Author: Kanayan Tamar

ARMENIE
Nouvelle publication sur le Catholicos Gevork IV Kerestejian de
Constantinople (1866-1882)

Avec les bénédictions de Sa Sainteté Karekin II, Patriarche Suprême et
Catholicos de Tous les Arméniens ; le Service des éditions du
Saint-Siège, à l’occasion du 140e anniversaire de la fondation du
Séminaire théologique Gevorkian ; a republié l’histoire de la vie du
123e patriarche de l’Eglise arménienne, le Catholicos Gevork IV
Kerestejian de Constantinople (1866-1882), intitulé >.

A l’occasion du 25e anniversaire du Séminaire, le livre a été écrit
par l’éminent critique littéraire arménien Manuk Abeghyan (1865-1944).
C’est un hommage à Gevork IV l’un des Grands Catholicos, et est
également le récit historique de la fondation et des activités du
Séminaire Théologique Gevorkian.

Le livre a été publié par le patronage du Fonds Sarkis Gabrielyan.

vendredi 2 janvier 2015,
Stéphane (c)armenews.com

Daily Sabah, Turkey
Jan 2 2015

The future of the AK Party

HILAL KAPLAN @hilal_kaplan
Published8 hours ago

The year 2013 was one of the most eventful in Turkey’s history. In
January, with the announcement of the reconciliation process, three
women from the PKK were brutally murdered in Paris. This violent act
of provocation that tried to weaken the process did not achieve its
intended goal.

In February, an attack on the U.S. Embassy in Ankara by a radical left
terrorist organization, the Revolutionary People’s Liberation
Party-Front (DHKP-C), one of the groups active in the Gezi Park
protests. That was followed by other terrorist attacks on the Justice
and Development Party (AK Party) headquarters and the Justice Ministry
in Ankara. In the following days, the transcript of the meeting the
Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) delegation had with the PKK’s
imprisoned leader Abdullah Ã-calan on Ä°mralı Island was leaked to the
press. This transcript, which was expected to cause public resentment,
conversely increased confidence in the negotiations.

In May, one of the most fatal terrorist attacks in Turkey’s history
took place in Reyhanlı. As a result of the attack, some 52 people were
killed and 146 injured.

In June, Turkey witnessed the most large-scaled uprising in its
history. People attempted to occupy the Prime Ministry office in
Istanbul and then Prime Minister Recep Tayyip ErdoÄ?an’s house in
Ankara. Taksim Square, one of the most buzzing locations in Turkey,
was barricaded for 14 days. The demonstrators and vandals could not
achieve their aims though. ErdoÄ?an was not overthrown through the
street demonstrations. Turkey’s democracy was victorious once again.

The Dec. 17 and Dec. 25 operations, which revealed the parallel
structure’s strategy to seize control of the state, were conducted. It
was introduced as a corruption and bribery operation, but at last this
parallel structure was deciphered.

The March 30 local elections, the first of the three elections of
vital importance for determining Turkey’s future, were held in such an
atmosphere. The AK Party won the election with 44 percent, a record
rate in the history of local elections. Subsequently, the second vital
election, the presidential election, was held by popular vote for the
first time and ErdoÄ?an won.

Within this period, the law on the reconciliation process was approved
and enacted. The process of returning non-Muslim foundations gained
speed and their rights to build schools were expanded and made easier.
More importantly, the state broke the taboos regarding Armenian
deportation for the first time after 99 years. ErdoÄ?an, prime minister
at the time, issued an official condolence and called both Armenia and
the Armenian diaspora to compensate for the past and build the future.
The headscarf ban was lifted to a great extent and a law on hate
crimes was approved by Parliament. Turkey became one of the several
countries recognizing the Egyptian coup and stood out among the others
as the one that raised its voice the most. While the oil contract with
the Iraqi Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) started to bare its
first fruit, it was also declared that Turkey came to terms with
Russia on the “Turkish stream” agreement.

Now we have the general elections ahead, which will determine who will
rule Turkey until June 2019. The AK Party will join this election with
another chairman for the first time, Ahmet DavutoÄ?lu. But seemingly
this will not influence the results since DavutoÄ?lu is already the
second name favored by AK Party proponents. Also, since ErdoÄ?an does
not have a complex to prove that his ties with his party are cut like
other presidents in the past, he still maintains his abilities to
mobilize AK Party supporters.

After gaining victory again in the 2015 elections, challenging tasks
will await the AK Party such as the formation of a new constitution,
finalization of the reconciliation process and managing the Syrian
crisis with minimum damage. If a critical problem does not arise in
economy management, the future of the AK Party will seemingly continue
to be synonymous with the future of Turkey.

Note About the Names Historic Armenia, Western Armenia, and Armenian Plateau

Wednesday, December 31st, 2014 | Posted by Matthew Karanian

Karmravank, on the southern shore of Lake Van, stands in defiance of
the significant vandalism it has suffered during the past century.
Photo (c) 2014 Matthew Karanian, Reprinted with Permission.

‘Historic Armenia After 100 Years’ uses the name Western Armenia to
refer to the six Armenian provinces of the Ottoman Empire. The book
uses the name Eastern Armenia to refer to the lands of Ani and Kars.

Since both of these regions are historically part of Greater Armenia,
and since the book features both areas, they are collectively
identified in the title of the book as Historic Armenia.

The name Armenian Plateau is also used throughout the book. This is
the geographic term that describes the land that encompasses much of
historic Armenia. The Armenian Plateau extends from Lake Sevan to the
edge of Cappadocia.

