "lack of reason"
for its failures. He adds that "this suggests that there is no hope
for this party." He criticizes Baykal for not calling Prime Minister
Erdogan to congratulate him on his victory.

Kongar also criticizes the CHP leadership and says that "the
introvertedness of the party prevents it from improving itself." He
says that the leadership "wasted" the enthusiasm created for it by the
"republic rallies."

Turning to the reasons of the AKP’s success, Kongar says that one
contributing factor was the "abundance of hot money across the
world." He adds that all foreign leaders, including Greek Cypriot
leaders and Kurdish leaders in northern Iraq, supported the AKP. He
says that the media and business circles also supported the AKP.

Barlas says that Turkey as well as "Turkey’s friends abroad" are
relieved with the election result because of expectations that
"stability will continue." He says that "had the election been
held in November as scheduled, the AKP would not win 47 per cent
of the vote." He suggests that the Constitutional Court ruling on
the presidential election and other factors helped the AKP win by a
large margin.

The two hosts end the programme saying that they will continue this
discussion the next day.

French Publication To Correct The Book, Which Indirectly Denies Arme

FRENCH PUBLICATION TO CORRECT THE BOOK, WHICH INDIRECTLY DENIES ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

PanARMENIAN.Net
24.07.2007 18:42 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Thanks to the efforts of the Armenian community of
France famous French publication "Hachette" will correct the book,
which includes an article that denies the Armenian Genocide. The book
about Turkey ignores the tragic events of 1915.

Instead it presents lying statements of the Turkish side.

On behalf of Alex Govchian, the Coordinator of the Armenian Unions of
France, the Armenian Community of France and local Armenian unions
a letter was addressed to the publication. It says that an article
titled "Defeat of Armenia", which was published by "Hachette" in a
book titled "Blue Guidebook" is an indirect denial of the Armenian
Genocide. Authors of the letter demand to change the above-mentioned
article. "We’d like to inform that we do not share views that deny the
Armenian Genocide", was the answer from "Hachette". Representatives
of the publication assured that in the new book due to be published
in 2009 the above-mentioned article will undergo correction.

In particular, this disputable article says that after joining together
in the World War I Armenians have killed a lot of Turks and Kurds and
just because of this the Ottoman Government organized mass killings
of Armenians in Van in 1915, "Yerkir" newspaper reports.

Elitomania, The Art Of Building

ELITOMANIA. THE ART OF BUILDING
James Hakobyan

Lragir, Armenia
July 23 2007

What is underway in Yerevan has an official definition – urban
planning. However, after a deeper look it becomes clear that the
ongoing building has nothing to do with urban planning, at least for
the simple reason that the building for which the center of Yerevan is
in a mess now is absolutely incompliant with the demands of Yerevan
at present. It is enough to make inventories, like the president of
Armenia Robert Kocharyan likes to put it, to make sure that it is
incompliant, to make an inventory of the problems of Yerevan and what
now is being built in Yerevan. Let’s start with the problems. They
are many, of course, but the most important ones could be enumerated:
passable roads, apartments, not elite ones but for a major class
of the society, because even the official data show that about 80
percent of available housing is worn. Hence, roads, apartments, as
well as green area and relieved center because it is evident that
for some capacity of the center it is necessary to finally spoil the
center because what had been foreseen by the architect Tamanyan does
not suppose such heavy traffic at the center.

Now it is time to make an inventory of "urban planning" efforts. What
is being built in Yerevan? It is obvious to everyone, and perhaps
nobody would let me cheat them, but even if they allow, I simply cannot
cheat anyone. The city needs roads. No significant efforts are made yet
to relieve traffic in the center of the city through other ways. And
what are these ways? It could be multi-level parking, improvement of
operation of traffic lights, removal of minibus routes from the city
center. These are some of the efforts that could be made if there
was wish to make traffic in the center at least a little bearable and
predictable. After all, the authorities should acknowledge that it is
also a political issue because one day the drivers stuck in a traffic
jam at some intersection will become the critical mass who will be
full of deep indifference towards political stability in the country
and will do what failed in more dangerous periods for the government.

Yerevan needs new apartments because the old ones are worn and are
already dangerous for residents, as we witnessed a few days ago. What
does the government offer in return? The government does not encourage
a social housing policy but the so-called elitomania. Elite buildings
are erected everywhere which only the oligarchs who build and the
government officials who sign their license can afford to buy. And
these buildings directly affect the two major problems of the city:
green area and heavy traffic. The major part of building is at
the center of the city which means it is becoming heavier. Besides
apartments business centers and places of entertainment are being
built, which means that the center is loaded with not only residents
but also people who come to the center to work or to have fun.

