Author: Karagyozian Lena

Azerbaijan desecrating graves in Nagorno-Karabakh – Armenian Ambassador to Belgium

Karagyozian Lena

 19:07,

YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 19, ARMENPRESS.  Azerbaijan is desecrating the graves of ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, Tigran Balayan, the Ambassador of Armenia to Belgium and the head of Armenia’s mission to the European Union told Brussels Signal.

Speaking to Brussels Signal, Tigran Balayan said  that Azerbaijan has begun destroying religious artefacts belonging to the former Armenian population of the region, the vast majority of whom have since fled the territory.

 “The war against Armenian cemeteries has started,” the official said during an interview with Justin Stares, Head of News at Brussels Signal.

“We have tons of video and photo evidence that they are starting to ruin the cemeteries in the villages and also the churches.”

Balayan went on to claim the country was also demolishing smaller churches across Nagorno-Karabakh, saying that the one in his native village had been destroyed.

Azerbaijan has, he added, also removed religious symbols from larger buildings.

“All the crosses from all Armenian churches in Nagorno-Karabakh were removed by occupying soldiers,” he said.

 Balayan’s assertions stood in stark contrast to those made by Azerbaijani officials in recent weeks.

After a period of detente between the two Caucasus countries, tensions have once again spiked. That came after a clash on the border between Azerbaijani and Armenian forces, as a result 4 Armenian troops dead.

Speaking to Brussels Signal, presidential representative Elchin Amirbayov insisted that his country remained committed to protecting the rights of ethnic Armenians in the disputed territory.

He added that Azerbaijan would “welcome back” any ethnic Armenians who had fled the region, describing them as being entitled to Azerbaijani citizenship in the same way other ethnic minorities in the country are.

That was rejected by Balayan, who instead said Azerbaijan had worked to prevent the return of ethnic Armenians to Nagorno-Karabakh.

“There were attempts by some people to return. They were rejected by Azerbaijan,” he insisted.

Triumph in Defeat: Inaugurating a New Era for Azerbaijan and Armenia

Karagyozian Lena
E-International Relations
Feb 14 2024

M. Hakan Yavuz

The Karabakh Conflict is a quintessential example of the paradoxical repercussions that can blur the lines between military triumph and humiliating downfall. This article explores the question of how the thrill of military victory morphs into a profound sense of defeat. In the space of just thirty years, both Armenia and Azerbaijan, respectively, experienced how the elation of military victory and the humiliation of battlefront defeat left profound impacts on the collective national psyche. 

In 1994, Armenian forces celebrated a triumphant victory, establishing a separatist state, called Arshak in Armenian, within Azerbaijani territory while etching a populist narrative of robust Armenian nationalism. But, in 2020, this triumph was transformed into a defeat that left behind a landscape marked by scorched aspirations and shattered illusions. Meanwhile, the First Karabakh War left Azerbaijan at the nadir of its national identity and pride. The war displaced more than 700,000 people, left between 20,000 and 30,000 dead, destroyed cities and their infrastructure, and stunned the Azerbaijani people. The trauma, often referred to as the “Karabakh Wound”, triggered not only a desire for revenge but also for national rehabilitation. Meanwhile, Armenians could not fathom the impact that the Karabakh Wound had left on Azerbaijanis. The trauma was felt not just by those who were displaced or were grieving for the dead but also by ordinary Azerbaijanis at all levels of society and in all walks of life. The Azerbaijani state coordinated its message about collective trauma and a nation’s profound sense of victimhood, reinforcing it and making this collective psyche resilient in the nation’s schools and popular media.

Conversely, the Armenian experience of military triumph not only bolstered newfound self-confidence but also bred a deep disregard for Azerbaijanis, whom the Armenians unjustly framed as “genocidal Turks” who were finally being punished for the events of 1915. Armenia saw its victory as confirming its nationalistic identity as superior to the weak and divided nation of Azerbaijani Turks. Unsurprisingly, Armenia’s bluster and intransigence served to intensify the Azerbaijani resolve for retribution. Armenia squandered the fruits of its military victory, never realizing how they could have capitalized on defining terms for a lasting peace in the region. It was Nikol Pashinyan, the Armenian Prime Minister, who ended any hope of diplomatic settlement by declaring that “Karabakh is Armenia” in 2019. Azerbaijan has no option but to search for a non-diplomatic solution to restore its territorial integrity. Thus, it was inevitable that there would be a Second Karabakh War.

In 2020, Azerbaijan captured most of the territories and controlled the key passages between Armenia and Karabakh. Azerbaijan emerged fortified and resolute during the Second Karabakh War. Meanwhile, several factors paved the path for Armenian’s military defeat that was just as tragic and humiliating as what Azerbaijan experienced. Karabakh Armenians, who have relied on Russian peacekeepers who were deployed following the Moscow-brokered ceasefire of 2020, found themselves vulnerable to surprise attacks. During the Ukrainian War, Russia prioritized winning in Ukraine above everything else. Even the Caucasus, which was strategically important, could be disregarded to ensure victory in Ukraine. The war forced Russia to establish ties with Azerbaijan and Turkey to mitigate sanctions and create new trade routes to the south. Armenia faced additional challenges as its previous military dominance gradually diminished. The country became complacent, neglecting the valuable lessons learned from the first war. Military spending stagnated, equipment became outdated, and training routines became less rigorous. This erosion of military preparedness compounded Armenia’s difficulties during this period. 

