Internet
Un groupe de Hackers Arméniens pirate 360 sites turcs
Selon Armenpress, un groupe de hackers arméniens, dit « Cyber Armée
Monte Melkonian », aurait piraté 360 sites turcs.
Les pirates auraient posté sur les sites web des photos, des
informations et des vidéos relatives au génocide des Arméniens,
exhortant la Turquie à reconnaître le génocide.
dimanche 24 août 2014,
Jean Eckian ©armenews.com
The End of the Modern Middle East?
by Gabriel Scheinmann
inFocus Quarterly
Spring 2014
Until now, the post-Ottoman Middle Eastern order, fashioned by wartime
exigency, imperialist ambitions, and ignorance of local identities,
has survived independence, revolutions, and wars. A political map of
the region sketched in 1930 looks nearly identical to one drawn in
2010. Even as the ongoing Arab revolt exposes submerged seams,
Washington remains committed to defending the cartographic status quo.
In contrast, the geopolitical evolution of modern Europe has entailed
the gradual emergence of nation-states out of the ashes of numerous
multi-ethnic European empires. Just as the concept of
self-determination eventually led to the greatest period of peace in
Europe’s history, the Balkanization of the Middle East, while violent
at present, could lead to a more peaceful region in the future.
The Post-Ottoman Regime
As it did in Europe, World War I and the collapse of the Ottoman
Empire radically transformed the political geography of the Middle
East. Ottoman provinces became Arab kingdoms and Christian and Jewish
enclaves were carved out in Lebanon and Palestine, respectively.
Syria, Libya, and Palestine were names resurrected from Roman
antiquity: Libya reappeared in 1934, Palestine was merely a Syrian
appendage, and the French mandate marked the first time Syria had been
used as the name of a state. Iraq had been a medieval caliphal
province, whereas Lebanon was a mountain and Jordan a river. The new
Arabic-speaking states adopted derivations of the Flag of the Arab
Revolt, which had been wholly designed by British diplomat Sir Mark
Sykes. The four colors of the Arab flag–black, white, green, and
red–each represented the standards of different Arab
dynasties–Abbasid, Umayyad, Fatimid, and Hashemite–and remain the
colors of half of today’s Arab states.
Furthermore, the borders of the new states were determined not by
demography, but by the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement, which became the
blueprint of today’s map. A large Kurdish population was divided among
four states, Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. Shiite Arabs were
similarly split, running from Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, and the eastern
provinces of Saudi Arabia. Alawites, a heterodox Shiite Arab sect,
were subdivided, residing today along the northern Lebanese, Syria,
and southwestern Turkish coasts. The Druze were distributed between
what today is Israel, Lebanon, and Syria. Lebanon, supposedly a
Christian redoubt, entailed large Sunni and Shiite Arab populations,
as well as Alawi and Druze. At the dawn of the 21st century, minority
ethnic groups ruled Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and Bahrain, often
repressively.
By the 1960s, Arab republics outnumbered Arab monarchies, as coups
were common and kingdoms were overthrown. Attempts to merge alien
states–such as Syria with Egypt and Iraq with Jordan–were short-lived
and repeated failure to excise the Zionist presence marked the end of
the endeavor. Arab leaders proved more interested in maintaining their
own European-delivered fiefs than in abdicating their cathedra for the
greater Arab cause. Through it all, neither independence nor Israel
had altered the imperial map.
While the external borders remained unaltered, ethno-religious strife
was evident throughout. The creation of Greater Lebanon, turning a
once Christian enclave into a multi-communal state, led to decades of
discontent that ultimately erupted into a full-blown ethnic civil war,
killing over 100,000. In Iraq and Syria, strongmen from minority
groups adopted Baathism, a secular Arab nationalist ideology, in order
to centralize power and subdue ethnic differences, but to little
avail. Sunni Arab uprisings against an Alawite Arab regime in Syria in
the 1980s and Shiite Arab uprisings against a Sunni Arab regime in
Iraq in the 1990s were squashed. The Sykes-Picot order barely
flinched.
Similarly, varied efforts were made to forcefully marginalize Kurdish
identity. Kurds were stripped of their Syrian citizenship in 1962 and
both the Asad and Hussein regimes attempted to “Arabize” Kurdish areas
by expelling local populations and supplanting them with Arabs from
elsewhere. Saddam’s infamous gassing of large Kurdish populations in
Halabja in 1988 and the broader al-Anfal ethnic cleansing campaign mar
Kurdish history. In Turkey, Kemalism, also a secular-nationalist
ideology, attempted to “Turkify” the country’s large population of
Kurds, going so far as to denying their existence through the
ubiquitous use of the term “Mountain Turks.” A Kurdish insurgency has
blazed across southeastern Turkey for several decades, with upwards of
50,000 casualties.
