Armenian American Museum to hold historic groundbreaking in California this summer

Construction Specifier
Feb 1 2021
The Armenian American Museum and Cultural Center of California, Glendale, California, will break ground this summer.
Rendering courtesy Armenian American Museum

The Armenian American Museum and Cultural Center of California in Glendale, California, will break ground this summer.

The landmark will rise to a two-level, 4721-m2 (50,820-sf) museum complex built on a one-level semi-subterranean parking garage. The first level will feature the grand lobby, auditorium, learning center, demonstration kitchen, gift shop, and administrative offices. The second level will be dedicated to the permanent and temporary exhibition galleries as well as the collections archives.

The cultural and educational center’s programming plans include producing and hosting powerful, immersive, and thought-provoking permanent and temporary exhibitions, leading meaningful dialogues and discussions through engaging public programs, providing educational programs for adults, youth, kids, and families, preserving Armenian heritage through the museum’s collections and archives, and serving as an iconic venue for memorable experiences, gatherings, and celebrations.

“The highly anticipated groundbreaking of the Armenian American Museum represents a historic accomplishment for our community, and we believe it will be a symbol of hope and spirited resiliency for America, Armenia, and Artsakh during these challenging and unprecedented times,” said Berdj Karapetian, executive chairman.

The museum was born in 2014 when the Armenian Genocide Centennial Committee Western U.S. officially adopted the museum as its landmark project to honor the memory of the 1.5 million martyrs who perished in the Armenian genocide and to help build and define the next centennial of the community as a message of strength, perseverance, and hope for future generations.

In 2015, the museum’s board of trustees was established, entrusting the governance of the project to 10 united Armenian American cultural, philanthropic, and religious nonprofit organizations.

In 2018, the Glendale City Council approved the museum’s $1-per-year ground lease agreement, officially marking Central Park as the future site of cultural and educational center. The initial term of the ground lease agreement will be 55 years with options to extend the lease term for four, 10-year periods totaling 95 years.

In 2019, the Glendale City Council approved an $18.5-million makeover and expansion of Central Park. The proposal includes the creation of a new central lawn connecting the museum and library, an outdoor amphitheater for live performances, a children’s park with playgrounds and splash pads, and outdoor recreational amenities for the community. The city and museum plan to collaborate on the programming of outdoor events in the downtown park.

The museum has assembled a team of experienced museum and industry professionals to provide guidance and expertise in construction, design, programming, and development for the landmark center. The museum’s design team led by Alajajian Marcoosi Architects will be formally submitting the project’s construction documents to the City of Glendale to initiate the plan check process.

All Azerbaijani Captives Returned Under Karabakh Deal, While Some Armenian Captives Still Await Return

The Organization for World Peace
Feb 3 2021

As of January 18th, 2021, Armenia has returned all Azerbaijani prisoners from the conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The six-week struggle last year ended with a ceasefire agreement initiated by Russia, says Reuters. An end to the violence required both Azerbaijani and Armenian forces to exchange all prisoners. However, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Lavrov reports that progress has stalled on the return of Armenian prisoners. Armenia claims many of its prisoners remain in Azerbaijan well after the 2020 conflict ended. Lavrov clarified that the reason Armenian prisoners have yet to be returned is due to lack of communication between the two sides and Armenia’s failure to produce a list of prisoner’s names in a timely manner. Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Avinyan announced the return of four Armenian captives on December 28th, 2020 through mediation by the International Committee of the Red Cross of the Russian Federation, but many still await their release. Russian peacekeepers in the Nagorno-Karabakh region are working to uncover the location of remaining Armenian prisoners and ensure their safe return. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk Group, an effort established in 1994 to resolve the land dispute, is aware of the Armenian prisoners that remain in unlawful captivity.