Meanwhile, Azerbaijan, buoyed by an oil boom and strategic alliances that filled the public coffers, built a formidable war apparatus, investing in advanced technologies such as drones, precision airpower, and cyber warfare capabilities. The balance of power tilted decisively, shredding the once-mighty Armenian Karabakh fortresses into powerless bastions unfit to confront or neutralize its now more technologically advanced adversary. The Armenian exodus, marked by the march of defeated, exhausted refugees, shattered the long-held belief of invincibility. It was now Armenia’s turn to experience profound national humiliation with grief, self-doubt, and questions about a nation’s will to exist.

In 2024, Armenia is at a critical juncture in its history. Presently, Armenia’s external borders are guaranteed by Russia, which also houses a major military base in the country. Additionally, a significant portion of Armenia’s major infrastructure is owned by Russia. As a result of the Second Karabakh War, Armenian-Russian relations have been radically changed. The alliance turned into a liability for Russia’s dealings with Azerbaijan and Turkey. The Ukrainian War increased the strategic costs associated with maintaining this alliance.  Russia cannot shift military resources due to the prolonged Ukrainian war and Moscow is mindful of its constructive relationships with Azerbaijan and Turkey. During the Second Karabakh War, Russia opted to remain passive, even as the negotiated ceasefire unraveled. The Kremlin chose not to intervene, a significant move given its past commitments to regional alliances. Moreover, Turkey, under Erdogan’s leadership, decided to support Azerbaijan, diplomatically and militarily. It was the Turkish high command who ran the war. Yet, President Aliyev had prepared the military for the war’s critical moment and also developed closer ties with Moscow.

There could be an opportunity, even a potential of rebirth, in the defeat. With Russia uncoupling from the Karabakh issue, the Armenian state could seize the opportunity and free itself of the chains of being a protectorate and reaffirm its sovereignty. Turkey and Azerbaijan should address Armenia’s real or imagined threat perceptions to provide larger maneuvering room for the Pashinyan government to distance itself from Russia. It is more or less up to Turkey and Azerbaijan to shape the future of a stable and peaceful Armenia by addressing Armenia’s historic fears, a win-win proposition for all three nations. The repercussions of this “majestic defeat” continue to resonate in Armenia, with the loss of Karabakh, a historical and cultural hub. The financial impact is evident, with disrupted trade routes and a severe lack of infrastructure resources exacerbating an already overwhelmed economy. Politically, Armenian society grapples with divisions, recriminations and a quest for new paradigms. Yet, there are glimmers of hope. The recent prisoner exchange between Armenia and Azerbaijan, achieved without external intervention, presents a fragile but viable opportunity for reconciliation. Both nations now face a critical choice: cling to the ghosts of past aggressions or forge a path for mutual understanding and prosperity.

One of the negative factors for the durable peace is the Armenian diaspora which invests more in writing the past than building the future of Armenia. The Armenians of Karabakh fled within a few days of the war’s outbreak. Although the European Parliament said the exodus amounted to ethnic cleansing, a United Nations fact-finding report did not find any evidence of forced deportation. Yet, the Armenian diaspora attempts to frame the history of this exodus as ethnic cleansing and even genocide. The defeat represents a collective trauma that would likely expand the historical genocide narrative. That is, the Armenians will situate Karabakh within the framework of the genocide narrative of 1915. This will reinforce the image of the “terrible and genocidal Turks,” especially among the Armenian diaspora, and anchor a narrative of victimhood that could fuel a resurgence of revanchist Armenian nationalism.

To prevent the revanchist nationalism there is a constructive alternative. Azerbaijan and Turkey should work with Armenia to foster closer ties, and economic cooperation, and repair relations so that the psychic cycles that led to both wars are broken for good. Ankara should make overtures to Armenia by opening the border and by formally recognizing and apologizing for the sufferings of the Armenian people during World War One. Ankara’s actions could move past the lingering incriminations and accusations of genocide that have persisted for more than a century. Moreover, the Pashinyan government’s handling of the conflict, military strategy, and diplomatic efforts are more likely to contribute to growing dissatisfaction and domestic discontent. The psychological impact of perceived failures may intensify a profound loss of confidence in political leadership, prompting a collective demand for accountability. Unfortunately, the weakness of political opposition in Armenia has ensured Pashinyan’s re-election and efforts to consolidate his power, without the political will to make substantial changes on the domestic front.

The humanitarian crisis resulting from the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Armenians has intensified emotional strain while also fostering a sense of solidarity. Witnessing the suffering of fellow citizens and grappling with the need to address the needs of internally displaced persons create an emotional burden that goes beyond geopolitical considerations. The U.S., the European Union, and regional neighbors should provide economic assistance to the resettlement of refugees. Likewise, changes in regional power dynamics contribute to a collective sense of urgency and the need for a strong, unified response to safeguard national interests.

Peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan is imperative for securing their respective futures. Despite Armenia being excluded from key regional economic projects, such as oil and gas pipelines, the Middle Corridor Project initiated by China holds the potential to engage the region with new trade routes and interdependent relations. In 2024, the Caucasus could thrive economically and politically, with Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey, Iran, and Russia acting upon a mutual vision for a peaceful, integrated region.

Azerbaijan is strategically advocating for a “framework agreement” as a stepping stone towards a more comprehensive treaty, intending to address persisting issues with Armenia. Crucial challenges, including the intricate delimitation of mountainous borders, are on the horizon, requiring several years for resolution. Notably, the demarcation of the Azerbaijani-Georgian border has remained unresolved since 1991. Azerbaijan is proposing to delineate borders based on the current de facto situation, recognizing the imperative to consider present conditions. The inevitable exchange of enclaves between both nations and the lengthy process of border demarcation along rugged mountains further underline the complexity of the situation. Furthermore, Azerbaijan has urged Armenia to amend its constitution’s preamble, shifting the narrative away from the goal of unification with Karabakh as the national objective. While some Armenian and European scholars interpret these actions as attempts by Azerbaijan to perpetuate regional tensions and secure Russia’s presence while deflecting attention from domestic issues, Azerbaijan maintains its sincere commitment to fostering a stable, peaceful region.

Five obstacles hinder the realization of reconciliation between Azerbaijan and Armenia and the potential for a prosperous Caucasus:

  1. External Guarantors and Intervention: Azerbaijan’s aspirations for a peace treaty face resistance from Armenia, notably in seeking the involvement of European Union members as guarantors. However, Azerbaijan, along with Russia, opposes external intervention. Trust deficits persist, but both sides already have exchanged seven drafts of a peace treaty without third-party involvement, which indicates a promising potential.
  2. Enclaves and Territory Swap: Azerbaijani and Armenian enclaves within each other’s territories pose a significant hurdle. There are eight Azerbaijani enclaves inside Armenia and one major enclave of Armenians inside Azerbaijan. The need for a swap raises questions about feasibility and terms, and disagreements persist on handling Azerbaijani enclaves, which are located along major highways connecting Iran, Armenia, and Georgia.
  3. Location for Signing the Agreement: Disagreements have arisen over the preferred location for signing the peace treaty. Armenia insists on a European or U.S. venue, while Azerbaijan favors a location on its border with Armenia or in Georgia, which reflects underlying geopolitical considerations.
  4. The Karabakh Issue:  Armenian nationalists around the world insist that Pashinyan include the Karabakh issue in treaty terms. The Azerbaijani government refused to include anything about the Karabakh Armenians in the treaty, as it considers Karabakh as properly within Azerbaijan’s jurisdiction of domestic affairs.  So far, the Pashinyan government has agreed to leave Karabakh outside the treaty and instead develop better relations with neighboring states.  
  5. Reparations and Compensation: This matter concerns Armenians who once lived in Azerbaijan and those Azerbaijanis who once lived in Armenia. Armenian institutions throughout the diaspora have explored legal avenues to claim Karabakh Armenian property from Azerbaijan. However, Armenia’s reluctance to bring reparation issues to the forefront reflects concerns about potential demands for higher compensation due to the displacement and destruction during the First Karabakh War. But, for prospects of stable relations between the two countries, the property issues on both sides must be addressed. 

In conclusion, neither defeat nor military victory is permanent. The Armenian experience in Karabakh is a cautionary tale. It highlights that military victories, however glorious they might be, come with a hard expiration date. Lasting security is found not in the spoils of war but instead through the pursuit of enduring peace that is grounded in mutual respect, compromise, and a willingness to confront historical challenges. The Karabakh conflict, a tragic narrative of territorial disputes and ethnic tensions that have been recycled respectively by both nations, showcases the multifaceted epiphanies arising from military victory and defeat. As both nations aim to develop their regional identity, addressing multidimensional, intersecting issues is essential for achieving sustainable peace. Navigating territorial disputes, the impact of external players’ involvement and embedded nationalist sentiments requires humble and magnanimous diplomacy paired with sincere commitments to regional stability. The potential for a prosperous Caucasus hinges on overcoming these obstacles and forging a path toward reconciliation and cooperation between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Peace In The South Caucasus – OpEd

Karagyozian Lena
Feb 12 2024
   By Farid Shafiyev

While the situation in the wider Middle East and Ukraine heads in the direction of greater instability and violence, the South Caucasus, where only last year the momentum was toward tension, is talking about peace. The thirty years of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan might become a page in history, though a tragic one. Both countries are working on the draft of a peace treaty, however, the complexity of the region’s history and current geopolitics, along with a wide range of disruptors such as radical elements inside Armenia and the diaspora, make the road to peace an unpredictable one. 