Even after excising themselves from direct regional control, external
powers have repeatedly intervened to caulk the cracks exposed by
ethnic violence. Twice, first in 1958 and again in 1982, American
forces were sent to quell ethnic violence in Lebanon. After the Gulf
War, Washington imposed no-fly zones in Iraq to protect the Kurds and
Shia respectively from Sunni Baathist attacks. More recently, French
and U.S. forces have tried to roll back a secessionist Tuareg state in
northern Mali. Meanwhile, Washington flatly opposes Kurdish moves
towards independence, chastising KRG-Turkish strategic cooperation and
supporting Baghdad. Whatever the outcome in Syria, U.S. and European
officials agree on keeping Syria intact. No matter the volatility,
Washington, Paris, and London have clung onto the post-war order that
they created.
A reluctance to contemplate redrawing the map is understandable.
Today’s Middle East is itself an example of poorly-executed
partitions. Inviolable political borders are the defining
characteristic of state sovereignty, without which the modern concept
of citizenship or nationality is meaningless. Only in extraordinary
circumstances and from positions of power, such as in Kosovo, do
states support unilateral partitions. For example, Kosovo remains
unrecognized by states that have secessionist movements of their own,
such as Spain, Russia, and China. By violating the sanctity of
sovereign borders, precedents become set. If Kosovars deserve
self-determination, why don’t Tibetans, Catalans, or Chechens? In
order to maintain global stability, states shy away from fiddling with
borders, concerned that the redrawing may never end.
Looking in the Mirror
Ironically, today’s Europe, which also once consisted of multi-ethnic
empires, is the result of a century of partitions, secessions, and
wars of self-determination. The Ottoman Empire once ruled southeast
Europe, including Greece, the Balkans, Romania, and Bulgaria. Prior to
World War I, the Russian Empire roosted on eight modern European
states. Norway achieved independence from Denmark and then Sweden only
in 1905. Austria-Hungary was a conglomeration that has given way to
six independent nation-states. Nearly a century after its creation,
the dissolution of Yugoslavia–from whence comes “Balkanization”–has
resulted, so far, in seven states. Meanwhile, Spain, the United
Kingdom, and Belgium may look different in coming years as they
grapple with Catalan, Scottish, and Flemish nationalism, respectively.
Europe has become a bastion of nation-states–50 in total–and is a
shining example of how squiggly borders can lead to greater peace and
stability. Recent events in Ukraine only highlight this dynamic.
With few exceptions, each European state now exclusively consists of a
people with a shared ethnicity, a shared language, and a shared
religion. The French speak French in France; Germans speak German in
Germany. In contrast, the modern Middle East houses only four such
entities–Iran, Saudi Arabia, Israel, and Turkey–and even these, as
renowned Middle Eastern historian Bernard Lewis once wrote, have
exceptions. “Iran” is a modern term, Arabic has no word for Arabia,
and Israeli Arabs, without including those in the West Bank, comprise
nearly 20% of the Jewish State’s population. Turkey’s supposed ethnic
homogeneity ignores its 15-million strong Kurdish population and was
achieved only following the massacre of 1.5 million Armenians and
forced expulsion of 1.5 million Orthodox Greeks in the aftermath of
World War I.
Previous flickers of self-determination were contemplated, but never
fully realized. President Wilson’s Fourteen Points included a specific
reference to self-rule for the Ottoman Empire’s non-Turkish
minorities, yet was never implemented. After expelling the
British-installed Hashemite ruler of Damascus in 1920, France, more
aware of the ethnic mosaic than their cross-Channel collaborators,
actually created five separate Levantine states based on the Ottoman
vilayets: Greater Lebanon, an Alawite mountain state, a Druze mountain
state, the State of Aleppo, and the State of Damascus. However,
concerned that a rising Germany was making inroads into its colonies,
France acquiesced to a unified Syria in 1936. Only Lebanon survived as
an independent entity and, even then, had incorporated large,
non-Christian areas over French objections.