The sluggish exchange of prisoners reflects the inefficacy of previous ceasefires. The peace agreement in November 2020 “leaves many key aspects of the simmering conflict unresolved,” says the Washington Post. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan labels the agreement as “incredibly painful both for me and for our people.” The November truce was a triumph for Azerbaijan but caused outrage and protests against Prime Minister Pashinyan in Armenia. According to the Washington Post’s recount of a January 11th meeting with Russia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, the Russian-brokered deal also worked out the reopening of transport routes in the region. Azerbaijan and its ally Turkey shut their borders to Armenia at the beginning of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and land-locked Armenia will now supposedly be able to improve their economy with reopened borders. The new border policies will likely contribute to resolving the issue of Armenian prisoners that remain in Azerbaijani captivity. Russian President Vladimir Putin argues “the implementation of those agreements will benefit both the Armenian and Azerbaijani people and the entire region” and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev agrees, stating “it opens completely new perspectives that we couldn’t even imagine in the past.” Prime Minister Pashinyan disputed these claims by maintaining that the region’s status is unclear, but also recognized the reinstated transit routes.

Productive dialogue between Armenia and Azerbaijan must continue to reach peace in the long-standing Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Both sides struggle with communication, a crucial element in negotiating disagreements in the region. To arrive at a permanent solution to the violent outbreaks, both sides must agree upon a resolution that ends the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict for good.

Conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region has persisted for several decades. During the 20th century, fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan was kept in check under Bolshevik rule. However, as the Soviet Union began to dissolve, the autonomous Nagorno-Karabakh region declared independence and war between Armenia and Azerbaijan erupted soon after. As stated by the Council on Foreign Relations, fighting over the region spanned from 1988 to 1994, resulting in 30,000 casualties and hundreds of thousands of refugees. In 1994, Russia brokered a ceasefire that remains in place. Though Nagorno-Karabakh has been classified a frozen conflict since 1994, breaches of the peace agreement have occurred in recent years. The most intense fighting since the ceasefire broke out in early April 2016, effecting dozens of deaths and over 300 casualties. Following four days of violence, the two sides consented to a revised ceasefire agreement.

Tensions heightened again in July 2020, and fighting then escalated in late September 2020, resulting in deaths of over 1,000 soldiers and civilians. The United Nations, United States and Russia encouraged new peace agreements in light of the violence, but both parties rejected such advice and continued to fight. The struggle intensified when Azerbaijani and Armenian forces transitioned from cross-border shelling to heavy weaponry, including long-range artillery. As of October 2020, several new ceasefires have been negotiated via communication with France, Russia and the United States. Infringements of the truce continue as fighting persists in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. While both opposing sides accuse each other of breaking the ceasefire, Russian peacekeepers argue the arrangement is working thus far.

The exchange of Azerbaijani and Armenian captives is a step toward peace in the region. However, future relations between the two sides remain uncertain. Putin deems the November 2020 peace deal as a “necessary basis for a long-term and full-format settlement of the old conflict,” says the Washington Post. While mediators like Putin are optimistic about relations in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, current resolutions may not bring an end to struggles between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

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Chloe Jackson
Chloe has been involved with the OWP since 2020 and is currently working as a Correspondent reporting on world peace issues. Chloe is interested in global human rights debates and inequalities among marginalized groups. She believes that progressive solutions to conflicts regarding world peace are possible through dedication and collaboration.

Opposition Lawmakers Accuse Parliament of Undermining Judicial Independence

February 3,  2021



Only the ruling My Step faction voted to install new judges

YEREVAN (Azatutyun.am)—Opposition leaders accused the Armenian parliament of undermining judicial independence on Wednesday as it approved a government proposal to hire new judges who will deal only with corruption cases or pre-trial arrests of criminal suspects.

A relevant bill drafted by the Ministry of Justice calls for the selection of up to 21 such judges for Armenian courts of first instance. Three other new judges specializing in arrests or corruption-related offenses would be appointed to the Court of Appeals.

Government officials have said that the new judges would reduce the workload of courts increasingly overwhelmed by pending criminal and civil cases. According to Justice Minister Rustam Badasyan, they should also hand down “more objective” rulings on arrest warrants demanded by investigators.

In recent months Armenian judges have refused to allow law-enforcement bodies to arrest dozens of opposition leaders and members as well as other anti-government activists. Virtually all of those individuals are prosecuted in connection with angry protests sparked by the Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s handling of the autumn war in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Pashinyan charged in December that Armenia’s judicial system has become part of a “pseudo-elite” which is trying to topple him after the disastrous war.

