Armenia Polished Diamond Exports Back Up

Israeli Diamond Industry
July 7 2013

Armenia Polished Diamond Exports Back Up

07.07.13, 12:02 / World

Armenian exports of polished diamonds soared 81% on the year in
January-May of this year, according to the country’s National
Statistic Service. The country produced 39,589 carats of polished
goods in the first five months of this year, compared with 21,878
carats last year.

Armenia produced 7,247 carats of polished diamonds in May, Armenpress
reported without giving the year-earlier figure. For all of 2012,
Armenia’s polished diamond output was 135,900 carats.

The figure was a welcome improvement over the country’s statistics in
the first three months of the year alone. During that period, 29,000
carats were harvested in the country, which the Armenian Customs
Service noted was a 55% year-over-year decrease.

`8&objid=13224

http://www.israelidiamond.co.il/english/News.aspx?boneId

Arayik Budaghian: No one has right to speak about conciliation

Arayik Budaghian: No one has right to speak about conciliation

Sunday,
July 07

Colonel Artak Budaghian feels well and will probably continue
receiving medical treatment at home, Artak Budaghian’s brother, Arayuk
Budaghian, told Aysor.am.

Asked whether it is true that the former governor of Syunik province
Suren Khachatrian is trying to find ways to make it up with the
Budaghians, also through some persons’ mediation, Arayik Budaghian
replied: `No one has the right to do such a thing and speak about
conciliation’.

He declined to speak about the investigation process. He also declined
to say if he pins any hopes on the letter sent to Police Chief
Vladimir Gasparian and if they have any proof that an impartial search
was not carried out at the home of Suren Khachatrian.
Yet Budaghian said he pins his hopes on Armenia’s legal system.

Let us remind you that the former candidate for Goris mayor Avetik
Budaghian was killed in the shootout near the house of the then
governor of Syunik province Suren Khachatrian on June 1, 2013. His
brother, Colonel Artak Budaghian who is a commander of a military
unit, was seriously wounded and taken to a military hospital where he
underwent surgery. One of the governor’s bodyguards, Nikolai
Abrahamian, was also hospitalized. The governor’s son Tigran
Khachatrian and another bodyguard, Zarzand Nikoghosian, were arrested
on suspicion of murder.

On June 3 Tigran Khachatrian and Zarzand Nikoghosian were charged
under Articles 104 part 2 point 4 and Article 235 part 1 of the RA
Criminal Code. The Syunik regional court of general jurisdiction
granted investigators’ petition to use two month arrest as a measure
of restraint against Tigran Khachatrian and Zarzand Nikoghosian.

06.07.2013, 15:06
Aysor.am

Turquie, le passé en otage

REVUE DE PRESSE
Turquie, le passé en otage

Héritage kémaliste contre mémoire ottomane, l’histoire se trouve au
centre du bras de fer sur le parc Gezi, comme de la plupart des
conflits contemporains en Turquie. Un passé dont la lecture critique
commence à peine, avec des résultats parfois surprenants

Genre : Histoire Qui ? Hamit Bozarslan Titre : Histoire de la Turquie.
De l’Empire à nos jours Tallandier, 590 p. VVVVV

Le mouvement de Gezi, désormais célèbre dans le monde entier, n’oppose
pas seulement des défenseurs de la nature à un projet de centre
commercial. Le conflit porte aussi sur l’histoire : passé ottoman –
représenté par la caserne dont le centre commercial devrait reprendre
la forme disparue – contre passé kémaliste, incarné dans le parc Gezi,
pour la réalisation duquel les ruines de la caserne ont été rasées
dans les années trente.

Cet antagonisme de moins en moins larvé entre récits nationaux
concurrents fait désormais partie de la vie politique turque,
résurgence d’autant plus vindicative que la Turquie moderne s’est,
plus que tout autre, construite sur le rejet et le déni du passé – un
passé qu’une nouvelle génération d’historiens a entrepris d’explorer
d’un `il plus critique. L’un d’eux, Hamit Bozarslan, livre depuis la
France une stimulante synthèse de cette nouvelle approche dans un
ouvrage qui met en évidence de troublantes continuités entre anciens
et modernes ainsi que d’étranges complicités entre leurs héritiers
contemporains.

