Author: Kalantarian Kevo

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
May 20 2012

Sabro to represent voices of Assyrian community in Turkey

20 May 2012 / REYHAN GÃ`L, Ä°STANBUL

Sabro, which means hope in Aramaic, is the first newspaper
representing the Süryani, or the Arameans (the Syriac community) of
Turkey, in the history of the republic.

Editor-in-Chief Tuma Ã?elik notes that since the past is marked by
unpleasant events for the Aramean community, they no longer wish to
live tied to this past. They want to look forward. Ã?elik shard his
opinion on many issues in Turkey, including on the 1915 incidents, the
forced deportation of Armenians under the Ottoman Empire, which
Armenia today says amounted to genocide, although Turkey officially
denies the allegation.

Ã?elik says: `The events that occurred in 1915 cannot be blamed on the
Ottomans or the Turks. What occurred was actually the creation of
Ä°ttihat ve Terakki. We are now living out our most comfortable era
yet. The current government has taken some important steps and we wish
to find their approach sincere. But as yet, we do not have any legal
guarantee of this.’ When asked why the Assyrians had waited this long
to publish their own newspaper, Ã?elik replies, `We waited for the
right conditions.

We could not have published our own newspaper five or 10 years ago.
And had we waited any longer, we would have been too late.’

He shared with Today’s Zaman readers, his memories of growing up as a
non-Muslim in Turkey, and the stories of the struggle of the Aramean
community for their identity. Here is Ã?elik’s take on Turkey and its
issues:

You were among those who left the country in the 1980s¦

Yes, and under normal conditions there was no reason for me to leave.
But psychologically speaking, I was not at ease. I began to think to
myself, `Why are these other people leaving?’ And then I realized that
there were some real problems and that these problems affected me as
well. I began to try to solve these problems, and then the real
trouble began. I couldn’t take it anymore. So I left and formed a
family abroad.

So how were the Arameans (Syriacs) affected during the 1980s?

The most serious pressure on Arameans was when religious education
became mandatory. This was a very difficult situation for a community
that had lived for 2,000 years as Christians and was constantly aware
of this identity. There were some schoolteachers that forced members
of our community to recite the Kelime-i Å?ehadet (Muslim profession of
faith) or memorize passages from the Quran. Had there been no
pressure, memorizing these passages would have been no problem. Also,
the tension between the Kurds and the state had a profound effect on
us. While the fight at hand was nothing to do with us, and while we
did not take sides at all, both sides tried to pull us into their
folds. The state was motivated by the mentality that `while they might
not be with me, they may not act against the other side!’ and we were
forced to migrate. And during that period of so many unsolved murders,
there were nearly 50 members of the Arameans community who were
killed.

But of course it was not just Arameans who were on the receiving end
of pressure, or who were killed, during that period of time in Turkey¦

Yes, of course, there was general pressure to homogenize society. But
if you were Turkish or Muslim, these sorts of things only hurt up
until a certain point. And the events that occurred did not just harm
Arameans but also Christians in Turkey. However, the Armenians and
Greeks had ways of pursuing justice. We, on the other hand, had no
legal standing. When we voiced our problems we were perceived as being
some other side’s tool or something. But, of course, that was not the
case; we were never a tool for anyone. We just no longer wished to be
perceived as the `other.’ Why should we be perceived as a community
that is just `put up with’? Did we make some mistake, commit some
crime? But this is how we have been perceived for years in Turkey.

And so, 25 years later, you return to the land where you were born.
What affected your decision to return?

In Europe, we Arameans formed all sorts of different associations.
Personally, I was involved in efforts to see our rights defended. At
the start of the 1990s, we began a struggle to see Arameans become
more organized and educated and we saw within this framework our
economic, cultural and group advancement. It was as a result of this
struggle that I returned to Turkey.

So what led to the decision to publish Sabro?

While talking with Turkish friends, I asked myself the question: `Why
is our voice not better heard?’ In fact, in a moment of crazy
nonsensical talk, I even asked: `Do we actually have to become
terrorists or something to have our voices heard? Do we need to place
bombs somewhere or something?’ And one of my friends replied: `You are
trying to have your voices heard in Europe, but this won’t gain you
anything. You need to make them heard in Turkey.’ It was at this
juncture that several of us from the Arameans community came together
and decided to publish the Sabro newspaper.