The National Assembly passed the government bill in the first reading by 83 votes to 17 with one abstention. Both opposition parties represented in the parliament rejected the bill, saying that the authorities should address instead the far more pressing security challenges facing Armenia and Karabakh.

“These issues are not addressed because the authorities have what they see as a much more important agenda: how to increase the number of judges approving arrest warrants,” said Naira Zohrabyan of the opposition Prosperous Armenia Party.

Lilit Makunts, the parliamentary leader of Pashinyan’s My Step bloc, rejected the criticism. “I want to remind that the government takes on a weekly basis new measures to overcome consequences of the war,” she said. “We do not contribute to a better [security] environment by delivering fiery speeches here and trying to spread alarm among our citizens.”

Several other opposition groups denounced the government bill in stronger terms and rallied hundreds of supporters outside the parliament compound in Yerevan in a bid to scuttle its passage. Their senior members claimed that Pashinyan’s administration wants to install loyal judges who would duly allow the pre-trial arrests of their political opponents.

The protesters scuffled with riot police after blocking a major street adjacent to the compound. Several opposition activists were detained on the spot.

The crowd then marched to the main government building surrounded by several rows of riot police.

Russia and Turkey open joint military center in Azerbaijan

EurasiaNet.org
Feb 2 2021
Joshua Kucera Feb 2, 2021

Turkey and Russia have opened a joint military facility in Azerbaijan to help monitor the ceasefire with Armenia, a stark indicator of the shifting geopolitics in the region.

The center formally opened on January 30, near the village of Giyameddinli in the Aghdam region. Staffed by an equal number of Russian and Turkish troops – 60 on each side – it is novel in a number of ways. It represents the first formal Turkish military presence in the Caucasus in more than a century, and the first Russian military presence on Azerbaijani-controlled territory since Baku effectively kicked the Russians out of a radar facility in Gabala eight years ago. It also is a rare case of direct military cooperation between the two historical foes who have lately become custodians of a shaky security condominium in their shared neighborhood. 

Official information about the center’s precise mission is scarce. But according to a dispatch from the center in the Russian newspaper Izvestiya, the primary mission appears to be as a base for surveillance drones to monitor the new ceasefire lines between Armenian and Azerbaijani forces. The Russian troops use Orlan-10 and Forpost drones; the Turks use Bayraktars. The intelligence is used to support the 2,000-strong Russian peacekeeping contingent that operates on the territory in Nagorno-Karabakh that Armenian forces still control.

The two contingents appear to work in parallel, and there is no single commander: each side has its own general in command. Even the formal name of the center avoids favoring one side over the other. In Turkish, it is called the “Turkish-Russian Joint Center,” while in Russian the proper names are the other way around: “Joint Russian-Turkish Center.”

“Information from the drone reaches the headquarters of the Russian contingent, where it is processed and transmitted to the monitoring center,” Izvestiya’s source, one Colonel Zavalkin, reported. (He didn’t report on how the Turkish drone operations worked, and there don’t appear to have been any comparable dispatches from Turkish reporters.) “There, service members of the two countries jointly serve round-the-clock.”

“The monitoring center decides how to react when the ceasefire is violated,” Colonel Zavalkin continued. “This is where the authority of the center is the broadest. It can pass the information on to the command of the Russian peacekeepers or by direct line to the defense structures of Armenia and Azerbaijan.”

The operational role of the center appears secondary, however – Russian drones were already monitoring the ceasefire, and the addition of Turkish forces is unlikely to cardinally improve that capability. The significance appears to be more about the emerging regional politics around the Caucasus.

The center was born out of the November 10 ceasefire statement that ended the 44-day war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which resulted in Azerbaijan winning back most of the land it had lost to Armenians in the first war between the two sides in the 1990s.

The original ceasefire statement – signed by Russia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan – did not stipulate the creation of this center, or for that matter any role for Turkey at all. In that agreement, the Russian peacekeeping force has the sole responsibility for monitoring compliance. But following the signing of that deal, Russia and Turkey negotiated bilaterally to set up this center, signing an agreement on December 1. The structure itself was constructed by Azerbaijan.