After the 1915 massacres and expulsions of the Armenians from the
Armenian Plateau, Turkey began a systematic effort to remove Armenian
names from the region, as well. They started to refer to the Armenian
Plateau as “Eastern Anatolia.”

Identifying all of Asiatic Turkey as Anatolia is not accurate. The
Armenian homeland, and the Armenian Plateau, is not located in
“Eastern Anatolia.” Accordingly, the book ‘Historic Armenia After 100
Years’ uses only the correct geographic terms Armenian Plateau and
Armenian Highland when referring to the historic homeland of the
Armenians.

Adapted from ‘Historic Armenia After 100 Years,’ (Stone Garden Press,
$39.95, Pub. Feb. 2015) by Matthew Karanian. Pre-order now for $35
postpaid in the US from: Stone Garden Productions; PO Box 7758;
Northridge, CA 91327 or pay with credit card by requesting an invoice
from [email protected]

Is Interim ‘Good Enough’ Acceptable?

Wednesday, December 31st, 2014

BY GAREN YEGPARIAN

No one disagrees that we have significant problems in the Republic of
Armenia (RoA). The disagreement is over what they are, how large they
loom, and how to solve them.

>From the perspective of local civic activists, the current crop of
people in power is the problem, or, at least, the cause of the
country’s problems. This is not least because economic power, held by
the so-called oligarchs, is coupled with political power to such a
degree that it creates suffocating conditions for the average citizen.
I tend to agree with this portrayal.

So what is the solution? Is an imperfect, incomplete, solution
preferable to the current conditions? Can “civil society” circles
accept such an interim step? Are they willing to make tough and, at
least seemingly, unappetizing compromises? Can cooperation with other
sectors of Armenian society be part of a gradual, multi-decade
solution? Even talk about some approaches could generate enough
incremental pressure on the offending forces to prompt them to rein in
their abuses and begin a process of reform.

One of the key sectors of any country/society is the military. Though
sworn to obey the established, legal, reigning government, defense,
police, and other physical-power agencies have been known “switch
sides” to varying degrees. In any major change, upheaval, or
revolution, the military plays a key role– quashing the nascent
movement, or stepping aside to allow events to unfold.

In the case of the Russian revolution, troops deserted the front lines
and joined demonstrators, ultimately toppling the czar. More recently,
as part of the so-called “Arab Spring,” Egypt’s military used the
street demonstrations as an opportunity to overthrow the sitting
president. In Iran’s revolution, the military reportedly did not crush
the demonstrations at the ruling shah’s behest. In a interesting
twist, when a coup against the Soviet Union’s Gorbachev was attempted
by his opponents, and people took the streets to support him, the
military sided with him rather than those who attempted the overthrow.
I even recall discussions that Levon Ter Petrosia’s departure from
office was ultimately due to the power ministries being held by those
who did not support his weak-kneed policies.

My question is, are civic activists in Armenia willing to work with a
military that is also corrupt in the way of the oligarchs as well as
in need of internal reform to prevent the needless, non-combat deaths
and abuse? It is easy to imagine how such a linkage could temper,
through fear of reprisal, the gluttonous appetites of the oligarchs,
creating space for improvements in economic and social life. This is
key to addressing the expatriation problem that, in the not too
distant future, will come to hamper the ability of the RoA to function
properly.

Conversely, is the military sector willing to step forward and build
on its credibility (founded on its successes against Azerbaijan) by
helping transform the country into a far more desirable place to live?
This might come at the personal expense of some of the brass. But,
they would become heroes.

This idea may seem radical, dangerous, or just plain fantasy. But, I’d
argue it’s a far better option than having a country that ends up
being depopulated and realizing the Turkic dream, since Ottoman times,
of an “Armenia without Armenians” or revolution that so destabilizes
the country that people die and Azerbaijan is able to make inroads
where it is now utterly stymied – both diplomatically and militarily.

It would be interesting to see what people think of this approach, be
they Diasporans or homeland-dwellers (both those in the elites and
those on the outs). Please, speak your mind.

IMF Executive Board approves US$17 million disbursement to Armenia

22:32, 31 Dec 2014

On December 22, 2014, the Executive Board of the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) completed the first review of Armenia’s economic
performance under a three-year program supported by the extended
arrangement under the Extended Fund Facility (EFF). The completion of
the first review enables the release of SDR 11.74 million (about US$17
million), bringing total disbursements under the arrangement to SDR
23.48 million (about US$34 million). The extended arrangement for SDR
82.21 million (about US$119.1 million was approved on March 7, 2014).
In addition, the Executive Board concluded the 2014 Article IV
consultation with Armenia and endorsed the staff appraisal without a
meeting on a lapse-of-time basis.

After a steady recovery during 2010-12 from the deep 2009 recession,
Armenia’s growth softened in 2013 and has remained subdued in 2014.
The softening of economic activity has been broad based, as growth of
exports and remittances slowed, and government spending was lower than
budgeted. Construction, which had declined since the 2009 crisis, was
relatively flat. Growth is projected at 2.6 percent in 2014 and is
expected to increase only gradually in 2015 and over the medium term
in light of expectations of slow growth in key trading partners. In
line with the subdued economic activity, inflation fell during the
year below the Central Bank of Armenia’s (CBA) target range (4±1.5
percent) but is expected to return to that range, as the recent
depreciation of the dram pushes the price of imported goods up.