Besides, most building is done at the expense of green areas, and
the vivid evidence to it is the recent incident at Pushkin Street.

There is no need to tell to what degree the so-called urban planning
programs address the problems of the city. Perhaps it is clear
to every citizen that what is being built, including the subways,
will not make life in Yerevan easier and more comfortable because
it is impossible to cram the center and make it comfortable at the
same time. The center is not made of rubber, it is not elastic. It
is impossible to add concrete and cut trees at the same time and
claim that this is for the sake of the comfort of the citizens. The
government had better confess that urban planning in Yerevan is the
only way to keep the economy of the country alive. In other words, a
problem of employment is solved, that’s all. Of course, employment is
not bad, it is even necessary. But when it is not for the future but
at the expense of the future, it already causes concern, especially
that it is impossible to build Yerevan endlessly.

Artur Poghosian Appointed RA Deputy Minister Of Sport and Youth Affa

ARTUR POGHOSIAN APPOINTED RA DEPUTY MINISTER OF SPORT AND YOUTH AFFAIRS

YEREVAN, JULY 20, NOYAN TAPAN. By RA Prime Minister Serge Sargsian’s
July 20 decision, Mikayel Ispirian was relieved of the post of the
Vice-Chairman of the Physical Culture and Sport State Committee of
the RA government and Artur Poghosian of the post of the RA Deputy
Minister of Culture and Youth Affairs.

As Noyan Tapan was informed by the RA government Information and
Public Relations Department, by Prime Minister’s another decision,
Artur Poghosian was appointed the RA Deputy Minister of Sport anf
Youth Affairs.

Black ties

Black ties
By Bernard Simon

FT
July 21 2007 01:24

A familiar face was missing one evening last month among nearly 200
of Toronto’s chattering classes. They had gathered at the fashionable
Grano restaurant to hear Gore Vidal muse on the future of Europe –
the latest event in the Grano Speakers Series, promoted as evenings
of stimulating discussion over a good meal. Before warming to his
advertised theme, Vidal took a few gratuitous swipes at the missing
guest. The novelist’s wheelchair had been lifted on to a small platform
in the middle of the restaurant, inducing, he said, "a Blackian moment
as I was raised above my humble station, translated to the Lords".

Lord Black of Crossharbour, Conrad Black, was not on hand to parry the
thrust. Normally a Grano Speakers Series regular, he was in Chicago,
as he had been since late March, defending himself against charges of
fraud and other crimes. The former press baron was found guilty last
week on four out of 16 counts and faces a lengthy prison term when
he is sentenced in November. It will probably be some time before he
returns to Grano.

His home town has been riveted by the trial. Having one of their
own on the world stage – whether on Fleet Street or in a Chicago
courtroom – helps satisfy a craving among Canadians to punch above
their weight. But while Toronto’s clubby, waspish society played
a big part in moulding Black’s character in the 1970s and 1980s,
the city has moved on. Apart from family and close friends, the man
whose empire once stretched from The Daily Telegraph in London to the
Chicago Sun-Times, The Jerusalem Post and Canada’s National Post is
unlikely to be missed.

While Torontonians may have lapped up the saga of Black’s rise and
fall, he no longer has much relevance in Canada’s biggest city. What’s
more, the Grano event exposed an undercurrent of disdain towards the
peer and his wife, Barbara Amiel. For years, respect for Black’s
business achievements has been tempered by derision and distrust,
if not outright hostility. Even many of the power brokers who still
lunch at the stuffy Toronto Club would doubtless agree with the 1993
observation by Montreal billionaire Paul Desmarais, quoted in Tom
Bower’s recent biography of Black. "Conrad’s a little too big for
his boots," Desmarais said. "He’s behaving like a spoilt child."

In some ways, Black is not as "old establishment" as he is often
portrayed. Those who know him say that he is, at heart, less pompous
and more engaging than his verbose public utterances suggest. Nor are
his roots in Toronto. Both his parents came from prominent families
in the prairie city of Winnipeg, and he was born in Montreal. (Soon
after Conrad’s birth, his father George was persuaded to move to
Toronto to work for Canadian Breweries, part of the industrial empire
run by E.P. Taylor, a pillar of Toronto society who became a strong
influence on Black.)