Similarly, the 1920 Treaty of Sevres, which ended the war between the
Ottomans and the Allies, granted immediate independence to the Hijaz
and Ottoman Armenia–sometimes known as “Wilsonian Armenia” after the
United States drew its borders–and eventual statehood to Ottoman
Kurdistan. However, these arrangements were also quickly reversed
three years later after Turkish forces smashed the Western-backed
Greek and Armenian armies. A renegotiated settlement, the Treaty of
Lausanne, ended the dreams of Greater Kurdistan and Greater Armenia
and set the boundaries of modern Turkey. Implementation of any of
these paths would have dramatically altered the post-Ottoman era.
The Identity Revolution
The map of the modern Middle East is potentially on the cusp of
drastic changes. A renaissance in Kurdish nationalism, as a result of
the U.S.-led liberation–their word–of Iraq, threatens to dramatically
redraw the boundaries in the heart of the region. The semi-autonomous
Kurdish Regional Government in northern Iraq issues its own visas,
hoists its own flag, and speaks its own language. A recent truce is
intended to end the Kurdish armed insurgency in Turkey in return for
far greater official Turkish recognition of Kurdish identity. As an
outcome of the Syrian conflict, Kurds have declared a provincial
government in the northeast corner of Syria, which they’ve renamed
“Rojava” or Western Kurdistan. Kurds now control a 400mile-wide band
of territory, from the Iran-Iraq border to the Syrian town of Ras
al-Ain, and are expanding their jurisdiction.
The U.S-led overthrow of the minority Sunni regime in Iraq marked an
etch-a-sketch moment in the modern Middle East. Majority Shiite rule
returned to Baghdad for the first time since the seventeenth century,
raising the hopes of beleaguered Shiite Arab populations in Kuwait,
Bahrain, and eastern Saudi Arabia. A recent Iraqi cabinet statement of
support for the creation of three new provinces in western Iraq,
giving Turkmen, Christians, and Sunni Arabs a greater share of the
federal budget, will likely not satisfy newly dispossessed Sunnis who
have demanded greater autonomy from Baghdad.
Likewise, the Syrian uprising has unleashed ethnic sectarianism that
claws at the current borders. Iraqi and Lebanese Shiite fighters have
poured into Syria to help preserve Alawite rule in Damascus. Ethnic
cleansing in coastal Syria has entertained talk of the creation of
“Alawitistan”, an Alawite enclave protected by the mountains that
could eventually stretch into northern Lebanon and Turkey’s Hatay
province. The trans-national Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS)
is a key force in the Syrian rebellion and recently took over the
major Sunni cities of Ramadi and Fallujah, as violence has spiraled to
nearly 2007 levels. A Druze enclave could emerge in southern Syria,
containing the nearly 1 million Lebanese and Syrian Druze. In the
future, Iraq, Syria, and even Lebanon may only be rump states, as
co-nationals seek to consolidate control across existing borders.
While these changes could take decades to play out, new entities have
already made their first leaps towards independence. In 2011, South
Sudan seceded along ethno-religious lines, marking the first
internationally recognized change in the borders of a Middle Eastern
state in nearly 80 years. Meanwhile, Ghaddafi’s downfall not only
threatens to devolve power to Libya’s former city-states, but has also
impacted the identities of Libya’s neighbors. In April 2012, the
National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad declared the
independence of northern Mali, setting in motion the French-led
intervention to roll back the secession and restore Malian sovereignty
last year. The “Arab Spring” has also roused Berber identity in Libya,
Algeria, and Morocco, where a Moroccan minister spoke Amazigh, the
Berber language, for the first time in parliament.
Ending support for the Sykes-Picot order is not equivalent to
unilaterally redrawing the map of the Middle East from Washington.
Events on the ground, such as Kurdish nationalism, Alawite retreats,
or Sunni Arab brotherhood, will drive these changes. The emergence of
Kurdistan or Alawitistan or the shrinking of the Maronite enclave in
Lebanon could partition clashing nations and dim long-running
ethno-religious violence. Like the Balkanization of Europe, cultures
would still compete, but the reduced stakes could ultimately lead to a
more stable and peaceful region.
Writing in 1989, historian David Fromkin compared Europe’s political
evolution to that of the Muslim Middle East. The length of time may be
different, “but its issue is the same: how diverse peoples are to
regroup to create new political identities for themselves after the
collapse of an ages-old imperial order to which they had grown
accustomed. The Allies proposed a post-Ottoman design for the region
in the early 1920s. The continuing question is whether the peoples of
the region will accept it.” A quarter-century later, Fromkin’s
question is in the process of being answered. The peoples of the
region no longer accept the post-Ottoman system and their calls for
self-determination echo those of European peoples of the last few
centuries. Perhaps we should heed their call.