The focus of mainstream Western media is on the result of the 2023 lightning operation by Azerbaijan’s forces against separatists in its Karabakh region, which resulted in the collapse of the Armenia-backed separatist regime and the subsequent departure of the Armenian population. Nevertheless, what happened in September 2023 was predetermined much earlier, thirty years ago, when Armenian nationalists launched an irredentist campaign to unite Soviet Azerbaijan’s Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO) with Armenia under the slogan of miatsum (unification). 

Liberals in the West, however, treat the Armenian irredentist movement from a self-determination perspective. This is a skillfully designed narrative that Armenian nationalist leaders and diaspora activists started to promote when Armenia gained independence in 1991. The new narrative was embraced because the idea of miatsum became problematic as it sounded like an irredentist attempt to gain the territory of a neighboring state. In essence, this was indeed the nature of the movement, and it remained so during the whole period when Armenia ruled over Azerbaijan’s Nagorno-Karabakh region. In 2015, rejecting the claims of Armenians about the self-determination of the local Armenians in Karabakh, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) recognized Armenia’s “effective control” over the occupied territories of Azerbaijan.

The liberals’ love affair with Armenian separatists and irredentists is not unique. There are examples of other erroneous affections toward certain radical movements. Thus, well-known historian Simon Montefiore, the author of a book about Josef Stalin, has debunked fellow liberal academicians and journalists who regarded the Hamas attack of October 7, 2023, on Israel as a decolonization attempt. Montefiore argued that, although Palestine deserves a free and independent statehood, an ideology that tolerates the slaughter of civilians is incompatible with advocating decolonization. By the same token, the legacy of Armenian control of Azerbaijani territories between 1992 and 2020 is replete with war crimes, massive displacement, illegal settlements, landmine contamination, and total destruction of infrastructure and heritage. 

Armenian people also suffered from the conflict, but the core of the problem was and remains miatsum, which nevertheless received support among some Western intellectuals and policymakers, though the latter did not pursue ideological goals, but rather solicited donations to their election campaigns. 

The most problematic issue with the Western approach to the Armenia–Azerbaijan post-conflict situation is to treat it as if nothing happened before the 2020 war or the September 2023 operation.

However, the origins of the present situation stem from the events in 1987–1990 when the Armenian leadership decided to fully ethnically cleanse Azerbaijanis from Armenia. The Armenian leaders further promoted the ethnic cleansing of Azerbaijanis from Karabakh. When they lost the war in 2020, the separatist leaders rejected repeated calls for dialogue with Azerbaijan. 

For the major part of the period of the occupation (1993–2020), Armenia had the strong support of Russia and was a major advocate of a large Russian presence in the South Caucasus. Russia’s military and political support played a key role in Armenia’s efforts to sustain the occupied territories under its control. In return, Armenia supported separatism in Georgia and Ukraine, including under the leadership of the incumbent Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and sent troops to Syria alongside Russian forces. 

These realities on the ground were consistently disregarded or distorted in the Western media and political circles. This is well exemplified by Amendment 907 to the Freedom Support Act passed by the US Congress in 1992, which prohibited military aid to Azerbaijan until Baku takes “demonstrable steps to cease all blockades and other offensive uses of force against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh,” while it was Azerbaijan that was subject to invasion at that time, and the massacre of civilians in Khojaly had occurred earlier in the same year. 

In January 2024, the US Department of State included Azerbaijan in the second-tier Special Watch List of Religious Freedom Offenders on the recommendation of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), which focused on the potential danger to Christian Armenian monuments in Karabakh. However, the USCIRF fully disregarded that the entire heritage of Azerbaijani Muslims in Armenia had already been destroyed, including in the same Karabakh when it was under Armenian control.

At the time, such international factors emboldened the occupying country and separatist forces in Karabakh, fueling their resilience against peace calls. Indeed, peace in the region needs a fair approach from major international actors. The South Caucasus has endured too much bloodshed, and Western media and intellectuals are partly responsible for that, by feeding a one-sided nationalist narrative and supporting the irredentist project.

Farid Shafiyev is the Chairman of the Center of Analysis of International Relations. He holds a PhD from Carleton University and an MPA from Harvard Kennedy School of Government.


Asbarez: AEF Hosts Annual Oratorical Contest, Awards Prizes to Winners from Local Armenian Schools

Karagyozian Lena
by Contributor

 

 February 9, 2024

 

in Community, Latest, News, Top Stories

2024 Oratorical Middle School Contestants and Judges


The Armenian Educational Foundation’s Fifth Annual Oratorical Contest drew in over 150 supporters on January 27 at UCLA’s Royce Hall, in Los Angeles, California. This year’s Oratorical Contest was held in collaboration with the UCLA Center for World Languages.

Representatives from eight local Armenian schools competed in both English and Armenian in the Middle School and High School Contests. The participating schools included:

  • A.G.B.U. Manoogian-Demirdjian School;
  • Armenian Mesrobian School;
  • Armenian Sisters’ Academy;
  • C & E Merdinian Evangelical School;
  • Chamlian Armenian School;
  • Holy Martyrs Ferrahian High School;
  • Rose & Alex Pilibos Armenian School;
  • Sahag Mesrob Armenian Christian School.