The diplomacy that led to the agreement was opaque but it’s obvious that of all the interested parties, Azerbaijan and Turkey were by far the most desirous of the center, with Russia not nearly as enthusiastic and Armenia even less so.

Azerbaijan got substantial support, both militarily and politically, from Turkey during the war and the two countries’ relations are now as warm as they have ever been. Baku especially has sought to deepen its ties with Ankara in the aftermath of the war and sees Turkey as a means of balancing out a newly reinvigorated but potentially pro-Armenia Russian influence in the region.

There appear to have been three main drivers for the center’s creation, said Hasan Selim Özertem, an Ankara-based analyst of Turkey and the Caucasus. “First, after supporting Azerbaijan during the war, Turkey seems to be interested in keeping a foothold in the region as a show of power projection,” Özertem told Eurasianet.

“Second, Azerbaijan wants to keep Turkey in the equation to balance Russia,” Özertem said. And finally, the joint operation helps Russia and Turkey sideline outside actors: “So, Turkey gains leverage in international politics, particularly against the West, as a factor in the region that cannot be ignored, while also establishing a link with Moscow,” he said.

Azerbaijan’s favoring of Turkey was made clear in the twin press releases put out by the Azerbaijani defense ministry describing parallel talks at the center’s opening on January 30 with the military leadership of Russia and Turkey. The two releases repeated much of the same language word-for-word, but one praised “the eternity and inviolability of the Azerbaijani-Turkish brotherhood” – a level of effusion entirely missing from the description of Russian-Azerbaijani ties. And Turkish Deputy Defense Minister Yunus Emre Karosmanoğlu reportedly “congratulated the Azerbaijani people on the victory in the Patriotic War, wished the mercy of Allah Almighty to the souls of all servicemen and civilians who died as Shehid [martyrs] and healing to the wounded.” His Russian counterpart, Colonel General Alexander Fomin, did not offer any similar sentiment.

Russian officials, meanwhile, have tended to downplay the significance of the new center. “This is a stabilizing factor, but I wouldn’t call it an element of a long-term policy or create any conspiracy theories here,” Dmitriy Medvedev, the deputy chairman of the national security council, told journalists on February 1. “We just need to recognize the reality in our region, that today we need to discuss this issue with our partners in Turkey.”

That new order was also noticed, ruefully, among Armenians. “What does this Russian-Turkish monitoring group mean? One simple thing: Russia is continuing its policy of bypassing the Minsk Group,” said political analyst Stepan Grigoryan, in an interview with Armenian news site 1in.am, referring to the diplomatic body led by Russia, France, and the United States which used to broker negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan but which has been sidelined since last year’s war.

Grigoryan was asked why Armenia allowed the creation of the center. “No one asked us,” he said. “It is clear that our opinion was ignored.”

 

Joshua Kucera is the Turkey/Caucasus editor at Eurasianet, and author of The Bug Pit.

Turkish Press: Armenia no match for ‘superpower Turkey,’ concedes former official

Yeni Şafak, Turkey
Feb 2 2021

Armenia no match for ‘superpower Turkey,’ concedes former official

Months after Azerbaijan regained control over territories occupied by Armenia, Yerevan’s humiliating defeat that sent shockwaves across the country continues to make headlines after former Defense Ministry spokesman Artsrun Hovhannisyan’s sobering assessment about Turkey’s role in the Karabakh conflict.

In a recent interview, Hovhannisyan admitted that his country’s army was no match for Turkey’s state-of-the-art drones, which have been game-changers in Syria and Libya, according to international reports.

Asked about Turkey’s role in the Karabakh conflict, Hovhannisyan pointed that “Turkey’s intervention was one of the reasons that Armenia lost the war.”

Hovhannisyan also stressed that Armenia was facing a foe boasting forces that are “ten to twelve times bigger,” ceding that “facing such a superpower is extremely difficult.”

During the 44-day conflict in Karabakh, Azerbaijan liberated several cities and nearly 300 settlements and villages, while at least 2,802 of its soldiers were martyred. There are differing claims about the number of casualties on the Armenian side, which, sources and officials say, could be up to 5,000.

The two countries signed a Russian-brokered agreement on Nov. 10 to end fighting and work toward a comprehensive resolution.