Gabriel Scheinmann is a PhD candidate at Georgetown University and an
analyst at Wikistrat, Inc. An earlier version of this article appeared
in The Tower Magazine.
Sunday’s Zaman, Turkey
Aug 24 2014
Davutoglu will be remembered for wrong-headed remarks
ONUR KAFALI / ISTANBUL
Turkey’s presumptive prime minister and current Foreign Minister Ahmet
Davutoglu, an academic-turned-diplomat, will be remembered for his
statements that were either wide of the mark or highly exaggerated.
Davutoglu has attracted criticism from a number of groups for his
handling of foreign issues, ranging from the incident in which a
Turkish aircraft was downed by Syria without warning in international
airspace on the Syrian border in 2012 to the abduction of diplomatic
personnel and other Turkish citizens from the Turkish Consulate
General in Mosul in 2014. The impracticability of his theories on
foreign policy has been proven on several issues.
On the issue of the Armenian allegations related to the incidents of
1915, which was brought before US House of Representatives Committee
on Foreign Affairs in March and passed in April 2010, Ahmet Davutoglu
gave a message on March 4 to the United States regarding a resolution
on the “genocide,” saying, “nobody should test us.’ This was the first
time Davutoglu issued a warning about not testing Turkey’s limits, but
not the last time. He made similar statements on several occasions.
In 2010, this time challenging the world, Davutoglu said: `Not a
single leaf stirs in the Middle East without our knowledge. The most
powerful political actor in this region is Turkey.’ He kept uttering
similar highly provocative remarks. `We [Turkey] will manage the big
shift in the Middle East. We will continue to be the frontier in this
big wave of change [in the Middle East]. Today, Turkey is known as not
only an ally and a comrade to the countries in the Middle East, but
also as a country at the forefront of new ideas and a new regional
order which has the power to direct the future,’ Davutoglu said in
another speech on April 26, 2012.
When Syria’s armed forces downed a Turkish aircraft without warning in
international airspace on June 24, 2012, Davutoglu declared that
Turkey would formally consult with its NATO allies about possible
reactions and said, `No one dares to test our courage.’ Yet Syria kept
on testing Turkey’s determination. Davutoglu said that Turkey would
retaliate accordingly in the event of an attack on the tomb of
Suleyman Shah — the grandfather of Osman I, the founder of the
Ottoman Empire — in Syria. This came to public attention following
reports in the Turkish press on March 14 that the area had been
surrounded by the al-Qaeda splinter group the Islamic State of Iraq
and the Levant (ISIL). Davutoglu said Turkey would retaliate
accordingly in the event of an attack against the tomb or Turkish
troops.
After car bombs killed 52 people in Reyhanlı — a town on the Syrian
border — last year in May, Davutoglu said Ankara would take the
necessary measures to protect Turkey. “No one should attempt to test
Turkey’s power,’ he said.
Instead of taking concrete steps, Davutoglu has repeated the same
narrative over and over. This has led to strong criticism from
opposition circles, who blame Davutoglu for Turkey’s failed foreign
policy. He also became a laughing stock on social media.
Referring to the statements by Davutoglu, main opposition Republican
People’s Party (CHP) leader Kemal Kılıçdaroglu described him as `the
lowest-caliber person in the world. The state of Iraq is beyond chaos.
People are being killed. Iraq is being separated into three parts and
he [Davutoglu] is not aware of that,’ in a speech he made in a CHP
parliamentary group meeting on June 18.
In spite of the developments in neighboring countries such as Iraq and
Syria, Davutoglu shared a message on his Twitter account which was
criticized heavily on social media, saying on June 10 that “there was
nothing to be concerned over with regards to the safety of the
diplomatic personnel in Turkey’s Mosul consulate” because the
necessary measures had been taken for their safety. The next day, ISIL
broke into the consulate after threatening the diplomats inside with a
bomb attack and kidnapped 49 people, including Consul-General Ã-ztürk
Yılmaz, diplomatic staff, special forces members and children.
In remarks to reporters on June 11, Davutoglu said: “Right now we are
engaged in calm crisis management, considering our citizens’ security.
This should not be misunderstood. Any harm to our citizens and staff
will be met with the strongest retaliation.” Turkey’s hostage crisis
entered its 75th day on Sunday and there is still no word about the
release of the 49 Turkish citizens, while the public and media are not
able to question the issue due to a gag order imposed by the
government.