In the context of regional developments, pressures in the foreign
exchange (FX) market emerged in early 2014 and reemerged in late
November due to further depreciation of the Russian ruble. The CBA
moved to stem these pressures by allowing some depreciation of the
dram in line with changes in economic fundamentals, but also
increasing its FX supply to the market. On December 8th the CBA
activated pre-announced daily FX auctions to help ensure smooth
functioning of the FX market. The CBA also tightened dram liquidity
conditions by increasing the Lombard rate for repo transactions to 21
percent in early December. As a result, interest rates on the
overnight market jumped to over 20 percent from December 1-5.
International reserve levels are adequate based on standard import and
debt metrics. Reserves also continue to compare well with peer
countries.

The banking sector remains sound, but performance has been weakening
amid challenging economic conditions. In particular, bank
profitability has declined as weaker economic growth has been
accompanied by an increase in non-performing loans (NPLs), which
reached 6.5 percent in September, and as credit and deposits growth
have slowed. The recent tightening of domestic liquidity conditions
and FX developments may also put pressure on bank profits going
forward. The CBA has continued to monitor financial sector
developments closely, and the robust capitalization of the banking
sector constitutes an important cushion.

The fiscal deficit is expected to reach 1.5 percent of GDP in 2014,
well below the budget (2.3 percent of GDP). This reflects capital
under-spending (especially in the multi-donor North-South Highway),
lower-than-budgeted matching pension contributions (due to pension
reform changes), and less spending on goods and services. Despite
lower growth, revenues have been close to budget targets so far this
year, and even amid regional uncertainties, Eurobond spreads have
remained stable.

The authorities’ policies remain geared toward maintaining
macroeconomic stability and fostering sustainable and inclusive
growth. The CBA continues to conduct monetary policy under an
inflation targeting framework, accompanied by exchange rate
flexibility, and to implement policies aimed at maintaining and
strengthening financial sector stability. Fiscal policy remains
focused on keeping the deficit and debt at manageable levels, while
augmenting growth-enhancing expenditures and strengthening social
protection. In addition, the authorities are pursuing a structural
reform agenda to foster growth. On October 10, the presidents of
Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Russia signed an agreement on
Armenia’s membership in the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Armenia is
expected to formally join the Union in January, once the treaty is
ratified by the four national parliaments.

Executive Board Assessment

In concluding the 2014 Article IV consultation with Armenia, Executive
Directors endorsed the staff appraisal in the staff report as follows:

Armenia faces a period of slower growth unless decisive actions are
taken. Sound macroeconomic policies since the crisis have helped
sustain domestic and external stability in a highly uncertain context.
However, going forward, projected growth rates will not be sufficient
to generate sufficient jobs and stem emigration. Sluggish investment
in recent years, a still-weak

business climate, and the absence of strong growth drivers constrain
the capacity of the economy to generate sufficient jobs to stem
emigration and reduce poverty. EEU membership could help increase
exports to the large EEU market, but medium-term growth prospects for
Russia are modest as well. Therefore, more decisive implementation of
reforms, as anchored in the Fund-supported program, is needed to
reduce vulnerabilities and boost potential growth.

Performance has moderated due to both domestic and regional factors. Growth is

expected to slow to 2.6 percent of GDP in 2014 from 3.5 percent in
2013, while inflation has fallen below the CBA’s target range. Growth
of exports and remittances has weakened, but slower growth of imports
meant that the FX market remained relatively stable through much of
2014, although pressures emerged in November-December. The banking
sector remains well capitalized and liquid, but weakening conditions
have been associated with an increase in non-performing loans (NPLs).
On a brighter note, while the slowdown has been broadly based,
agriculture and tourism are benefitting from investment and structural
reforms and are growing at a healthy pace.

Vulnerabilities remain high. While international reserves are
adequate, the consolidation of the external current account deficit
has slowed in 2014 due to lower-than-expected exports and remittances.
Staff estimates that an adjustment of the real exchange rate over the
medium term would help facilitate further external adjustment and
improve competitiveness. However, the banking system is still highly
dollarized, which could imply pressures on bank balance sheets if a
disorderly external adjustment occurs.

Armenia faces a high degree of risk. Growth is projected to pick up to
3.3 percent of GDP in 2015, in the context of supportive macroeconomic
policies–notably, monetary policy easing in 2013-14 and stronger
capital budget execution. However, the short-term outlook is subject
to a high degree of uncertainty, especially given regional
geopolitical developments and tensions. An intensification of these
would lead to further negative spillovers to Armenia’s economy.

The authorities should create fiscal space to boost social and
investment spending over the medium term. Efforts should focus on
revenues, as underexecution of capital spending has had a negative
impact on growth, although staff commends the authorities for not
diverting spending into low pay-off areas and welcomes efforts to
assess and address reasons for underspending. With lower growth,
available financing, and few risks to inflation or sustainability,
staff sees merit in a higher deficit in the 2015 budget, with
increased spending going to capital outlays. Staff has long pressed
for higher tax revenues to support higher social spending and
growth-enhancing infrastructure projects. Tax measures should also aim
to improve the tax system by eliminating gaps and ensuring greater
equity. The upcoming formulation of a comprehensive tax code is an
opportunity to broaden the tax base and rationalize exemptions and tax
expenditures. EEU common customs pool revenues could provide a further
opportunity to build fiscal buffers through savings. However, the
revenues must be secured and in any event are transitory, as EEU
tariffs are expected to decline over the medium-term. Staff commends
the authorities’ cautious approach in evaluating the sustainability of
these additional revenues, prior to incorporating them in the budget
framework.