In Hollinger’s heyday, Black and Amiel spent little time in Toronto,
preferring to hobnob with the rich and famous in New York and
London. Until legal and financial troubles drove him back, Black’s
appearances in Canada were confined largely to the launch of the
National Post in 1998, the Christmas parties he threw for the paper’s
senior staff, and the occasional fundraiser for Israel. He alienated
many Canadians further by renouncing his citizenship in 2001 to take
a seat in the House of Lords.

The increasingly distant relationship between Black and Toronto
says as much about the city as about the man. As Hershell Ezrin,
chief executive officer of the Canadian Council for Israel and Jewish
Advocacy, and at one time the top aide to a former premier of Ontario,
puts it: "There are other establishments now; it’s no longer just
the one that Conrad represents."

Bill MacDonald, retired senior partner at McMillan Binch Mendelsohn,
one of the city’s blue-blooded law firms, agrees: "I doubt you could
find any city in the world that has transformed so dramatically, so
peacefully and so prosperously." The addition of "Mendelsohn" to the
104-year-old law firm’s name two years ago offers a clue that Toronto
is no longer dominated by a handful of white, Anglo-Saxon families.

"That used to be the case maybe 35 years ago, but today’s it’s not
so," says Hilary Weston, a former lieutenant governor of Ontario
whose husband Galen’s business empire stretches from Selfridges, the
UK department store, and Ireland’s Brown Thomas chain, to Loblaws,
Canada’s biggest supermarket group.

The old Anglo-Saxon families – like the Westons, Eatons, Thomsons,
Jackmans and Bassetts – still control vast pools of wealth and play a
prominent role in philanthropy and culture, but Toronto’s undisputed
power couple these days is Gerry Schwartz, a Winnipeg-born Jew,
and his wife Heather Reisman. Schwartz controls Onex, a powerful
private-equity group; Reisman is chief executive of Canada’s biggest
bookseller, Indigo Books.

Many of Toronto’s new power brokers and society mavens have their
roots in a flood of immigrants, starting with Italian construction
workers and eastern European refugees in the 1950s and 1960s, but
broadening in recent years to include tens of thousands of Chinese,
Indians, Filipinos, Somalis and others from every corner of the
globe. With about 250,000 newcomers each year, Canada takes in more
immigrants relative to its population than any other industrialised
country. According to the 2003 United Nations Human Development Report,
Toronto has more residents born outside the country than any other city
except Miami. As Hilary Weston puts it with only mild exaggeration,
"the visible minorities have become the majority."

To its credit, Toronto’s old establishment is sharing power more
comfortably and graciously than elites in many other cities. When
I asked Senator David Smith, an eminence grise in Toronto politics,
to what extent the newcomers have gained real influence, he jumped
up from the chair in his office at Fraser Milner Casgrain, another
venerable law firm, where he was once chairman. "Come with me," Smith
insisted, proceeding on a brisk tour of Fraser Milner’s offices on
the 39th floor of First Canadian Place. As we walked, he jabbed his
finger at the nameplates outside the offices of the firm’s partners
and associates. They are as cosmopolitan a bunch as one can imagine –
Katarzyna Sliwa, Renata Rizzardi, David Tsubouchi, Sonja Homenuck,
to name a few.

Weston, born and raised in Ireland, argues that "the energy and
dynamism are coming from the new immigrants to this country." Asked
to compare Toronto with London, where she and her husband spend much
of their time, she observes that "it’s a much more open society. It’s
much more liberal, more all-embracing."

According to Vahan Kololian, a private-equity investor who was born in
Egypt to Armenian parents and arrived in Toronto in the early 1960s,
"London is an international city but [unlike Toronto], a lot of people
there are not set on becoming part of the fabric of the country."

As evidence of the fresh air blowing through Toronto society,
Weston cites the fundraising drive that she has spearheaded over the
past four years for a C$270m expansion of the Royal Ontario Museum,
one of the city’s cultural landmarks. Instead of turning to the old
establishment for a lead donor, she drove to Burlington, a dormitory
town west of Toronto, to extract C$30m from Michael Lee-Chin, a
Jamaican-born entrepreneur.

Lee-Chin asked Weston why she didn’t ask her husband to write a cheque
at their breakfast table. "If Galen wrote a cheque," she replied,
"it would be business as usual. But if you wrote a cheque, it would
be an inspiration to every immigrant, every new Canadian." The Michael
Lee-Chin Crystal, a striking Daniel Libeskind-designed, crystal-shaped
addition to the museum, opened last month. (The Westons did wind up
donating C$20m.)