Referring to the consulate attack, Davutoglu said it was “not the
first time that Turkey has faced such a crisis,” adding that “all
parties around the world should know that if something bad happens to
our citizens, the perpetrators will be dealt with.’ Even though he had
previously issued a statement saying that `media outlets are
pretending that there is chaos in Iraq. We are not planning a mass
evacuation in Iraq’ on June 13, Davutoglu then said `Iraq and Syria
are tied to each other inextricably; there is a big crisis on our
doorstep’ on June 27, contradicting his earlier statement.
Fresno Bee, CA
Aug 23 2014
Bold classical music choices in abundance this fall, winter
By Donald Munro
The Fresno Bee
August 23, 2014
I won’t soon forget April’s Fresno Philharmonic concert featuring Wu
Man, the world’s best known player of the pipa, the lute-like ancient
Chinese instrument.
The pipa concerto she played by Tan Dun began with a foot stomp from
the entire orchestra, and from there, it was a whirlwind of music
stretching from plaintive to frenzied. The range she demonstrated was
amazing, from the tiniest pinprick of a note to a full-fledged grating
effect that sounds like a washboard.
What I remember most as an audience member at the Shaghoian Hall was
feeling completely immersed in the experience. The piece would build,
relentlessly, and then suddenly release into tender melancholy. At
other times the performance was infused with a lighthearted intensity
and a calming sense of bemused contentment. I felt part of it all.
Live performance can be such a glorious experience that I actually
ache sometimes for people who have never experienced it. Sure, it’s
nice to be able to download within seconds just about any piece of
music imaginable. But a recording can’t match being there live. There
are moments that speak more highly to the triumph of the human spirit
than witnessing 80 or so highly trained players in a symphony
orchestra playing a downbeat as if they’re one musical organism.
Thankfully, opportunities in the 2014-15 season for live music and
opera in the central San Joaquin Valley abound, starting on Thursday
with the opening concert in Fresno Pacific University’s Pacific Artist
Series. (Featured is the Hord Consort.) Each year, as I prepare my
classical music preview, I scramble to keep up with all the events. As
we look ahead to the 2014-15 season, we can’t fit in every performance
from every group. But I check in with the biggest institutions,
discuss some trends and try to include a highlight or two from as many
ensembles as I can.
For an extended version of local classical-music offerings, including
links to season schedules, go to
Original Armenian work: One of the highlights of the Fresno
Philharmonic’s season is the commissioning of a piece by
Canadian-Armenian composer Serouj Kradjian. His “Cantata for the
Living Martyrs,” commemorating the 100th anniversary of the Armenian
Genocide, will be performed at the Saroyan Hall April 25 by the
orchestra, soprano Isabel Bayrakdarian and a chorus consisting of the
Fresno Community Chorus Master Chorale and the Fresno State Concert
Choir.
The complete Beethoven piano concertos: Another Fresno Philharmonic
highlight will be almost like a mini-festival. Pianist Antonio
Pompa-Baldi will play the complete concertos spread out over a weekend
of three performances (March 13-15) at the Shaghoian Hall.
Saroyan Theatre vs. Shaghoian Hall: The Fresno Philharmonic seems to
have found a good balance between performing at the cavernous Saroyan
downtown and the more intimate Shaghoian out north. Of the six
Masterworks concerts this season, three will be performed at the
Saroyan and three at the Shaghoian. Last season, the orchestra also
performed three concerts at the Shaghoian. (In terms of seating
capacity, the Saroyan has about three times the number of seats.) The
two pops concerts (Christmas and Broadway offerings) this season will
both be at the Saroyan. One thing to note: The orchestra seems to have
settled on one Saroyan performance for a concert, not a Saturday
night/Sunday matinee combo, which could be considered a downsizing
from years past.
Opera purists rejoice: Fresno Grand Opera, which last season didn’t
stage any traditional operas, will present Andre Previn’s “A Streetcar
Named Desire,” a contemporary title, on Feb. 15, and Puccini’s classic
“Tosca” on May 7, both at the Saroyan Theatre. Last season, the
company produced a giant homegrown production (with Broadway-worthy
principals) of “Les Miserables” and brought in the pop opera trio Il
Volo, but I heard from some patrons who were disappointed at the lack
of “real” opera in the lineup. I’m encouraged to see the return of the
full-speed-ahead opera approach.
No to Shaghoian: For Fresno Grand Opera, it’s still a smaller season
than in years past — there is only one performance of each title,
compared to two performances of most titles in previous seasons, but
at least Fresno Grand Opera is back at the Saroyan. I just didn’t
think the company’s experiment with the smaller Shaghoian Hall for
staged productions was a good fit.