A joint Turkish-Russian center is being established to monitor the truce, and Russian peacekeeping troops have also been deployed in the region.

The cease-fire is seen as a victory for Azerbaijan and a defeat for Armenia, whose armed forces have withdrawn in line with the agreement. Violations, however, have been reported in the past few weeks, with some Armenian soldiers said to have been hiding in the mountainous enclave.

Armenian Harutyun Kiviryan selected by Russia as cosmonaut candidate

Public Radio of Armenia
Feb 1 2021

Harutyun Kiviryan is one of the four candidates chosen by Russia to begin cosmonaut training after an extended one-and-a-half-year selection process.

“The winners are Sergey Irtuganov, Alexander Kolyabin, Sergey Teteryatnikov and Harutyun Kiviryan,” Russia’s federal space corporation Roscosmos announced on its website.

In the near future, they will take general space training course for the next two years.

Kiviryan, 27, earned his engineering degree with a specialty in rockets from the Baltic State Technical University “Voenmeh” in Saint Petersburg and has worked as a test engineer at RSC Energia, Roscosmos’ prime contractor for crewed spacecraft.

Putin, Aliyev discuss ceasefire control in Nagorno-Karabakh

The Rahnuma Daily, India 
Jan 31 2021
| The Rahnuma Daily

Moscow, Jan 31 (IANS) Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev discussed the ongoing efforts to secure the ceasefire in the Nagorno-Karabakh region recently freed from armed conflict, the Kremlin said.

During a phone call on Saturday, the Presidents welcomed the launch of the joint Russian-Turkish centre “for monitoring the ceasefire and any military activities in the conflict zone”, Xinhua news agency quoted he Kremlin as saying in a statement.

Putin and Aliyev expressed hope that the centre’s efforts will contribute to the further stabilisation of the situation around Nagorno-Karabakh and the proper observance of the agreement reached by the two Presidents and the Prime Minister of Armenia in November 2020.

“The two leaders also discussed some issues of Russian-Azerbaijani bilateral cooperation,” the Kremlin statement added.

The joint Turkish-Russian observation centre began operations on Saturday.

According to Turkish Defence Minister Hulusi Akar, one general from Ankara and 38 military personnel will work at the centre as part of efforts to “monitor and inspect” the ceasefire.

In November 2020, the Turkish Parliament had approved a motion for the deployment of troops in Nagorno-Karabakh for one year as part of an accord between Ankara and Moscow.

Aliyev had announced earlier that the Joint Turkish-Russian Centre will be in Aghdam, a district in Nagorno-Karabakh that was handed over to the Azerbaijani military on November 20, 2020 as a condition of the truce.

On November 10, 2020, Armenia and Azerbaijan ended a 44-day conflict in the region claimed the two countries after a ceasefire was reached under the mediation of Russia.

Three earlier ceasefires — two brokered by Russia (October 10, 17, 2020) and one by the US (October 26, 2020) — collapsed after Armenia and Azerbaijan traded accusations and attacks.

A new round of armed conflict broke out on September 27, 2020, along the contact line of the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region, which is internationally recognised as part of Azerbaijan but mostly governed by the Republic of Artsakh, a de facto independent state with an Armenian ethnic majority.

Armenia and Azerbaijan went to war over the region in 1988-94, eventually declaring a ceasefire.

However, a settlement was never reached.

Kocharyan unveils plans to join snap elections

Panorama, Armenia
Jan 28 2021

Second President of Armenia Robert Kocharyan has unveiled his plans to run for the snap parliamentary elections in the country no matter when they will be held.

In an interview with Yerevan.Today, Hayeli.am and Politik.am local media outlets on Thursday, the ex-president said he has also called on his supporters to take an active part in the political processes.

“I am involved in meetings, discussions and exchange of views at some extent as well,” Kocharyan said. “Why am I not more actively involved? The reason is that for the [ruling] My Step faction, I am a person who they have kept in prison for two years, thinking that if they give me power, I will draw my sword and take revenge. This is among the reasons why I stood off from these processes so that my factor would not be used to intimidate lawmakers,” he noted.