Le déchirement – ou la complémentarité – entre foi musulmane, destin
européen et ancrage asiatique marque ainsi l’Empire ottoman dès ses
premières conquêtes, en grande partie balkaniques. Il
s’institutionnalise avec la prise de Constantinople en 1453, qui
permet à Mehmet le Conquérant de couler sa dynastie dans le modèle
impérial byzantin, prélude à une expansion vers l’est qui visera
Bagdad, Damas, puis Le Caire qui tombe, avec le califat, en mains
ottomanes en 1517. Cette évolution consolide l’alliance entre le trône
et l’islam sunnite, porté par un corps d’ulémas fonctionnarisés et
toujours plus conservateurs.

Cette superstructure incontestée règne sur un monde où la diversité
religieuse est la règle. Communautés chrétiennes et juives – qui
paient d’une discrimination institutionnalisée (et plus ou moins
rigoureusement appliquée selon la conjoncture politique) le droit de
participer aux avantages économiques liés à l’expansion territoriale –
et tenants des courants multiples d’un islam soumis aux influences du
zoroastrisme, des traditions animistes et du mysticisme chiite.

Mais c’est d’autres forces centrifuges dont se méfie avant tout
l’Empire, dont l’ingénierie politique détache soigneusement la
dynastie régnante de toute allégeance clanique. Comme les épouses et
donc les mères des sultans, leurs ministres et le corps armé des
janissaires sont des esclaves, en général enlevés en terres
chrétiennes, islamisés, formés dans une école d’élite et promus selon
un système où la méritocratie le dispute à une forme
institutionnalisée de cooptation par la corruption.

Les efforts ainsi déployés pour détacher l’Etat du tissu social ne
sont toutefois jamais durablement couronnés de succès. Il devient au
contraire le lieu de luttes d’influences constantes entre corps
bureaucratiques, féodalités locales et dissidences religieuses, selon
un modèle qui s’est perpétué jusqu’à nos jours, où le jeu politique
semble souvent avoir pour fin ultime de l’investir à tous les niveaux
et de l’utiliser pour asseoir son hégémonie sociale.

Nationalisme féroce

Deux choses séparent toutefois l’Empire de la République qui lui a
succédé : le territoire, brutalement resserré, et l’imaginaire
identitaire. Du traumatisme né de la perte d’hégémonie et de la
dramatique érosion territoriale du XIXe siècle, le mouvement
jeune-turc tire les ingrédients d’un nationalisme féroce, fortement
marqué par le darwinisme social, qui doit servir à redonner sens au
projet ottoman et se développera en pratique génocidaire.

Echanges de populations avec la Grèce et les Balkans, déportation et
massacre des Arméniens ainsi que de nombreux membres des minorités
syriaque et chaldéenne, n’ont pas seulement pour but de délivrer un
Empire désormais assiégé de toutes parts de potentielles cinquièmes
colonnes. Il s’agit ni plus ni moins de refaçonner la démographie
anatolienne : une bourgeoisie musulmane, composée en partie par les
réfugiés refoulés des Balkans, doit remplacer les chrétiens expulsés,
déportés ou assassinés dont elle se voit attribuer les dépouilles.