This year’s competition covered a wide array of topics, including the connection between community and longevity, the influence of an Armenian role model, the impact of a non-profit organization in Armenia, and the effects of instant gratification on society. The judging criteria were based on the American Legion National Oratorical Contest guidelines.

The professional experience of the panel of judges encompassed a variety of backgrounds, including education, language, law, broadcast journalism, digital media, and film.

The distinguished judges for the middle school competition were:

  • Alex Bastian, Esq. (President & CEO, Hotel Council of San Francisco);
  • Tereza Hovhannisyan (Lecturer of Eastern Armenian Language, UCLA Near Eastern Languages & Cultures Department);
  • Zaven Keuroghlian (Co-Founder & CEO, Zartonk Media);
  • Sev Ohanian (Screenwriter & Film Producer);
  • Dr. Shant Shekherdemian (Associate Professor of Surgery & Interim Chief of Pediatric Surgery, UCLA, Associate Director for Healthcare Outreach, UCLA Promise Armenian Institute);
  • Vruir Tadevosian (TV Host & Journalist, Horizon Armenian TV).

2024 Oratorical High School Contestants and Judges

The distinguished judges for the high school competition were:

  • Armine Amiryan (Head of News, USArmenia TV);
  • Dr. Hagop Gulludjian (Kachigian Senior Lecturer of Armenian Language & Culture, UCLA Near Eastern Languages & Cultures Department);
  • Ani Hovannisian Kevorkian (Documentary Filmmaker);
  • Araksya Karapetian (News Anchor, FOX 11/Good Day LA);
  • Dr. Lilit Keshishyan (Project Director, USC Dornsife Institute of Armenian Studies, Lecturer, USC Writing Program);
  • Gegham Mughnetsyan (Chitjian Researcher Archivist, USC Dornsife Institute of Armenian Studies).

Teni Karapetian, Director of Film Publicity at Netflix, acted as Mistress of Ceremonies of the Middle School Contest while Haig Boyadjian, Vice President of Development at the Children of Armenia Fund, was the Master of Ceremonies for the High School Contest.

The winners of the 2024 AEF Oratorical Middle School Contest were Arpa Bostanian (6th grade) representing Armenian Sisters’ Academy for the Armenian language competition, and Harout Karadanaian (8th grade) from A.G.B.U. Manoogian-Demirdjian School for the English language contest. The 2024 AEF Oratorical High School Contest winners, who received the Richard G. Hovannisian Scholarship, were Natelle Ezadjian (10th grade) representing Holy Martyrs Ferrahian High School for the Armenian language contest, and Narod Ekmekjian (11th grade) from Armenian Mesrobian School for the English language contest. Each winner was awarded with a $1,000 prize.

Sev Ohanian remarked, “I was absolutely blown away by the exceptional caliber and passion exhibited by all of the students. It was an honor to witness such brilliance, and I am truly grateful for AEF for the work they do to tirelessly nurture and elevate our community’s educational landscape.”

Dr. Lilit Keshishyan commented, “It was an absolute pleasure judging the AEF Oratorical Contest. Events like these showcase not only the eloquence and confidence of the students sharing their ideas, but also the organizations, teachers, and parents that empower them. The energy in the room was inspiring.”

AEF’s purpose in hosting the Oratorical Contest is to promote public speaking in Armenian youth, with the hope of encouraging and shaping a future generation of leaders, motivators and influencers who can become a positive force and promote progress within their community.

For more information on the Armenian Educational Foundation or to donate online, please visit the website.

How a 1,600-year-old alphabet shaped Armenian identity

Karagyozian Lena
 B   B   C 
UK – Feb 8 2024
By Sugato Mukherjee8th February 2024
The Armenian alphabet is not just a writing system: it's also a numerical system used for mathematical calculations and recording calendar dates, as well as a national point of pride.
I

It was a late autumn morning when we set off from Yerevan, Armenia's capital city. After driving for about half an hour through the Armenian highlands, the driver stopped the car and Sofya Hakobyan, my guide, signalled for me to come out of the vehicle.

On my left, the snow-capped, four-peaked massif of Mount Aragats loomed in the distance, its contours indistinct in the hazy sun. Grassy uplands rolled out from the edges of the highway right up to the base of Armenia's highest mountain. The landscape looked bleak – a sandy-brown stretch of wind-pummelled uplands dotted with withering bushes – but a number of human-sized stone sculptures set on the gentle slopes lent a mysterious touch to the desolate expanse.

"We're at Alphabet Park. This was constructed in 2005 to mark the 1,600th anniversary of our Armenian alphabet," Hakobyan said.

The statues, carved out of faded pink, pastel yellow and light black stone, were etched with flowers and symbols. Some of them were in clusters, others were in solitary stances, and Hakobyan led me to a U-shaped statue with a dainty flourish on the bottom right. "This is our Armenian 'A' in uppercase," she said with a sweeping movement of her hand. "What you see around us are the other letters of our alphabet, which was invented by that man – Mesrop Mashtots – [a little more than] 1,600 years ago.