Kocharyan said that they have all the necessary mechanisms and a team for the political struggle. Meanwhile, the former president called for conduct of early elections only after the situation stabilizes in Armenia, warning of “visible dangers” stemming from the processes amid uncertainty and lack of solutions to numerous sensitive issues.

“However, if the authorities succeed in imposing elections earlier, I think it’s right for us to join the election race. Otherwise, we will give these people an opportunity to re-establish their power. Yes, we will run, will fight and will win,” Kocharyan said. 

In Azerbaijan, patriotic Jewish soldiers are poster children of the war with Armenia

Jewish Telegraphic Agency
Jan 19 2021

(JTA) — For decades, Rabbi Zamir Isayev has prayed on Shabbat mornings for the government of his native Azerbaijan, a Muslim-majority nation situated northwest of Iran.

Amid the recent deadly fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan over disputed territory, he has added a special prayer for the well-being of Azerbaijan’s soldiers, which he follows up with his regular prayer for Israeli troops.

“Israel is my country as a Jew. Azerbaijan is my country as an Azeri,” Isayev, 40, told the Jewish Telegraphic agency. He was born in Baku, the Azerbaijani capital, but grew up in Israel and served in its army.

Isayev’s patriotism is typical of Azeri Jews, one of the world’s oldest Jewish communities, whose synagogues often feature Azeri and Israeli flags as well as pictures of community members who gave their lives fighting for Azerbaijan and before that the Soviet Union.

Isayev has additional reasons for praying for the soldiers. Dozens of members from his minority of about 8,000 people are serving in Azerbaijan’s army, which suffered more than 2,000 fatalities in fighting last year with Armenia over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region. Though the parties signed an armistice in November, tensions in the area remain high. 

One of the Jewish troops who took part in the fighting is 26-year-old David Sadiyev, a graduate of the Jewish high school in Baku. Isayev taught him to sing the Torah segment of his bar mitzvah.

Sadiyev, who returned home as relative calm returned to the border area, was featured prominently in the Azeri media, where he was presented as a symbol for tolerance and ethnic coexistence in Azerbaijan and its army. In an interview with Trend, a major news site, he was pictured putting on tefillin and posing with the Azeri and Israeli flags.

DayTube, the Azeri version of YouTube, featured a video of Sadiyev saying “Long live the friendship between Azerbaijan and Israel! Karabakh is Azerbaijan!” before shooting his AK-47 several times into the sky.

“Of course I’m worried for them,” Isayev said about his former students and congregants serving in the army. “But I’m also incredibly proud of them.”

The attention devoted to Sadiyev was likely directed from the top in Azerbaijan — an oil-rich dictatorship with no free press and a tight control over social media — to highlight religious tolerance in the country.

“This is a country where anti-Semitism is simply not an issue,” Isayev said.

That sentiment seems to be the consensus among leaders and members of Azerbaijan’s Jewish minority, who have repeated it both on and off the record in interviews with the Jewish Telegraphic Agency and other media.

“Azerbaijan has a lot of minorities: Russians, Christians, Iranians, even Armenians,” Isayev said, “but the Jews are seen here as especially loyal and cherished allies. We’re not just another ethnic minority here.”

It’s an aspect of Azeri society that is grounded in history, according to Zeev Levin, an expert on Central Asia’s Jewish communities and a research fellow at the Truman Institute.

“Jews have lived in Azerbaijan for so long that they predate much of the other populations there,” he said. “That’s in stark difference to places like Ukraine, where they arrived as outsiders and are still seen as such by many.”

Azerbaijan captured a large swath of land in the 2020 hostilities from an entity known in Armenia as Artsakh, which is supported by Armenia. Backed by Armenian troops, that entity has held territories internationally recognized as belonging to Azerbaijan since hostilities in the 1990s.

Despite losing over 2,000 troops in the fighting, Azerbaijan has celebrated the war’s outcome as a victory. The Azeri government last month organized a military parade showcasing not its own units but vehicles – including twisted wrecks – it had captured from Armenia in battle.

Across the former Soviet Union, Jewish communities are often fearful of waves of nationalism like the one on display in Azerbaijan because they have often resulted in an explosion of anti-Semitism.

Not so in Azerbaijan, according to both Levin and Isayev.