L’Etat kémaliste, telle est la thèse de Hamit Bozarslan, développe le
même imaginaire national. L’identité turque, à laquelle on cherche
alors tous azimuts d’improbables lettres de noblesse historiques, en
forme le centre – au mépris de la diversité ethnique qui persiste,
notamment dans l’Est kurde. L’Etat kémaliste adhère à la modernité
occidentale dans un souci de compétitivité nationale. Mais il est
également musulman sunnite, une identité placée au c`ur de l’Etat
laïque en dépit de l’existence d’une forte minorité alévie qui ne peut
pas s’y reconnaître. Autant d’ingrédients – fierté turque, sunnisme et
modernisme (cette fois surtout économique) – qui se retrouvent
pratiquement inchangés dans le fonds de commerce de l’AKP de Recep
Tayyip Erdogan malgré quelques ouvertures, vite refermées, en
direction des minorités. Et, fort de ses performances électorales, ce
dernier peut afficher un autoritarisme familier, où toute opposition
est assimilée à une trahison, et reproduire ainsi le modèle d’un
pouvoir hégémonique régnant sur un pays divisé.

|1#.Uc4H-qzHQis

dimanche 7 juillet 2013,
Stéphane ©armenews.com

http://www.letemps.ch/Page/Uuid/6233cc34-e00e-11e2-b696-f54b31e0a64b

L’ Ombudsman moldave Aurelia Grigoriu déclare honteusement à Erévan

SCANDALE A EREVAN
L’ Ombudsman moldave Aurelia Grigoriu déclare honteusement à Erévan «
l’Arménie occupe 20% du territoire azéri »
le lobbying azéri en plein Parlement arménien

Le 4 juillet à Erévan, lors d’une conférence-débat au Parlement
arménien consacrée aux « Normes du droit européen et les limites de
leur application dans les pays membres du Conseil de l’Europe »,
Aurelia Grigoriu, l’avocate chargée de la défense des Droits de
l’homme au Parlement moldave et médiatrice (Ombudsman), a crée un
important scandale en se positionnant soudainement en l’avocate de
l’Azerbaïdjan.

Elle a déclaré contre toute attente que « l’Arménie occupe 20% du
territoire azéri et est coupable d’un génocide » en affirmant que les
faits de Khodjalou sont un « génocide perpétré par les Arméniens » !
Au pays d’un peuple qui a connu un véritable génocide en 1915 par les
autorités turques et dont la majeure partie du territoire est occupée
par la Turquie, cette accusation d’« occupation » et de « génocide » a
fait l’effet d’une bombe. Après cette déclaration, Aurelia Grigoriu
qui de toute évidence était mandatée par Bakou, s’est enfermée dans sa
chambre d’hôtel `Ani` et refusait de poursuivre les travaux du
séminaire européen. De l’hôtel par internet, elle diffusait ses propos
négationnistes sur son réseau. Des internautes amis de la scandaleuse
dame, affirmaient qu’elle était « emprisonnée » par les Arméniens dans
sa chambre d’hôtel et que les Arméniens désiraient forcer la porte de
sa chambre d’hôtel pour se venger…

Hovhannés Babikian, le porte-parole du la Cour constitutionnelle
d’Arménie informt que Aurelia Grigoriu ne s’était pas présentée à
l’autobus, lors du départ de la délégation moldave pour l’aéroport «
Zvartnots » d’Erévan. Afin de ne pas retarder les voyageurs, le bus
était parti sans Aurelia Grigoriu mais que les services arméniens
avaient réservé pour elle une voiture et un billet d’avion, mais la
Moldave n’avait pas utilisé. Un homme se présentant comme membre de
l’Ambassade de Roumanie à Erévan s’était présenté à l’hôtel et conduit
Aurelia Grigoriu, affirmant que cette dernière était citoyenne
roumaine. Pourtant lors de son invitation en Arménie, elle avait
déclaré qu’elle était citoyenne moldave…

Bakou qui a acheté la Hongrie (affaire Safarov), qui place des statues
du dictateur Heydar Aliev à Mexico et ailleurs (avant que l’on
découvre la nature du tyran de Bakou et qu’on déboulonne ces
statues…), aurait-elle acheté par les pétro-manats (monnaie azérie)
cette dame qui était censée défendre les Droits de l’homme ? Pourquoi
cette provocation en Arménie, marquée par le souvenir douloureux du
génocide de 1915 ? Pourquoi cette déclaration d’« occupation du
territoire azéri » alors que c’est l’Azerbaïdjan qui occupait le
territoire arménien du Haut Karabagh et des terres environnantes qui
appartenaient aux Arméniens depuis des millénaires ?