Further strengthening of monetary and financial sector policies should
remain a priority, building on recent progress. The CBA’s
Inflation-Forecast Targeting (IFT) framework has served Armenia well
and remains an appropriate anchor for monetary policy. Nonetheless,
the effectiveness of the IFT framework should be further strengthened
by reducing dollarization, improving monetary policy instruments, and
enhancing the CBA’s communication and modeling capabilities.
Similarly, the CBA has made noteworthy progress in implementing
recommendations of the Financial Sector Assessment Program (FSAP) and
Basel III guidance, while strengthening financial sector regulation
and resilience. However, further work is needed to incorporate new
guidance on large exposures and liquidity requirements, as well as to
revisit the dedollarization strategy, and to foster better financial
intermediation via improved legislation on registration and execution
of collateral.

Exchange rate policy should support external adjustment. The current
situation poses challenges to exchange rate policy, notably the recent
depreciation of the Russian ruble, uncertainty surrounding regional
geopolitical events, and pressures to calm what are perceived as
disorderly conditions in a thin market. While limited interventions to
mitigate disorderly conditions are warranted, pressures that reflect
economic fundamentals should be accommodated. Enhanced central bank
communications will be important to provide clarity and guidance.
Maintaining robust buffers, together with flexibility of the dram,
should support further reduction of the external current account
deficit to its sustainable level.

The authorities should implement ambitious reforms to bolster
potential growth and promote inclusion. The successful implementation
of “open skies” in civil aviation is a good example of how bold policy
decisions can have positive results in a relatively short period of
time. Recent delays in implementation of reforms in the competition
and regulatory areas, while relatively minor, should be reversed. The
reform agenda should be implemented decisively to improve Armenia’s
capacity to grow, create jobs, and reduce poverty. Business
environment reforms should overcome long-standing concerns about
uneven competition, unnecessary regulation, high costs, and skills
shortages and mismatches. The authorities should move quickly to
bolster the pension reform and ensure its long-run success. Reforms in
the energy sector should be compatible with long-term fiscal
sustainability, involve the private sector, and be transparent and
cost-effective, while mitigating the impact on the poor. Finally, the
authorities should leverage EEU membership to increase exports,
improve standards, enhance domestic competition, and invest in
infrastructure. They should also pursue deeper integration beyond the
EEU to enhance growth prospects and reduce vulnerabilities.

Policies under the program remain on track. All performance criteria
and most indicative targets were met. Competition and regulatory
reforms have advanced at a slower-than-expected pace, causing delays
in meeting structural benchmarks, mainly due to the government change
in mid-2014 rather than a change in policy direction. Going forward,
the program will accommodate a modest fiscal stimulus in 2015, while
maintaining macroeconomic stability and fiscal sustainability. The Net
International Reserves (NIR) targets will help maintain strong
buffers. Structural benchmarks for the remainder of 2014 and first
half of 2015 are focused on core areas, including tax administration,
Public Financial Management (PFM), financial sector development, and
central bank operations.

Risks to the program are significant, but manageable, and Armenia’s
repayment capacity remains robust. While the short-term outlook is
subject to a high degree of uncertainty, and Armenia is vulnerable to
geopolitical developments, the authorities have a strong track record
of sound macroeconomic policies and program implementation. A low
fiscal deficit, moderate public debt, broadly adequate reserves, and
growth-supporting reforms embedded in the program reinforce this
assessment. Staff supports the authorities’ request for the equivalent
of SDR 11.74 million to become available with the completion of the
first review.

In addition, the Executive Board endorsed the staff appraisal of the
staff supplement as follows:

Staff welcomes the authorities’ move to put in place a clear,
transparent, and sustainable FX framework in the face of market
pressures. These pressures emanate in large part from external
developments that are expected to be more than temporary, calling for
ER adjustment. The changes were well communicated, and the authorities
have demonstrated their commitment to limiting FX auctions to the
daily maximum, in order to establish credibility of the new approach.
This has provided a clear cap on CBA intervention, helping the market
find a new equilibrium ER, and fostering sales of FX by banks,
exporters, and others. The new ER should facilitate external
adjustment and improve competitiveness.

Staff welcomes the authorities’ commitments to limit FX sales in 2015,
rebuild buffers, and further adjust policies as needed. The
authorities are to be commended for limiting intervention and
strengthening communications and guidance to market participants. The
steps to tighten liquidity should be reversed when pressures have
abated. The recently activated auction system provides a framework for
managing exchange rate pressures and preventing ad hoc interventions.
The auction could also be used to rebuild buffers in 2015, for
example, by providing a mechanism for daily FX purchases. As the dram
adjustment and the increase of interest rates–combined with slowing
growth–could have implications for the banking sector, the authorities
should continue to monitor the situation closely, with frequent stress
testing and contingency plans in place. If pressures continue, a
tightening of monetary and fiscal policies may be needed.

Challenges are likely to continue. The authorities have rightly noted
that the period ahead is expected to be characterized by continued
uncertainty and volatility, including in the oil markets and the
regional geopolitical context. The policy framework of a low fiscal
deficit, reinforced exchange rate flexibility, sound buffers, and
growth enhancing reforms is appropriate, although as indicated in the
staff appraisal, more ER flexibility and decisive structural reform
implementation would be desirable.

Staff continues to support the conclusion of the First Review.

Armenian Government Allocates $1.1 Million to Launch Program Offering
Free Coronary Stents to Qualified Patients

Yeranuhi Soghoyan
10:53, December 29, 2014

The Armenian government has allocated 500 million AMD (US$1.1 million)
to launch a coronary stent program that will be offered in the Gyumri
Medical Center, as well as one other regional medical center plus four
in Yerevan.

The program, “One Free Stent for Life” will allow qualified
individuals who can’t afford either bare metal stents (1.1 million
AMD) or a drug-eluting stent (1.6 million AMD) to get one bare metal
stent installed at no charge. Those seeking a drug-eluting stent will
have to pay 150,000 drams.