Mix of seasoned talent and emerging talent: The Philip Lorenz Memorial
Keyboard Concert Series is known for bringing the world’s most famous
classical pianists to Fresno. One this season is Eliso Virsaladze from
the Republic of Georgia (April 17). But the series also gives you the
chance to meet the next generation of players, some of whom might
become legends themselves. One such up-and-comer is Beatrice Rana
(Feb. 4), silver medalist at the 2013 Van Cliburn International Piano
Competition.
Breaking free of the holiday logjam: At least one local group is
experimenting with avoiding the holiday-concert season crunch, in
which a huge number of events are all scheduled on the same few early
December weekends. The Fresno Choral Artists will perform its fall
concert on Sept. 19 and 21, and its winter concert will be Feb. 1. The
group is doing something else innovative, too — a collaboration with
the Fresno Art Museum providing music for such events as the annual
Mini Maker Faire on April 11.
Alzheimer’s tie-in: Speaking of collaborations, the Fresno Community
Chorus Master Chorale is breaking new ground with a March 22
performance of Robert Cohen’s “Alzheimer’s Stories.” It’s part of
“Giving Voice to the Central Valley,” a new outreach for the ensemble.
The chorus will partner with area organizations and service providers
to highlight concerns and efforts.
College talent: The offerings of such institutions as Fresno State,
Fresno City College, Fresno Pacific University and the College of the
Sequoias are too numerous to list, but savvy classical music buffs
have online concert calendars bookmarked to find promising recitals
and concerts.
Focus on water: The Youth Orchestras of Fresno knows how to come up
with intriguing concert themes. The big one this season is “Water,
Water, Everywhere!,” on May 24, billed as a “Youth Music
Extravaganza.” The group is already working with El Agua es Asunto de
Todos and the Community Water Center in Visalia on the concert, which
will feature hundreds of student musicians and another original
composition from Fresno State’s Benjamin Boone.
Spy music: Orchestras across the country continue to try to expand
audiences with alternative programming. The Tulare County Symphony
performs “Great Movies/Great Music” on Feb. 21, featuring music from
“Mission: Impossible,” “North By Northwest” and others.
Out-of-town guests: The Fresno City College choral ensembles welcome
the Westminster Choir College of Rider University, in Princeton.,
N.J., on Jan. 11. The ensemble performs regularly with the New York
Philharmonic, Philadelphia Orchestra and the Berlin Philharmonic.
New music: Looking for something a little more daring than Mozart?
Fresno New Music, an ongoing concert series, specializes in pushing
boundaries. On Nov. 21 it will feature the Swarmius Duo, described as
“a sonic fusion of hip-hop, house-lounge-techno and modern-classical.”
The effect is the kind of music Mozart would make if he were living
right now on a Southern California beach. Pretty groovy, eh?
Weightlifter Simon Martirosyan Wins Armenia’s 2nd Gold in Junior Olympics
By MassisPost
Updated: August 23, 2014
NANJING, CHINA — Armenia’s Simon Martirosyan won gold without breaking
into a sweat in the men’s +85kg weightlifting division. From the
outset, Martirosyan set a pace that nobody had a chance of matching.
Before competition starts, contestants must state the minimum amount
they want on the barbell for their first lift in both the snatch and
the clean and jerk, and these figures are displayed publicly.
Martirosyan’s starting weight in the snatch was 170kg, which was 30kg
more than that listed by silver medallist Tamas Kajdoci (SRB), who
opted to lift 145kg when the moment arrived.
The Armenian then wowed the crowd with a lift of 221kg in the clean
and jerk – just short of double his body weight – to confirm the
Nanjing 2014 Youth Olympic Games title.
After he lifted 205kg with his second attempt in the clean and jerk,
Martirosyan stunned the audience when he added 16kg for his third
lift.
He stood over the barbell, stamped his feet and proved his strength
with a clean lift.
His total was 391kg, 55kg heavier than Kajdoci’s barbell. The bronze
went to Anthony Coullet (FRA), who lifted 327 kg.
“I knew I was going to win,” Martirosyan said afterwards. “For me, not
having competition is not fun because I like to be challenged.”
Hraparak: Who will head Sevan hospital?
11:39 22/08/2014 » DAILY PRESS
The hospital of Sevan will at last have a director, Hraparak writes.
The first round of contest for the post, which has been vacant for a
year, took place on August 20. Aram Nikoghosyan, Varuzhan Manukyan and
Aghvan Karapetyan were the winning candidates in the first round. They
all headed the hospital in different times.