Pour toute réponse à ces interrogations, nos regards se dirigent vers
une seule et même direction : Bakou qui serait en n’en point douter
dans ce coup bas ! Bakou où s’est rendue Aurélia Grigoriu il y a deux
semaines… Signalons enfin que les autorités moldaves ont fermement
condamné les propos d’Aurélia Grigoriu.

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 7 juillet 2013,
Krikor Amirzayan ©armenews.com

Armenian, Lebanese chambers of commerce sign Memorandum of Cooperati

Armenian, Lebanese chambers of commerce sign Memorandum of Cooperation

16:30 06/07/2013 » ECONOMY

Today, head of the Armenian Chamber of Commerce and Industry Martin
Sargsyan and President of the Lebanese Federation of the Chambers of
Commerce & Industry Mohammad Choucair signed a Memorandum of
Cooperation aimed at strengthening the bilateral ties, boosting
investment and assisting business.

In 2011, Lebanon exported $3.5m worth of goods to Armenia, while
Armenia’s exports to Lebanon amounted to $500m.

Lebanese investment in Armenia totals $7,491 thousand.

Source: Panorama.am

Conservative wing of ARFD becomes active

Hraparak: Conservative wing of ARFD becomes active

Saturday,July 06

Despite the outward calm, internal processes are going on in the
ARF-Dashnaktsutyun Party, `Hraparak’ says.

The paper reminds its readers that some structures of ARFD,
particularly those in the U.S. and Lebanon, demand holding a special
General Assembly to discuss the situation within the party, the ARFD’s
defeat in the elections in Armenia, and the further actions. They also
demand that new heads of the Supreme Body and the Bureau of ARFD be
elected.

`According to our information, the `discontented’ members raised the
issue of replacing Hrant Margarian with the representative of the
party’s North American structure, former member of the ARFD Bureau
Vigen Hovsepian. He was born in Lebanon, later moved to Canada, and
holds very conservative views. Vigen Hovsepian has never shared Hrant
Margarian’s ideas and views and for that reason he was not invited to
the last General Assembly. It is not ruled out that Hovsepian will
become a representative of the Bureau, especially as rumors persist
that Armen Rustamian and Hrant Margarian are not on very good terms,’
the paper writes, adding that this is the reason why the ARFD tries to
prevent a General Assembly from being held.

http://www.aysor.am/en/news/2013/07/06/hraparak4/

Armenian police investigating reports on missing memorial to Vahe Av

Armenian police investigating reports on missing memorial to Vahe Avetyan

July 06, 2013 | 11:55

YEREVAN. – Armenian police are investigating reports saying a memorial
plaque to killed doctor Vahe Avetyan had disappeared, police told
Armenian News-NEWS.am.

However, police representative said no one had turned to them to
report about the fact.

The memorial plaque disappeared on June 29. It was installed near
Harsnaqar restaurant on the anniversary of Vahe’s death.

As informed earlier, an incident had occurred at Armenian capital city
Yerevan’s Harsnaqar Restaurant Complex on June 17, 2012. Several
military doctors, including Edgar Mikoyan, Arkadi Aghajanyan, Garik
Soghomonyan, Artak Bayadyan and Vahe Avetyan, were brutally beaten by
Harsnaqar security personnel, and Avetyan, 35, died in hospital on
June 29.

Subsequently, a criminal lawsuit was filed into this incident, and six
people stand trial.

The Restaurant’s owner is ruling Republican Party former MP, Football
Federation of Armenia President, and businessman Ruben Hayrapetyan,
who formally gave up his parliamentary seat in connection with this
incident. But as per Avetyan’s relatives and the active civil society,
Hayrapetyan himself should be brought to account for the killing of
the military officer.