Since May 1, 2014, some 100 patients have received stents at the
Gyumri Medical Center after interventional cardiologist Karen
Mikayelyan relocated to Gyumri. Prior to this, the procedure had been
performed by specialists invited from Yerevan.

A drug-eluting stent (DES) is a peripheral or coronary stent (a
scaffold) placed into narrowed, diseased peripheral or coronary
arteries which slowly releases a drug to block cell proliferation.
This prevents fibrosis that, together with clots (thrombi), could
otherwise block the stented artery, a process called restenosis.

They are more expensive than mere bare metal stents whose recipients
must take various drugs continuously after the procedure.

Gyumri Medical Center Director Armen Isahakyan (photo) says the new
program will help save the lives of those who have suffered heart
attacks but have stayed at home since they don’t have the money to pay
for such invasive procedures.

“Of course, patients with the necessary funds would prefer a
drug-eluting stent,” says Mr. Isahakyan. “But this doesn’t mean that
the function of bare metal stents is less.”

Director Isahakyan complains that the Gyumri Center ends the year with
6 million AMD in debt, of which close to 3.6 million is due to
patients who have received invasive procedures but haven’t paid their
bills at all or merely in part.

The center plans to take former patients to court for non-payment. Mr.
Isahakyan says they will not prosecute one non-paying patient who died
after receiving a drug-eluting stent given that it would be immoral.

Isahakyan says one other stent recipient hasn’t paid anything,
claiming he’s broke and two others have partially paid for the
procedure.

Stent procedures at the Gyumri Medical Center are less expensive than
Yerevan, Moscow and many European countries. Mr. Isahakyan is quick to
point out that this doesn’t mean the center uses cheaper stents.

“We all purchase stents from the same company. There’s no difference
in quality. What makes the procedure cheaper here, sadly, is the lower
physician cost. You can go to a clinic in Yerevan and get a
drug-eluting stent installed for 1.9 million drams. At our center it
costs 300,000 less. It’s also related to the size of the medical
staff,” says Mr. Isahakyan.

Director Isahakyan isn’t worried that the center will be swamped with
patients once the new program starts.

“Our cardiologist performs around twelve stent procedures on average
per month. Even if the number of applicants goes up by 50% come
January, I see no cause for concern. Naturally, we need another
cardiologist on staff to take over when our one and only cardiologist
is away, say on vacation,” says Isahakyan, adding that they’ve arrived
at a temporary solution by entering into an agreement with Yerevan’s
Nork Marash Medical Center whereby their cardiologist will either fill
in or assist if there is a patient backlog.

$11-million-to-launch-program-offering-free-coronary-stents-to-qualified-patients.html

HOW COME WE HAVE PREPARED ARMY AND ARE LONGING FOR A DIPLOMATIC SOLUTION WITH FEAR?

Siranuysh Papyan, Interviewer
Interview – 30 December 2014, 12:22

Can CSTO be a guarantor of the security of Armenia when CSTO did
not react in any way during the recent escalation? Why are the
Armenian authorities attaching so much importance to the role of
this organization?

Because they have no other way out, and this organization, according
to the documents, is defending the independence of Armenia. On the
other hand, Russia is playing a bad game with Armenia and does not
recognize the sovereignty of Armenia very often. Not only Armenia. The
independence of former Soviet states is unacceptable for Moscow but
it is easy to express this towards the Armenian government because our
government is weak and allows external forces to treat it in any way,
violating the sovereignty of Armenia and insulting its dignity.

Unfortunately, the Armenian government silently accepts that brunt
because the important thing to them is the status quo of the NKR issue,
and they do not care much about what can happen in other spheres. Such
treatment of Armenia will gradually intensify, the loop will tighten
around Armenia, and one bright sunny day we will have to cut ourselves
from sovereignty and Karabakh. There is such danger.

When they say that Armenia was joining the EEU within its recognized
borders, without Karabakh, one can somehow understand this but
recently Vladimir Putin has announced that a general headquarters
managing commands of all the national armies must be created in
Moscow. This means that Armenia is going to lose its sovereignty in
this sphere. This is a serious threat.

In his year-end press conference Putin did not mention the Russian
base in Armenia when speaking about the Russian bases. Was this a
slip of the tongue?

Either Putin forgot about the Armenian military base or he no longer
perceives Armenia as a sovereign state, there is not a third option.

The president of Belarus opposes Moscow trying to promote the interests
of his country whereas Serzh Sargsyan is silent.

Yes, the president of Armenia is always silent. It is understood
that one must be cautious but we may thus lose everything. Today’s
authorities announce that we must be cautious, realistic, we are
facing the danger of war. But which government has brought us to
the verge of war, which government has weakened us to the extent of
boosting danger of war? They are so weak and they so easily accept
violation of their dignity by Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan. They are
weak before Russia but they want to feel strong against their people,
the people of NKR and the Diaspora. It is easy to be strong against
one’s own people but as soon as they have to say something to Russia,
Belarus or Kazakhstan, they are silent, and this is dangerous. Today’s
government does not want peace.

Can such attitude lead to war?

Not necessarily but it will not lead to peace for sure. Russia
guarantees our security without peace and the West guarantees Armenia’s
peace but not security. Armenia is between these two.

What should Armenia choose, what should Armenia do?

Armenia and Karabakh must unite into one state.

Many people say it will expose us to other risks.