It is not clear, however, whom the governor of Gegharkunik province
will appoint to that position, the newspaper adds.
Source: Panorama.am
Russian-Turkish Alliance Is A Chance For Armenia
Igor Muradyan, Political Analyst
Comments – 23 August 2014, 17:15
The American analytical community is experiencing a serious genre
crisis because succession of not only people but also ideas has not
been ensured. International politics has stepped far ahead and a lot
has changed in the world while most American analysts are faithful to
old patterns and clichés which were developed in the period following
the “cold war”.
Crises in American analytics were observed in different geopolitical
directions, primarily regarding the Near East where developments
expected in wide public circles had not been predicted. Political
scientists and analysts working in the direction of Eastern Europe and
Eurasia are traditionally experts on Soviet Union which see the
problems of this vast and diverse region as a mechanical counteraction
of two or three “poles” of power.
These specialists, as always, enjoy great respect in the U.S.
government agencies, and their opinion remains a key issue in the
public context of discussions but at the same time new experts working
on political research have emerged in the United States.
It should be noted that part of traditional analysts are openly
working for the interests of Azerbaijan, receiving considerable
amounts, including funding for institutes and think-tanks which they
represent. This circumstance does influence their activities but in
the public aspect the opinion of experts who are better funded and
cherish their professional position prevails because there have been a
lot of examples when engaged experts quickly lost their authority and
positions in the analytical community.
Now practically all analysts who are experienced Sovietologists and
speak Russian well could offer Armenia only one recommendation – fast
normalization with Turkey. In addition, normalization of relations
with Azerbaijan is seen as something secondary. They think
normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations is the most effective and
comprehensible way of achievement of independence for Armenia.
Furthermore, such recommendations are not found in the circles of more
actual analysts doing research for the key U.S. government agencies.
However, since the “special” sphere of researchers is not dealing with
the problems of Armenia at full, opinions and assessments of
traditional analysts prevail in the public sphere and corridors of the
government, which does influence the general discussion on the South
Caucasus and entire Eastern Europe. Now practically all the
Sovietologists have already expressed their opinions on one idea or
another. One has to understand that if no new ideas are born in the
State Department in the nearest future, this archaism will be
considered as topical.
The idea of normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations as a means of
ousting Russia from the South Caucasus does not contain anything
realistic or topical because Turkey is no longer seen as a reliable
partner for NATO and the United States and conducts an independent,
control-free policy on behalf on the side of the Western community. In
the West, Turkey is viewed as a possible close partner of Russia, and
it is impossible to associate with it fulfillment of interests of the
West either in Eastern Europe or the Near East.
It is well-known that now, as the next NATO summit is coming up, the
majority of member states of the alliance are expecting problems with
Turkey’s position. If the State Department considered the settlement
of Turkish-Armenian relations a real means of achievement of the goal,
these initiatives would have been brought to being. For the time
being, nothing is seen.
Nevertheless, the attempts at normalization of the Turkish-Armenian
relations, initially a failure, automatically increase Armenia’s
dependence on Russia because every time after failure the Western
community does not offer Armenia alternatives in the sphere of
security.
No doubt this situation occurs thanks to the positions of Armenia and
the West. Armenia, directed by Russia, continues to distance from the
West, and the West cannot make up its mind to offer alternative
solutions to Armenia. It occurred in a more salient form in the
process of Armenia’s attempts to integrate with the European Union
which ended up in the failure of 3 September 2013.
In addition, nobody in the West, not even the United States tried to
look into the reasons of failure of attempts at normalization.
Failures of these attempts are mostly explained by the content of
relations and consultations between Turkey and Russia which will
always find common interests on the basis of the “Armenian topic”.
The signing of protocols in Zurich was cartoon diplomacy with shadow
participation of Russia. However, Russia is not the only problem. For
Turkey the “Armenian factor” is an effective lever of development of
relations with Russia and the West simultaneously.
It should be noted that any initiative aimed at normalization of
relations with Armenia is highly useful not only for Turkey but also
Azerbaijan, especially if these initiatives come from the United
States. This enables Turkey to manipulate this topic and eventually
outline its additional advantages on the condition of thwarting these
attempts. This failure is political capital in the baggage of Turkish
and Russian politics. Upon observation of this situation even Georgia
understands to what these initiatives lead to when Turkey and Russia
join their efforts.
The researchers who are dealing with the problems of foreign policy in
government agencies see Turkey’s role in the destiny of the countries
of the Black Sea and the South Caucasus differently. Turkey is being
viewed as a big problem for the United States in all the geopolitical
aspects, and they prefer conducting a “containment” policy on it.