News from Armenia – NEWS.am

`Perfection is always simple’

`Perfection is always simple’

July 5, 2013 6:20 pm

By Robert Chandler

Vasily Grossman’s memoir on his stay in Armenia is the most personal
of his works

An Armenian Sketchbook, by Vasily Grossman, MacLehose Press, RRP£8.28, 192 pages

©Alamy

The monastery of Geghard in Armenia

Armenia is a stony country, and one of the arts in which Armenians
have most excelled is architecture. Few places illustrate this better
than the monastery of Geghard, where two of the three adjacent
churches have ` literally ` been gouged out of the mountainside. In
one there is a spring. The water forms a large pool in a corner, then
streams down a shallow channel across the centre of the church. Stone,
of course, is everywhere ` rough and smooth, plain and exuberantly
carved.

Last October, I attended Sunday mass in the third of these churches,
which stands just clear of the mountainside. A tall narrow window on
the southern wall let in a slanting band of almost solid sunlight.
Standing in the raised east end, close to the altar, were six priests,
four wearing blue robes, one in white and gold, and one, a novice, in
black. Sometimes they faced the altar, sometimes the congregation. The
acoustics of this small, squat building, with its rounded apses and
dome, were so perfect that their voices sounded equally strong no
matter which way they were facing. Their singing was deep, rhythmic
and powerful. My guide explained that the priests sing only in Old
Armenian. Recent attempts to introduce modern Armenian have been
rejected; the fit between the old words and the music is perfect, and
too valuable to sacrifice.

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Edmund Burke; Edmund Burke in America

I had gone to Armenia because I was translating An Armenian
Sketchbook, a memoir by Vasily Grossmanabout the two months he spent
there in late 1961. He too had been impressed by the medieval
churches. And like me, he had gone to Armenia to work on a
translation; he had been commissioned to edit a clumsy literal version
of The Children of the Large House, a long novel about the second
world war by an established Armenian writer, Hrachya Kochar. That, at
least, was the official reason; the real reasons were more complex.

In February that year the KGB had confiscated Grossman’s typescripts
of Life and Fate, his own long novel about the war. In it he had
broken several taboos. He had drawn a direct parallel between Soviet
and Nazi concentration camps; he had argued that Stalin and Hitler had
learnt from each other and that their regimes were mirror images.
Grossman had even written of Stalin `snatching the sword of
anti-Semitism from Hitler’s hands’. Much of this remains controversial
even today, even in the west. Few Soviet citizens thought, let alone
wrote, such things in 1961. There is no surprise in the fact that the
novel should have been `arrested’, as Grossman always put it.

Grossman had entrusted two copies to friends, but he could not be sure
these were safe. His marriage was breaking down. He was suffering from
cancer, though this had yet to be diagnosed. His letters give the
impression that he was in financial need. There were reasons for him
to want to get away from his everyday life.

The Soviet authorities, for their part, had reasons to want Grossman
out of the way. By commissioning him to edit this Armenian novel they
were probably trying to buy him off, to compensate him ` at least
financially ` for the non-publication of Life and Fate, and so lessen
the danger of his contacting foreign journalists or sending
manuscripts abroad. Three years earlier, the authorities had
miscalculated disastrously after Boris Pasternak published Doctor
Zhivago in Italy. By forcing Pasternak to decline the Nobel Prize in
Literature, they brought Doctor Zhivago so much publicity that it
topped the New York Times bestseller list for six months. The
authorities evidently learnt from this. The low-key approach they took
with Grossman was, in fact, so successful that a Russian text of Life
and Fate did not appear, even in the west, until as late as 1980. And
although my English translation was published in 1985, it took another
20 years for Grossman to win recognition in the anglophone world.
Without an international political scandal it was, sadly, almost
impossible for a Soviet writer to be taken seriously in the west.
Pasternak and Solzhenitsyn are both famous; two still greater writers,
Andrey Platonov and Varlam Shalamov, remain relatively little known to
this day.