The museum renovation is part of a cultural renaissance that has
helped give Toronto a more sophisticated and cosmopolitan air than it
had during the years when Black and Amiel preferred to spend most of
their time elsewhere. The city also boasts a new opera house – to which
Black contributed. A C$200m addition to the Art Gallery of Ontario,
designed by Frank Gehry, is nearing completion. Construction is due
to start soon on a downtown entertainment and condominium complex
that will house the Toronto International Film Festival. "It will be
possible soon for a singer to earn a living at home and not to have
to go abroad," says Richard Bradshaw, the UK-born director of the
Canadian Opera Company.

Ice hockey and baseball are no longer the only games in town. The
Toronto and District Cricket Association now fields 86 teams,
with names like Gujarat, the Lion Hearts, the Caribbean Limers and
Bangla. The India and Pakistan national cricket teams have played
matches at the SkyDome, normally home to the Toronto Blue Jays
baseball team.

Nonetheless, Peter Ustinov’s famous 1987 jibe that "Toronto is
New York run by the Swiss" still applies – for better and worse. It
remains one of the most pleasant and peaceful cities in north America,
despite timid, tax-and-spend civic leaders, a dearth of investment in
public infrastructure over the past decade, and a sometimes suffocating
political correctness. When a city councillor earnestly told a radio
talk-show host recently that "we know where the hotspots are", she
was not referring to clubs or crime, but to the parks where dog owners
are most careless about stooping and scooping.

Yet Black has had little in common with the new elite. "They don’t
know him, they don’t need him," says Patricia Best, a writer who
knows Black well. Hal Jackman, scion of a prominent Toronto family
and an old friend of Black, said after last week’s verdict that Black
"should have been a professor or a man of letters or a lecturer –
that was his calling". Had Black heeded such advice, he might now
be looking forward to the next event at Grano, instead of awaiting
a less agreeable fate in Chicago.

Bernard Simon is the FT’s Canada correspondent.

In January-June Of 2007 Armenia’s GDP Grew By 11,2%

IN JANUARY-JUNE OF 2007 ARMENIA’S GDP GREW BY 11,2%

Mediamax, Armenia
July 20 2007

Yerevan, July 20 /Mediamax/. The growth of Armenia’s GDP in
January-June of 2007 totaled 11,2%, as compared to the same period
of 2006.

As the press service of the National Statistical Service of Armenia
told Mediamax today, the GDP volume in January-June of 2007 totaled
944845.7mln drams.

The volume of industrial production in the republic in January-June
of 2007 stood at 327954.9mln drams, having increased by 1.4%, as
compared to the same period of 2006.

The average monthly salary in Armenia in January-June of 2007
increased by 20.5%, as compared to the same period of 2006, thus
making 71344 drams.

The salary of budget organizations has increased by 22.1%, making
52491 drams during the accounting period, and the salary of non-budget
organizations stood at 88961 drams (growth – 20.1%).

BAKU: Gothenburg-Azerbaijan Strategic And Research Center Condemns T

GOTHENBURG-AZERBAIJAN STRATEGIC AND RESEARCH CENTER CONDEMNS THE SO-CALLED PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN NAGORNO KARABAKH

Azeri Press Agency, Azerbaijan
July 20 2007

Gothenburg-Azerbaijan strategic and research center in Sweden made
a statement condemning the so-called presidential elections held in
Nagorno Karabakh, the center told APA.

The statement says that "presidential elections" in the occupied
Azerbaijani territories – Nagorno Karabakh contradict international law
as should be regarded as ignoring the UN Security Council resolutions,
as well as OSCE countries mediating in the settlement of the conflict.

Gothenburg-Azerbaijan strategic and research center demand Swedish
parliament to debate illegalities of Armenians in the occupied
Azerbaijani territories – Nagorno Karabakh and analyze its influence
on the peace process.

The International Law Doesn’t Have Provision Prohibiting Population

THE INTERNATIONAL LAW DOESN’T HAVE PROVISION PROHIBITING POPULATION OF A STATE FROM ELECTING PRESIDENT

PanARMENIAN.Net
20.07.2007 18:47 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ The presidential elections in Nagorno Karabakh were
fair, transparent and perfectly organized, members of the Public
International Law and Policy Group (PILPG) told a news conference
in Yerevan.

According to delegation head Vladimir Matic, it was conditioned by
the development of democratic processes in Nagorno Karabakh.

"Presence of international observers encouraged the people of
Karabakh. The July 19 presidential election was a new step towards
democracy. The international law doesn’t have provision prohibiting
the population of a state from electing President," he underscored.