I followed her gaze to a stately sculpture of a bearded old man. Draped in a flowing robe, the rose-tinted, larger-than-life statue wore the _expression_ of an ascetic: tranquil, and slightly jaded. I remembered the man. Two days ago, I had seen his statue at the entrance of Matenadaran.

Perched on a hill at the northern edge of Mashtots Avenue in Yerevan, the imposing basalt structure of Matenadaran has a fortress-like appearance, but it is actually a scriptorium (a library of ancient manuscripts) that doubles as a research institute. I had tiptoed through the hushed solemnity of the halls that showcased permanent exhibits arranged in thematic divisions, including translated literature, philosophy, theology, trivium and quadrivium with mathematical sciences and humanities, poetry, law, history and the arts.


Emma Horopyan, Matenadaran's head of PR, told me that the manuscript library is one of the world's largest repositories of valuable archival documents and early printed books. A diverse array of medieval manuscripts in languages including Greek, Arabic, Persian, Syriac, Latin, Ethiopian, Georgian and Hebrew have been carefully preserved here.

"This is hallowed ground for us," said Grigor Stepanian.

I'd run into Stepanian while marvelling at a hand-drawn map of the ancient Armenian kingdom in Matenadaran's grand Central Hall, and now the affable architect from Yerevan was walking me around the rectangular facade of the five-storey structure, adorned with statues of medieval philosophers, poets and scholars who have collectively shaped Armenia's literary and cultural legacy. 

"But he remains the most important of them all," Stepanian said.

The immaculately carved stone statue of Mashtots stood at the entrance, his hands raised in the timeless posture of a master elucidating a point to his disciple – a smaller stone statue – listening attentively at his feet.

I was curious to know why Mashtots' invention of the Armenian alphabet is among the most important events in Armenian history. "Mashtots designed the alphabet so that it could be used to translate the Bible into Armenian," Stepanian explained, as we sipped on thick and strong Armenian coffee at a nearby cafe.

In 301 CE, Armenia became the first nation in the world to embrace Christianity as its official religion. But almost for a century after that, the methods of converting its citizens, who had a long nature-worshipping past, were often vicious, Stepanian said. Mashtots was working as a translator in the Armenian royal chancellery in the final years of the 4th Century CE. He had witnessed the coercive and often violent ways to force the people of this Caucasian nation to adopt the state-sponsored faith that was markedly different from their polytheistic belief system.

"What Mashtots did was fairly ingenious," Stepanian said. The linguist understood that his countrymen's aversion to Christianity stemmed from unfamiliarity: the Greek and Syriac translations of the Christian liturgy and theology, including the New Testament, were very foreign to the Armenians, who had been introduced to the Bible and the liturgy orally during religious services held by targmanicks (a term that meant translator and commentator).

Mashtots created his new alphabet in a phonetic style so it was easy for the Armenians to adapt to the written form of a language they were already speaking, Stepanian explained. "The letters were designed in very distinctive shapes, with an independent character, very dissimilar to the lettering of other written languages of the time," he added.

Their language thus gave a new identity to the Armenians.

Over the next 1,500 years, the alphabet would remain a national point of pride at the core of Armenian cultural identity, an emblem of solidarity for the war-torn land that was almost continually ruled and colonised by foreign forces – the Romans, the Byzantines, the Persians and the Ottoman Turks. This almost-continuous and unrelenting saga of oppression and subjugation would finally end in 1991, when the 69-year-old Soviet regime collapsed and Armenia became an independent republic.

"We would have been a lost race without our alphabet," Stepanian said.

Hakobyan agreed. "Our country has been encroached upon, fragmented and plundered, over and over again," she told me as she steered me through the maze of letters laid out amid the wilderness like a giant, haphazard jigsaw puzzle. "But one of the reasons we could hold on was perhaps because we always knew that we have a beautiful language, encased by a beautiful set of letters."

As we walked through Alphabet Park, the mid-morning sun shone bright on the delicate curves of the letters, hand-carved from volcanic tuff rock. Together, Hakobyan told me, the richness and flexibility of this beautiful set of letters has helped sustain an uninterrupted literary tradition since the inception of its written form.

I knew that the aesthetically eloquent shapes of Armenian letters, with their long usage in folk art and calligraphy, have made it onto Unesco's Lists of Intangible Cultural Heritage. But I had no idea that the dainty, artistic designs are also imbued with secret codes and cryptographs, and endowed with hidden properties.

"To start with, the alphabet formed the structure of a complex, but sophisticated numerical system," Hakobyan said, explaining how the Mashtotian letters were also used for mathematical calculations.

As well as being part of the alphabet, all the original 36 letters also have an assigned numerical value based on their order in the alphabet. When arranged in four columns and nine rows, the letters in each column respectively represent digits in singles, tens, hundreds and thousands. They can even be used to determine dates according to the Armenian calendar, Hakobyan said.