And so Grossman accepted a commission that entailed staying two months
in Armenia, working with Kochar and his translator. Grossman spent
part of the time in Yerevan, and the rest in a mountain village, in
the `House of Creativity of the Armenian Writers’ Union’. As for his
work on The Children of the Large House, both he and Kochar seem to
have had mixed feelings about it. Kochar admired Grossman and
probably, in principle, welcomed his intervention; in reality,
however, he found it difficult. Grossman, for his part, seems to have
looked down on Kochar; in a letter to a friend he wrote that he had
taken him `several steps up the ladder of literary evolution’.

©Fedor Guber

Vasily Grossman above the ruins of the Hellenistic temple of Garni,
near Yerevan, in 1961

An Armenian Sketchbook is the most personal of Grossman’s works.
Although its many threads are deftly woven together, it has an air of
spontaneity, as though Grossman is simply chatting to the reader about
his impressions of the landscape, about the people he meets and even
about his physical problems. The chapter about his arrival in Yerevan
exemplifies his ability to write in a way that seems natural yet is
constantly surprising. First he describes his wounded vanity when he
realises no one has come to the train station to meet him. Then,
adopting a deliberately heightened tone, he writes about how, when one
first arrives in a new city, one is like a god, creating inside
oneself a new world. His descriptions are vivid, but increasingly
there seems to be something excessive, almost desperate about them.
Eventually we realise that he is looking for a quiet corner to pee?.?.
.?Grossman was unwell, and Soviet cities were remarkably lacking in
both cafés and public lavatories. The chapter ends with the writer,
who has by then taken a tram to the outskirts of Yerevan, finally
experiencing relief. `It was a quiet happiness that is equally
accessible to a sheep, a bull, a human being or a macaque. Need I have
gone all the way to Mount Ararat to experience it?’

. . .

Grossman was preoccupied not only with the Shoah but also with the
Soviet authorities’ attempts to suppress its memory. Like the poet
Osip Mandelstam, who had visited Armenia in 1930, only 15 years after
the Genocide, he was aware of the similarities between the Jews and
the Armenians ` two peoples with a flair for commerce, a tragic
history and a reverence for the Book. Mandelstam calls Armenia `a book
of ringing clays?.?.?.?a festering text, a precious clay, that hurts
us like music, like the word’. Both writers would have appreciated my
guide’s account of how, in one monastery, at times of danger, large
vases of oil, wine and other provisions were left where raiding
parties could easily find them. The monks’ hope was that raiders would
help themselves to food and wine and not stumble upon the monastery’s
real treasures, the books they hid away in high and remote corners.
The creation of illuminated manuscripts is another art in which
Armenians have excelled.

Mandelstam evidently felt more at ease with his own Jewish identity
after his months in Armenia. Grossman’s memoir concludes with an
account of a village wedding during which several peasants spoke about
the fellow feeling between Jews and Armenians, about their brotherhood
in suffering. Grossman was moved, but his strong feelings coexist with
an unusual objectivity. In previous chapters he has criticised not
only Russian chauvinism but also the pretensions of some Armenian
intellectuals ` people to whom poetry, architecture, science and
history have meaning `only in so far as they testify to the
superiority of the Armenian nation’.

This was one aspect of Armenian life that, 50 years later, I
recognised only too easily. I even found it difficult to get my guide
to take me to Atala, one of the country’s most famous old churches;
being Georgian Orthodox, rather than Armenian Apostolic, it did not
normally feature on tourist itineraries. Armenian nationalism is, of
course, all too understandable. Armenia’s borders with both Turkey and
Azerbaijan remain closed. Grossman does not address the Armenian
genocide directly, but a background awareness of it informs the entire
memoir.