“Fear of such things is not relevant to this part of the world,” Isayev said.

Even when Azerbaijan was part of the Soviet Union, Jews were allowed to keep practicing their faith, making it an exception among Soviet republics.

Radical Islam has little public presence in Azerbaijan, whose capital features a prominent statue of a woman removing her veil. The “Statue of a Liberated Woman” was built in the 1960s under communism, Isayev said, “but the fact that it stayed, and has never attracted any acts of vandalism, tells you a lot.”

In Azerbaijan, Mountain Jews, or Juhuro, are the largest of three Jewish communities, followed by Ashkenazim and ethnic Georgians. With lineage dating to the Jews of ancient Persia, the Juhuro are believed to have settled in the region 1,000 years ago. They speak Juhuri, a mix of Farsi and ancient Hebrew.

In Azerbaijan, many Mountain Jews either have homes or live in Krasnaiya Sloboda, a town in the country’s north where hundreds of Mountain Jews come from the rest of the country and beyond convene to visit the graves of their ancestors each year on Tisha b’Av, a day of mourning in Judaism for the destruction of the Temples in Jerusalem.

But the center of Jewish life in Azerbaijan is Baku, a bustling metropolis reminiscent of Jerusalem for its mix of modern architecture, ancient Old City neighborhood – once a major stop on the Silk Road — and the light-colored stone facades of many of its buildings. Baku has six synagogues, a kosher restaurant, two Jewish schools and a Jewish kindergarten among other communal institutions.

Azerbaijan is also one of the only Muslim-majority countries in the world where the Holocaust is taught at schools as part of the mandatory curriculum. Controversially, teachers are instructed to draw parallels between the Jewish genocide and the Khojaly massacre of several hundred Azeris by Armenians in the First Nagorno-Karabakh War of 1992. Khojaly was one of multiple atrocities perpetrated over the past 300 years against civilians by militias from both parties in an ancient conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over territory and religion (Azerbaijan’s population is mostly Shiite Muslims, whereas in Armenia most citizens belong to the Armenian Apostolic Church.)

Hotels in Baku often fly the Israeli flag along with those of other countries, including Russia, France and the United States, in an appeal to tourists from those nations. Israelis are often treated with friendliness, especially by army personnel and veterans inquiring about the visitors’ military service. Israel also plays a prominent role in arming and training the Azeri army – a convenient ally on the doorstep of main enemy Iran. That fact is well-known there and prompts expressions of gratitude and admiration by locals toward Israelis.

But Isayev said the friendship between Israel and Azerbaijan is based on more than merely shared interests.

“Jews have long been in the fabric of the people of Azerbaijan,” he said. But beyond the shared history, “The Jewish people and the Azeri people share a secret weapon that is more powerful than technology: diversity and open-mindedness.”

Russian Embassy in Yerevan Accuses Armenian Newspaper of Publishing ‘Fabrications’

Sputnik
Jan 21 2021
© Sputnik / Sputnik
World

YEREVAN (Sputnik) – The Russian Embassy in Yerevan on Thursday accused an Armenian newspaper of publishing “slanderous fabrications” about ambassador Sergey Kopyrkin.

The Hraparak daily published an article alleging that members of the Armenian opposition are dissatisfied with Kopyrkin, who was claimed to be in close contact with several of the country’s political parties over Russia’s alleged attempts to keep Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in office.

In a statement published on Facebook, the Russian Embassy in Yerevan said that it was willing to interact with journalists who are guided by the principles of objectivity and honesty, and called on Hraparak to retract the article.

“In this regard, we would like to address the article published on your website on January 21 under the heading ‘The opposition is dissatisfied with the Russian ambassador,’ which contains slanderous fabrications in the direction of the Russian ambassador to Armenia. If there is convincing evidence to back these claims, please send it to us. Otherwise, we demand the publication of an official refutation,” the statement read.

Pashinyan has faced calls to resign ever since the recent conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh came to a close on November 9, resulting in Azerbaijan making substantial territorial gains.

The prime minister has suggested holding early parliamentary elections in 2021 amid the unrest, although opposition parties have called for Pashinyan to resign before the holding of any vote.