We ended up back near the statue of Mesrop Mashtots. Raised on a small mound, the wise old man was looking at his feet, his kind, contemplative gaze remarkably life-like.

It was time to resume our journey. A strong wind blew in over the sun-lit valley and we slowly retraced our steps towards our car parked on the side of the highway. Before getting in, I looked back, thinking about the incredible legacy of this ancient alphabet. Thick puffs of clouds were clambering up the snowy slopes of Mount Aragats. An Armenian family had just arrived at the park. Two young girls, dressed in lemon-yellow jackets, flitted playfully amid the giant letters – a linguistic and cultural legacy they have inherited from a sagacious polymath, whose statue stood just a few metres away from them in the wind-swept landscape.

Armenian Dance Community Mourns the Passing of Choreographer Gagik Ginosyan

Karagyozian Lena
Feb 7 2024

In an unfortunate turn of events, the Armenian dance community is mourning the loss of Gagik Ginosyan, renowned dance choreographer, who has passed away at the age of 57. Ginosyan, an emblem of Armenian culture, was the founder and artistic director of the Karin Armenian Folk Song and Dance Group.

Beyond his contributions to the world of dance, Ginosyan demonstrated an unwavering commitment to his heritage and nation, also playing a participant's role in the Nagorno-Karabakh war. Born on August 3, 1966, in Akhaltskha in the Georgian SSR, Ginosyan embarked on his journey into dance with the Van Song and Dance Ensemble in 1987. This ensemble was founded by Hayrik Muradyan, another beacon in Armenian culture.

In 2001, Ginosyan took a significant step towards the preservation and celebration of Armenian culture. He founded the "Tsovak" and "Karin" traditional song and dance groups. His tireless efforts to keep the Armenian traditional arts alive have made him a cherished figure in the cultural community.

Ginosyan's passing marks a significant loss for the Armenian cultural community and for those who value the traditional arts. As the news of his death spreads, tributes have poured in, reflecting on his remarkable impact on Armenian culture. His passion for Armenian folk music and dance, and his efforts to promote Armenian heritage globally, will be remembered and carried forward by those he inspired.

Azerbaijan extends jail term of all captive former leaders of Nagorno-Karabakh

Karagyozian Lena

 18:52,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 25, ARMENPRESS. Azerbaijan has extended the pre-trial detention of the individuals who held leadership positions in Nagorno Karabakh and are currently held illegally in Baku.

According to Azerbaijani media,  the jail term of the ex-Presidents Arkadi Ghukasyan, Bako Sahakyan and Arayik Harutyunyan, the  former Foreign Minister David Babayan, the  National Assembly Speaker Davit Ishkhanyan, as well as Generals Levon Mnatsakanyan and Davit Manukyan has been extended for another four months.

On January 25, Azerbaijan has extended the pre-trial detention of Ruben Vardanyan, the former State Minister of Nagorno-Karabakh, for another four months.




Armenian Defense Minister, NATO Secretary-General’s envoy discuss partnership

Karagyozian Lena

 16:11,

YEREVAN, JANUARY 19, ARMENPRESS. Armenian Minister of Defense Suren Papikyan has held a meeting with Javier Colomina, NATO Secretary General's Special Representative for the Caucasus and Central Asia.

In a readout, the Ministry of Defense said the discussions "focused on the current course of the Armenia-NATO partnership and the prospects for its development."


"Additionally, the deliberations extended to encompass various matters on regional security and mutual interests," the ministry added.




Asbarez: French Senate Adopts Resolution Calling for Sanctions Against Azerbaijan

Karagyozian Lena
by Asbarez Staff

 

 

 

in Armenia, Artsakh, Featured Main, Latest, News, Top Stories

By a vote of 336 to 1, French Senate urges sanctions against Azerbaijan


The French Senate on Wednesday adopted a resolution demanding sanctions against Azerbaijan with 336 votes in favor and one against.

The resolution, introduced on December 1, also condemned Azerbaijan’s military offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh and called for preventing further attempts at aggression and violations of the territorial integrity of the Republic of Armenia.

The resolution also supports the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Armenia. It condemns the military attack carried out by Azerbaijan, with the support of its allies, on September 19 and 20, 2023, in Nagorno-Karabakh, the Armenian Embassy in France said.

French Senate, in a vote of 336 to 1, calls for sanctions on Azerbaijan

The resolution further calls on Azerbaijan to guarantee the right of the Armenian population to return to Nagorno-Karabakh, with conditions that will ensure their safety and well-being.


The measure calls for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Azerbaijani troops and its allies from the sovereign territory of Armenia.

It states that “Armenia has the right to protect its territorial integrity and possesses the means to ensure its security, including through military measures.”

The resolution also condemns the arbitrary arrests of political leaders in Nagorno-Karabakh, and calls for the exclusion of Azerbaijan from the intergovernmental committee for the protection of cultural property in armed conflict.

The measure highlights the establishment of an international group of experts at UNESCO and its mission to Nagorno-Karabakh to prepare an informative report on the state of cultural and religious heritage.