Grossman’s masterpieces are his last works: the short novelEverything
Flows and the stories he wrote during the three years between the
confiscation of Life and Fate and his death in 1964. It is not
impossible that the hours he spent looking at Armenian churches in
late 1961 may have helped him to a clearer vision of his own artistic
aims. He writes eloquently about the qualities he saw embodied in
these buildings: `Perfection is always simple, and it is always
natural. Perfection is the deepest understanding and fullest
expression of what is essential. Perfection is the shortest path to a
goal, the simplest proof, and the clearest expression. Perfection is
always democratic; it is always generally accessible?.?.?.?The church
looks so simple and natural that you think a child could have put it
together out of toy basalt blocks. I, an unbeliever, look at this
church and think, `But perhaps God does exist. Surely his house can’t
have been standing uninhabited for fifteen hundred years?”

No less striking is a sentence from Grossman’s account of his meeting
with Vazgen I, the head of the Armenian Church: `I said I wanted books
to be like these churches, simply made yet expressive, and that I
would like God to be living in each book, as in a church.’

Robert and Elizabeth Chandler’s translation of `An Armenian
Sketchbook’, by Vasily Grossman, is published by MacLehose Press this
week

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/03fa2b0e-e3ec-11e2-91a3-00144feabdc0.html#ixzz2YFdulbEW

Manana Youth Center Animation Studio project to Help Teach Armenian

PRESS RELEASE
THE PAROS FOUNDATION
918 Parker Street, Suite A14
Berkeley, CA 94710
Contact: Peter Abajian
Email: [email protected]
Web:
Tel: US 310-400-9061
Armenia: (093) 99-80-99 From US dial 011-374-93-99-80-99

The Manana Youth Center’s Animation Studio is working on an important
project that needs your help to be completed. The Sand Animals Film
Series is a project that uses creative animation to produce films
featuring each letter of the Armenian alphabet. Using the
crowd-funding platform Indiegogo.com, Manana has already reached more
than 25% of its $8,000 funding goal for this project. Please consider
supporting this effort today and help promote both the Armenian
language and the intellectual development of Manana’s animation
students with your tax-deductible contribution today.

About Manana Youth Center and the Manana Animation Studio The Manana
Animation Studio is an award-winning studio that provides youth with
high-quality training in the production of animated films and
cartoons. It is part of Manana Youth Center
[], a cutting-edge multimedia training
organization that works to develop the intellectual and creative
talents of young people between the ages of 7-16 in Armenia. The
Manana Youth Center was founded in 1995, and seeks to create an
environment for the overall creative and intellectual development of
children. Students are educated as artists and critical thinkers, and
through classes at Manana Youth Center, they become socially minded
citizens speaking for their generation. The Sand Animals Film
Series. The Sand Animals project embodies Manana Youth Center’s
mission of providing youth with quality educational programming in
art, new media and technology.

The Sand Animals has two primary goals:

=80¢ Produce a visually engaging education tool to teach children the
Armenian alphabet.

=80¢ Teach Manana Youth Center’s students to create animated films.

Manana’s animation students will storyboard each Sand Animals episode,
create the animations, and edit the short films. Through this process,
they will become adept at sand animation techniques. Each episode will
be around 40 seconds, and will introduce children to a different
letter of the Armenian alphabet and to different kinds of animals.

Manana Animation Studio students are currently working on the first
episode, which introduces viewers to the letter ” Ô± Õ¡ ” (A a) of the
Armenian alphabet, and to the animal “Ô±Õ=90Õ=8B” (“Arj”, which means
“bear”).

The Impact Manana Animation Studio students practice sand animation
techniques.

The educational impact of the Sand Animals is two-fold: teach children
the Armenian alphabet, and teach Manana Youth Center’s students to
create animated shorts!

With the Sand Animals, Manana Youth Center’s students will promote the
rich heritage of the Armenian language through modern media.

The finished project will be distributed widely. The Sand Animals will
be placed in libraries and schools throughout Armenia, will be given
to TV channels for broadcasting, and will be distributed to Armenian
pre-schools, kindergartens and elementary schools in the diaspora.

The Sand Animals will be a valuable resource for children both within
and outside of Armenia.