In addition, considering the similarity of interests and styles of
Turkey and Russia, they have to conduct a policy of “dual containment”
and the countries of the Black Sea and Caucasian region and the Near
East, together with Iran, are viewed by the United States and their
partners as a factor of “containment” of Turkish expansion.
The tendency of turning Turkey to a Russian partner in the Atlantic
field is observed because Turkey is becoming interested in limiting
expansion of NATO composition and missions and the movement of the
alliance towards Eastern Europe, as well as strengthening of the
military-political presence of the United States and NATO in the Black
Sea and the South Caucasus.
In fact, Turkey and Russia are allies in the Black Sea and this
circumstance will certainly develop. Some controversies in the
Turkish-Russian relations relating to the processes in Syria have not
become any factor of their confrontation except phenomena with
indirect importance.
But now as the importance of Russia in the Near East is minimized, it
will find out that Turkey can be its only ally in this region.
Besides, the role of the south Caucasus is strengthening in bringing
closer and agreeing the interests of Turkey and Russia. Soon Turkey
will no longer demonstrate even in terms of demagogy that it has
controversies with Russia.
Not a long time ago the Americans and Europeans were worried about the
possibility of rapprochement of Turkey and Russia though they
predicted difficulties in this direction for both sides. Now on both
sides of the Atlantic Ocean they are interested in the Turkish-Russian
“association” because it allows putting forth claims to Ankara in
terms of possible discussions and lead the two states into one camp
against which joint efforts can be planned.
All this seems questionable but only for one banal reason – Turkey
remains a NATO member, which irritates the Western community.
The functions and role of Armenia in such arrangement of forces are
obvious and practically such a situation allows hoping for genuine
sovereignty. Armenian diplomats have no idea of such realities and
relevant tasks. One can hear them say: “Analytics annoys, too much
analytics does not allow concentrating, when there is too much of it,
it hinders to work.” This has been stated recently and absolutely
frankly. Who has flooded weary Armenian diplomats with analytics?
Winner of Chopin International Competition for Young Pianists to
perform in Yerevan
18:48, 23 August, 2014
YEREVAN, AUGUST 23, ARMENPRESS. The State Youth Orchestra of Armenia
(SYOA) appeared as the official orchestra of the 9th Frederic Chopin
International Competition for Young Pianists, held from August 11 to
18, 2014, in the city of Foshan, China. As the official orchestra SYOA
performed within the framework of the international competition,
widely recognized as a high status event in Asia, and gave two
concerts presenting a unique concert program. The winner of the 9th
Frederic Chopin International Competition for Young Pianists is
already known. As “Armenpress” was informed from SYOA, the first prize
was awarded to the young pianist Eric Lu, who had impressed the State
Youth Orchestra of Armenia by his brilliant performance of Chopin’s
Symphony No. 1.
SYOA’s special award will enable Eric Lu during the concert season
2015/16 to perform in Yerevan with the State Youth Orchestra on the
same stage.
Narek Manasyan beats Turkish boxer, advances to semifinal
16:19 23/08/2014 >> SPORT
Armenian boxer Narek Manasyan (81 kg) beat Mehmet Ufuk Tekneci of
Turkey at the 2nd Summer Youth Olympic Games in Nanjing, China. The
Armenian boxer secured a bronze medal. Narek will compete with
Kazakhstan’s athlete in the semifinal, reports the official website of
Armenian Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs.
Source: Panorama.am
ARMENIE
L’afflux d’Arméniens de Syrie en Arménie peut contribuer à la solution
des problèmes démographiques du pays
L’afflux d’Arméniens de Syriens en Arménie pourrait contribuer Ã
solutionner les problèmes démographiques du pays a déclaré Gagik
Harutyunyan, directeur de la fondation scientifique et éducatif
Noravank.
>
a-t-il dit. >
L’expert a souligné que la communauté arménienne en Syrie a été l’une
des communautés arméniennes les plus puissantes du Moyen-Orient et son
rôle a été très important.
La communauté arménienne en Syrie serait au nombre de 100 000
personnes. La plus grande communauté est à Alep (60000). Les Arméniens
vivent aussi à Damas, Lattaquié et d’autres villes.
Selon Ministère arménien de la diaspora, 8000 Arméniens de Syrie ont
demandé la citoyenneté arménienne en 2011 et 2012, et 3000 d’entre eux
l’ont déjà obtenu.
samedi 23 août 2014,
Stéphane (c)armenews.com