Every option has its risks but we must choose the best option. Aren’t
there risks if we continue in this way? Since all the issues, including
diplomatic, political security, are related to the status of Karabakh,
all the presidents of Armenia beginning with Levon Ter-Petrosyan must
account for this one day. 200 years will pass, and the question will be
asked how come Armenia did not recognize the independence of Karabakh,
and whether the signing of the truce by the NKR government was not
recognition. We are paying a high price now but one day we will get out
of this process. Either Armenia must unite with Karabakh and declare a
new republic which will be recognized by several states or we will walk
towards collapse when neither Karabakh will be liberated nor Armenia
will be independent. How come we have such a prepared army and are
longing for a diplomatic solution with fear. Next year Azerbaijan’s
military budget will be 4 billion dollars, they are buying weapons
from Russia and other countries, while you are waiting and saying
that today it is dangerous to recognize the independence of NKR. And
is non-recognition safe? What is safer? They should have recognized
the independence of Karabakh a long time ago. The Armenian people
have a mindset that it is difficult to be sovereign, responsible but
it is necessary to rid of this mindset. We must be more responsible,
more dignified. When one has a history of three thousand years and
has won the war in Karabakh, you must not act as you are acting now.

I would like to comment on the Russian analyst Alexander Dugin who
states that Armenians will become extinct unless they are with the
Russians. Who is responsible for the statements of this idiot Dugin,
who is Dugin to judge us, who is he against our history? Who are you,
Dugin, to make such a statement? Unfortunately, nobody of Armenia is
responding to him publicly.

L’ARMENIE ESPERE DEVENIR UNE SCINTILLANTE PASSERELLE POUR LES DIAMANTS RUSSES

ARMENIE

Un accord dans le secteur des diamants donnant accès en franchise
de droits a l’Armenie aux diamants bruts en provenance de la Russie
pourrait offrir a la societe Alrosa, la societe russe du diamant
semi-propriete de l’Etat qui fournit environ 27 pour cent des
approvisionnements de diamants au monde, une esquive aux potentielles
sanctions de l’Union europeenne croient les professionnels de
l’industrie du diamant.

Environ la moitie des ventes annuelles d’Alrosa se produisent sur le
marche international du diamant a Anvers, en Belgique, pays membre de
l’UE. Bien que la societe, qui represente l’essentiel de l’extraction
des diamants de la Russie, ne figure pas encore sur la liste des
sanctions pour les actions russes en Ukraine, elle a indique qu’elle
a commence a travailler >,
a savoir, par l’augmentation des ventes a des clients > a declare Edgar Hovhannisian,
le directeur general de Dimotech, une usine de raffinage armenienne
appartenant a la societe Rosy Blue d’Anvers, l’un des meilleurs
fabricants de diamants du monde. predit
Chaminda Nugara, le directeur de l’administration de Dimotech.

Dimotech, qui emploie 150 travailleurs du diamant, a ouvert une
deuxième usine en Armenie, et ramene dix artisans qui ont quitte
l’Armenie après la crise financière mondiale de 2008, lorsque
la demande de diamants raffines a chute. > predit Nugara.

Un accord semblable avec la Russie a coïncide avec le pic dans le
secteur du diamant en Armenie dans la fin des annees 1990 et debut des
annees 2000, le magnat israelien Lev Levaev base a Anvers a investi
et que le pays a produit chaque annee entre 200 000 a 370000 carats
de diamants raffines selon les donnees officielles. Alrosa, cependant,
a qualifie la discussion de sanctions possibles de l’UE de >. Neanmoins, comme un article de l’hebdomadaire Rapaport,
une publication de l’industrie du diamant, l’a note, elle a commence
a chercher des >.

Kamo Dallakian, le directeur de la Societe Agates, 10 personnes,
a declare qu’il n’a subi aucune restriction lors d’un voyage d’achat
recent a Moscou. .

Pour l’instant, cependant, cela semble un risque que l’Armenie est
prete a prendre.

Note de la redaction :

Gayane Abrahamyan est une journaliste independante et redacteur en
chef a Erevan. Nazik Armanakyan est un photojournaliste independant
base a Erevan.

Eurasianet.org

mardi 30 decembre 2014, Stephane (c)armenews.com

ABOUT THE SELF-ORGANIZATION PROBLEMS OF DIASPORA

29.12.2014

Vahram Hovyan
Expert, Centre for the Armenian Studies, Noravank Foundation

In self-organizing the Diaspora the organizational entities are of
vital importance, as they act as a live organism through which Diaspora
carries out its activities. In this respect, it appears important to
form a pan-national organization as an institution for self-organizing
the entire Diaspora, which would be unlike the community structures
that are institutions for self-organization of specific communities
in Diaspora.

In addition to Diaspora self-organization this is also critical in
terms of representing the entire diaspora in its relation with Armenia
(and others as well), overcoming the internal fragmentation (based
on political, confessional and other divisions), consolidating the
potential of Armeniancy, using that potential in the most coordinated
and effective manner, and developing the most efficient ways for
Armenia-Diaspora cooperation. Without a pan-national organization
no structure may claim to represent the entire Diaspora, and hence,
can have no legal or moral right to speak on behalf of the Diaspora
in relations with Armenia (or others). From the perspective of
overcoming the fragmentation, an all-Diaspora structure would help
turn the divisions into diversity, which combined with the spirit of
unity would become the basis of Diaspora’s power and richness.

Existence of a pan-national organization does not mean ceasing
activities of the other structures (partisan, spiritual/religious,
charitable, etc.). In parallel to the activities of a pan-national
organization, these structures will continue their own activities,
thus creating robust competition between them, helping them develop
and strengthen their potential and hence, the potential of the whole
Diaspora. As for the issues of pan-national significance, all segments
of Diaspora will still demonstrate unity and cooperation through a
pan-diaspora structure.