What Your Contribution Will Fund

Your support of the Sand Animals film series will go towards:

Camera upgrades and 2 computers that will allow our students to
produce a finished project at the highest possible quality. New
animation software to replace outdated programs. Studio lights for use
in the production of the Sand Animals. Pre-production materials for
scripting, storyboarding, and the creation of characters for the Sand
Animals. Creating Sand Animals DVDs for distribution upon completion
of the project.

If we don’t reach our funding goal, we will make as many episodes as
possible, while applying for other sources of financial support to
complete the Sand Animals.


The Paros Foundation [], a
U.S. based 501(c)(3) certified nonprofit that develops high quality
high integrity non-governmental organizations in Armenia, is acting as
the fiscal sponsor for this campaign.

Formally launched in 2006, The Paros Foundation supports six exemplary
local NGOs in Armenia with contributions of quality rent-free program
space, operating funds and human resource support. To honor the
upcoming centennial of the Armenian Genocide, The Paros Foundation
launched the Paros 100 for 100 Projects for Prosperity in October of
2011. With an aggressive goal of identifying, vetting, fundraising
for and ultimately implementing 100 special projects, The Paros
Foundation and its staff in Armenia and the United States are quickly
earning a reputation as the “go to” organization to oversee small and
medium-sized project implementation in Armenia. For more information
and to get involved visit

http://www.parosfoundation.org/
http://www.mananayouth.org/
http://www.paros-foundation.org/index.html
www.parosfoundation.org

Serzh Sargsyan In `Grey Cardinal’ Logic

Serzh Sargsyan In `Grey Cardinal’ Logic

After the meeting of the RPA Executive Body opinions were heard that
no one was reprimanded during the meeting, but the Republicans just
discussed issues and decided their position in similar situations. It
is almost the same as if Serzh Sargsyan reproved the others and said
not to act independently any more. In other words, Serzh Sargsyan
seems to have ensured control over each phrase and word of Republicans
and representatives of the government.

Serzh Sargsyan, unlike Robert Kocharyan, is not a lover of sharp steps
and tough statements. In the independent Armenia, he has always had
the role of the `grey cardinal’ which does not suppose for sharp or
tough way of action, at least in public.

But in the position of the president, Serzh Sargsyan can’t allow
himself the methods of `grey cardinal’. The status of the president
supposes for at least minimal public activities including expressing
position on political processes within the government.

The consultation in the president’s office was determined by this
necessity, with which Serzh Sargsyan aimed to show that he controls
the situation, the actors and no one can ignore him.

The Republican executive meeting is Serzh Sargsyan’s `cardinal’ sphere
where he tries to solve everything without unnecessary rumor. The
executive meeting can be considered a gathering of `equals’, where
Serzh Sargsyan should present the grounds of his public activities for
everyone to see that he had all the grounds to treat Ishkhan Zakaryan
as he did proceeding from systemic necessity without wanting to
humiliate him.

It is hard to say whether Republicans believed Serzh Sargsyan or not.
Naturally, they will make no statement about the meeting. But such
meetings will not lack because Serzh Sargsyan will always need shows
determined by internal and external factors, which will arouse
necessity to explain.

Serzh Sargsyan fails to be the `first number’ in his power. One of the
reasons is the environmental complexes and the absence of internal
harmony. Serzh Sargsyan seems to prefer the role of the `second
number’ not allowing his competitors to play their game.

No accident the most common assessment to Serzh Sargsyan’s power,
which does not differ from Robert Kocharyan’s in terms of quality, is
the uncertainty and unpredictability, of which even Sargsyan’s close
people complain.

This is the inevitable consequence of the fact that the person with de
jure power, is still the de facto `grey cardinal’ who is afraid of
competitors and of the de factor power. When the de jure power does
not try to set up a de factor power but is engaged in depriving their
opponents of that possibility, the main characteristic of the
situation becomes the uncertainty and unpredictability, which is more
dangerous that the lowest-quality certainty.

HAKOB BADALYAN
14:46 05/07/2013
Story from Lragir.am News:

http://www.lragir.am/index/eng/0/comments/view/30379