The resolution also calls for the strictest measures, including the seizure of the assets of Azerbaijani leaders and an embargo on the import of gas and oil from Azerbaijan as a sanction against military aggression by Azerbaijan.

The resolution was co-authored by the leaders of all political factions in the Senate, Bruno Ratayo, Marise Carrere, Cécile Soucierman, Guillaume Gontard, Patrick Kanner, Herve Marcel, Claude Mallure and Francois Patria, as well as the head of the France-Armenia friendship group in the Senate, Gilbert-Luc Devinaz.

The session was chaired by the vice president of the Senate, Sophie Primas. Stephane Sejourne, the newly appointed Minister of Europe and Foreign Affairs of France, was also present at the meeting.

Armenian ambassador to France Hasmik Tolmajyan and Nagorno-Karabakh representative Hovhannes Gevorgyan were present at the resolution adoption session as guests of honor.

Cheerful giving: AMAA NY/NJ orphan and child care fundraiser for displaced families of Artsakh

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January 2, 2024 Armenian Missionary Association of America Nonprofit News 0

By Gilda Buchakjian Kupelian 

PARAMUS, N.J.—As we celebrated the birth of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, and in the spirit of charity, a fundraiser was organized by the Armenian Missionary Association of America (AMAA) NY/NJ Orphan and Child Care Committee to raise critical funds for the displaced families of Artsakh. The AMAA continues to advance its mission to support these families to restore their normal lives and meet their long-term needs. A private, curated museum tour of the exhibited artwork of Andy Warhol and Jean-Michel Basquiat on December 13, 2023, at the Brant Foundation in New York City, added a touch of cheer to the attending generous givers.

Art enthusiasts, old and reconnecting friends and new acquaintances, many traveling by a chartered bus from the Armenian Presbyterian Church in Paramus, New Jersey, gathered at the Brant Foundation to view the unprecedented, private exhibition of the collaborative art of Warhol and Basquiat, led by Contemporary Art Advisor Aileen Agopian and The Brant Foundation’s Docent Mario Fasani. Agopian’s authoritative input about Warhol and Basquiat and their impact on contemporary art informed guests and enhanced their appreciation of the two icons.

AMAA fundraiser at the Brant Foundation in New York City

Fasani spoke in detail about Warhol’s emphasis on consumerism, his celebration of pop culture and his elevation of everyday items like lemons, apples, soda bottles and soup cans. He noted that Warhol painted mundane items to depersonalize himself from his art. Fasani also spoke about Haitian American, Brooklyn-born artist Basquiat’s expressionism and highlighted his extraordinary collaboration with Warhol, their use of the same canvas at times and ‘reforestation of each other’s art,’ as shown in this special exhibit. The artists used mediums such as silk screen ink, acrylic, synthetic polymer paint, watercolor and oil stick on linen, canvas, wood panels and even on punching bags.

After being treated to an exceptional experience, guests had the opportunity to pose questions and be privy to Fasani and Agopian’s expert elucidation. According to the Brant Foundation, the “Basquiat x Warhol, is an exhibition of works from the artists’ influential collaboration in the early eighties. Curated by Dr. Dieter Buchhart and Peter M. Brant in collaboration with Dr. Anna Karina Hofbauer, this is the first time this iconic collaboration has been the subject of a major New York exhibition in over twenty-five years.” Peter Brant is one of the most important collectors in New York. He started collecting contemporary art at 19, focusing on young emerging artists upon the recommendation of eminent art dealer since the 1960s Leo Castelli.

AMAA fundraiser at the Brant Foundation in New York City

Those in attendance included members from the NY/NJ evangelical community as well as the NY/ NJ Armenian Relief Society (ARS), the Tekeyan Cultural Association, the ADL, the Daughters of Vartan, the Diocese, the Prelacy and guests from California, Colorado and Chicago. After the tour, the attendees gathered at the Yara Lebanese restaurant in New York City in a convivial atmosphere of fellowship. The festive dinner of Middle Eastern delicacies was preceded by a thoughtful prayer filled with expressions of gratitude by Jennifer Telfeyan-LaRoe.

True to her magnanimous nature, Vicki Hovanessian spoke of the impetus for the event and had a kind word to say about each guest. The attendees echoed co-chair Seta Nalbandian’s remarks about chairlady Hovanessian’s phenomenal contributions and myriad accomplishments amid further testimonials and appreciative applause. An impromptu birthday celebration for committee member Dr. Celeste Telfeyan Helvacian was a much-appreciated gesture before everyone departed the venue with hearts filled with the spirit of giving and a sense of benevolence.

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The Armenian Missionary Association of America (AMAA) was founded in 1918, in Worcester, MA, and incorporated as a non-profit charitable organization in 1920 in the State of New York. We are a 501(c)3 tax-exempt organization. Our purpose is to serve the physical and spiritual needs of people everywhere, both at home and overseas. To fulfill this worldwide mission, we maintain a range of educational, evangelistic, relief, social service, church and child care ministries in 24 countries around the world.