The issue of creating a pan-national structure in Diaspora existed
among the Armenian public and political circles for almost a century,
since the creation of the Armenian Diaspora1. Already during the
World War II and the years of the First Republic of Armenia the
forcibly exiled Western Armenians organized conferences, which could
be viewed as a precursor of a Diaspora pan-national structure. In
these conferences various problems were discussed related to the
exiled Western Armenian population, from organizing aid for them to
ease their conditions to the problem of their repatriation.

Later, in 1920s the public and political circles of Diaspora discussed
the idea of merging the three traditional Armenian political parties
(ARF, ADL and SDHP) into a single pan-national organization of
the Diaspora. The idea of creating a Pan-Armenian Congress was also
circulated in Diaspora. However, these ideas were too general and had
no specific content, which along with the internal disagreements in
Diaspora created obstacles to their materialization.

The national revival of 1980s in Armenia, declaration of independence
in 1991, activities of the Diaspora structures in Armenia and
liberation of Artsakh opened new horizons for reaching even higher
levels and quality of Diaspora-Armenia relations. An objective was
set to widen and deepen the Armenia-Diaspora cooperation. Under
such conditions the agenda must again include the issue of creating
a pan-diaspora organization that will represent the entire Diaspora
in its relations with the Homeland.

It should be noted that there have always been a number of structures
in Diaspora that could be conditionally called pan-national
organizations. These include the ARF, SDHP, ADL, the Armenian
Apostolic, Catholic and Evangelical Churches, AGBU and others. They
have a key role in self-organization of Diaspora and building relations
between the Homeland and Diaspora. However, the mentioned structures
are pan-national to an extent in which their activities geographically
cover the wide circles of Armenians. Meanwhile, the space coverage
of activities is just one criterion to describe a pan-national
structure. There are also other characteristics that unfortunately,
are not attributable to the mentioned organizations.

These characteristics will be addressed hereafter.

There are two currently existing organizations, World Armenian Congress
and National Congress of Western Armenians, which nominally correspond
to the characteristics of a pan-national structure. In practice,
however, they still have a long way to go before becoming truly
pan-national or pan-Diaspora structures.

Hence, unfortunately it has to be noted that despite Diaspora exists
for a long time, the problem of pan-Diaspora structure has yet to
be resolved.

The principles of a Pan-National Structure

Creation and activities of a pan-national structure in Diaspora
need to be based on certain principles. We believe the fundamental
principles of a pan-Diaspora organization should be as follows:

1. RepresentativenessO~I This principle implies that all segments of
Diaspora must be represented in the activities of the pan-national
structure. Geographically this means participation of all Armenian
communities in the work of the pan-national structure.

Organizationally, this principle implies the widest possible
involvement of Diaspora organizations in its activities. At the very
least, it should involve the most prominent Diaspora organizations. In
confessional terms, the activities of the pan-national organization
should involve the three confessional segments of ArmeniancyO~I
the Armenian Apostolic, Catholic and Evangelical churches. From
the partisan perspective, all three traditional political parties of
Diaspora; Dashnak, Hunchak and Ramgavar must be involved the activities
of the pan-national structure.

2. Trans-partisanshipO~I It is well known that there is certain
competitiveness, if not struggle between the three Armenian traditional
parties of Diaspora: ARF, SDHP and ADL. This is manifested in
ideological differences, struggle to expand influence in Diaspora and
disputes around specific issues2. Competition is a positive thing
per se, if the parties are otherwise able to maintain the spirit
of national unity and act in unison when issues of all-national
significance are at stake. The pan-national structure could claim the
role of the best platform to act in a united manner for pan-national
issues.

3. Supra-confessionalismO~I What was said above regarding
the political parties, applies also to the Armenian Apostolic,
Catholic and Evangelical Churches. Emphasizing and advancing the
religious/Christian and national commonalities vs. the confessional
differences would provide some serious basis to establish religious
tolerance. As in case with the political parties, the pan-national
structure is the place where the national identity eclipses all sorts
of divergences, in this case religious/confessional differences, thus
becoming a foundation for cooperation between the Armenian Apostolic,
Catholic and Evangelical Churches.

Reviewing the principles of trans-partisanship and
supra-confessionalism, it can be stated that when dealing with
all-national problems, one should step out of sociopolitical
and religious/confessional ideologies. In other words, the
solution of pan-national problems requires the sociopolitical
and religious/confessional ideologies to be pushed to the
backburner or even ignored altogether, conceding the arena to the
national principle. It is not appropriate to call this phenomenon
supra-ideologism or deideologization, because nationalism is also an
ideology and the advocacy of the national principles is ideologism,
too.

4. Comprehensive scope of activitiesO~I This principle implies that
the activities of the pan-national structure should not be limited to
one or a few fields. Its activities must involve if not all, then at
least as many as possible directions of public life that are critical
for Armeniancy, including, but no limited to political, spiritual,
cultural, scientific, educational, charitable and other matters.

Certainly, the traditional Armenian political parties, as well as
the Armenian Apostolic, Catholic and Evangelical Churches carry
out activities through their subsidiary structures not only in
political and spiritual/religious dimensions, but also in scientific,
educational, charitable, cultural, sports and other fields, but this
is not sufficient to characterize their activities as comprehensive.

5. Geographical extensiveness of activities: This principle means that
the activities of the pan-national structure must encompass the entire
Diaspora, i.e. Armenian communities of all countries of the world.

Otherwise, the geographical limitation of the activities by one
country or region would disqualify it from being an all-national or
pan-Diaspora structure. In addition to a headquarters, the pan-national
structure should have branches around the world, so as to ensure
the geographical inclusiveness. This way the pan-national Diaspora
organization will have a network structure, spread everywhere in the
world where Armenian communities live.

6. Independence from global power centersO~I In order to be a truly
national structure and serve national interests, the pan-national
organization should be independent from any global superpower or
power center. This does not imply that it must not cooperate or be in
contact with the global superpowers. On the contrary, it may actually
cooperate with various countries, international organizations and
other political entities in order to achieve its objectives.

This is more about not being established by one or another global
superpower and/or its activities being directed by any of those
powers. Otherwise, there would be a danger of turning into an
instrument in hands of superpower and serving their interests (which
could be quite different from or even opposite to the interests of
Diaspora, Armenia and Armeniancy), and more importantly, this would
be fraught with dividing effects, because Armenians of Diaspora live
in various countries, including superpowers (the USA, Russia, EU)
and may have differing approaches with regard to geopolitical issues
and opposing geopolitical orientations.

In order to avoid influences of superpowers, it seems appropriate
that the pan-national structure of Diaspora should be established and
headquartered in some neutral country, such as Switzerland, although
even that per se would not guarantee the its independence.

Thus, based on the above described six principles, the creation of
a pan-national structure may occur in two possible manners. First,
the World Armenian Congress and National Congress of Western
Armenians, that presently have nominal claims for being pan-national
organizations, may adopt the mentioned principles as bases for their
activities and thus, become pan-Diaspora structures.

The second option is to establish a new organization, the activities
of which would be based on the mentioned six principles from the
very beginning. During the 5th Armenia-Diaspora Conference, President
Serzh Sargsyan voiced an idea to create such structure on the basis
of the State Commission on Coordination of the events dedicated to
the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide. It was suggested that
in 2015 the mentioned Commission could be renamed as Pan-Armenian
Council and become a permanent platform for discussion of urgent
pan-Armenian issues.

Organizational Structure

The Diaspora pan-national entity’s organizational structure would
include a president, board and executive body, which will constantly
and directly implement the managerial and other activities.

However, the supreme organizational body of the pan-national structure
would be its Assembly to be convened once in several years, which
is typical for large organizations. The primary objectives of the
Assembly would include determining the strategic goals and the means
to achieve those, summarizing and assessing the mid-term activities
(implemented in the period between the Assembly sessions), outlining
the further guidelines for mid-term activities (clarifying tactical
objectives and the ways to reach them; various programs, events, etc.),
electing a president, board and executive body for the organization.

Specialized committees dealing with areas critical for the public
life should have a unique and important role in the structure of the
pan-national organization, especially in its executive body. These
specialized political, economic, charitable, educational, cultural,
sports and other committees would have their members and chairpersons.

The committees must constantly follow the existing and emerging issues
and changes in their respective areas and offer practical solutions
for the problems and for achievement of the set objectives. Thanks to
the activities of these committees the president, board and executive
body of the pan-national structure would be:

â~@¢ always aware of the events occurring and situation in the areas
critical for Armeniancy,

â~@¢ able to timely and effectively respond to the challenges and
even preempt those,

â~@¢ capable of making the right and effective decisions, preparing
projects for solution of targeted problems, etc.

Consequently, the pan-national structure would become the “government”
of Diaspora, as many governance, representation, legal and other
functions would be characteristic to it. With existence of such
structure the following will ensue:

â~@¢ self-organization level of Diaspora would increase substantially,

â~@¢ Diaspora activities would be more targeted and effective,

â~@¢ the relations of Diaspora with Homeland and other countries and
organizations would become easier and clearer.

1Although since long ago, already starting from the 4th century
AD periodical forced migrations of Armenian populations led in
establishment of Armenian communities in various corners of the world,
however, the current dominant viewpoint in scientific circles is that
the Armenian Diaspora is a result of the Armenian Genocide. More
specifically, the emergence of Armenian Diaspora is attributed to
the Lausanne Agreement signed June 24, 1923, by which WWI winner
countries of Entente “buried” the Armenian Question and ruined the
hopes for repatriation of Western Armenians, who were deprived of
their homeland during the Genocide.

2For example, during the Soviet period there were disputes about
attitudes toward and standpoints on Armenia, the repatriation issue,
etc.

“Globus” analytical bulletin, No. 11-12, 2014

Return ________________________________ Another materials of author

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ARMENIA-GEORGIA FRIENDSHIP BRIDGE AGREEMENT FINALIZED

CISTran Finance
Dec 29 2014

December 29, 2014 7:00 AM
By CISTran Finance Reports

Representatives from the governments of Armenia and Georgia signed an
agreement on Wednesday to construct a bridge over the River Debed,
which would connect the two countries at the Bagratashen-Sadakhlo
State border checkpoint.

Gagik Beglaryan, the minister of Transport and Communications,
signed the agreement on behalf of Armenia. Giorgi Kvirikashvili,
deputy prime minister and the minister of Economy and Sustainable
Development, signed for Georgia.

The idea for the bridge formed during a recent official visit to
Georgia by Armenian Prime Minister Hovik Abrahamyan. Both Abrahamyan
and Georgian Premier Irakli Gharibashsvili agreed that construction
of the bridge should be approved by the end of the year.

The agreement marks positive relations between the two nations.

Abrahamyan expressed his approval of the growing ties between the
countries and urged that they continue.

Specifically, both parties agreed that more could be done to tune up
economic and trade cooperative efforts between the countries.