What sort of goals are you trying to achieve with Sabro?

We have two basic goals. The first is to see ourselves properly
represented and have our voices heard. This is important because there
is so much incorrect information out there about Arameans. And this is
not just a problem that implicates one side; many of the mistakes are
ours. After all, how much have we shared so that others may learn who
we are? Perhaps we wanted to but were never able to. And the second
goal is to get to know those around us better with this newspaper
because we live with so many people of other colors on these lands.

Do you believe that you are not as familiar as you should be with the
other colors of society around you?

I think not enough, actually. Up until now, there haven’t really been
the opportunities for us to get to know the other side. As an Aramean,
I knew the other side of society only in school and from what was told
to me.

Will Sabro deal not only with matters that concern the Aramean Syriac
community but also general problems and issues on the Turkish agenda?

Our general idea is to approach Turkey from different perspectives,
from economic, political and cultural angles. But, of course, it
depends on our financial capabilities too. Ideally, we aim to be a
newspaper that gives space to every color in society and approaches
every angle of Turkey. Which is why we plan on giving over lots of
space to articles that deal with Turkish matters, and why among our
writers there are Turks and Kurds.

How is the newspaper distributed?

Well, we are having both economic and technical problems on that
front. We do not have the funds to hire a distribution firm so our
newspaper is distributed through volunteers.

The newspaper `Apoyevmatini’ (a Greek language daily in Turkey)
recently had financial problems and, in fact, the government even
helped them out on that front. As a new newspaper how do you plan on
overcoming your financial problems?

We do have sponsors. They take care of some of our expenses. We try to
take care of the rest of our expenses with the help of volunteers. Our
reporters and columnists are all volunteers. However, those placing
ads in the newspaper are not just Arameans, and this increases our
sense of hope. At this point our only real expenses are from printing
the paper.

So has the Aramean community embraced this newspaper?

Actually, one faction has seen it as a threat towards them. This same
faction wishes to see the status quo continue. They think, `We are
comfortable as it is, we have no problems.’ There is a faction of
suppressed Arameans. I don’t think they have any ulterior motives, or
that they behave like this because they are benefiting from the system
in any particular way. I just think they are afraid and they have
certain habits. They think it’s pointless to create problems where
none existed before. They are not aware of the change in Turkey or
that we are trying to be part of the change and contribute to this
change. The Arameans in Ä°stanbul are a part of the larger system now;
in fact, they are a part of the status quo.

It is difficult to change this mentality? What are you doing to effect change?

We are trying to explain things. We will not fight with them. Our real
goal is to explain ourselves to others. As Arameans we want to find
our place in Turkey’s change and development, and we say that now is
the right time. Two or three years ago, it might have been too early
and just two years later, it might have been too late. This is
precisely the right time for such a step.

Why do you write in Turkish and not Aramaic?

I know how to speak Aramaic, but not how to read or write it. In fact,
I know as little Aramaic as I do German. I write in Turkish and a
friend of mine translates into Aramaic.

Have you received any personal negative reactions regarding the newspaper?

No, I haven’t. To the contrary, something surprising happened that
really made me happy: They called from the Alperen Ocakları and
congratulated us. The person on the phone said, `We might be in
opposite sides, but I wanted to congratulate you.’

Does it bother you that when people hear the word `Süryani (Aramean)’
they immediately think Midyat and the Mor Gabriel church?

Yes, of course. We are seen as limited to Midyat, Mor Gabriel and
jewelry. We have set out to change this perception.

What is the societal tableau you dream of?

We want to see an atmosphere in which people trust one another and
feel comfortable. Sabro means `hope’ for this reason. With our
writing, we hope to break the dark tableau before us. The fact that we
are now a newspaper is a product of hope. For example, I returned to
Turkey after 25 years living abroad. If I had not been full of hope, I
would not have returned.

Was it not very difficult setting up a new life here after so many years?

Well, that is a situation that has everything to do with your goals.
If my goal had been an easy life it would have been very difficult.
But we have real goals and responsibilities. And in order to attain
these goals and fulfill these responsibilities, we can deal with
everything as it comes. Of course, it is very difficult to break some
of the habits I picked up abroad.

Have you ever said to yourself `I wish I had never left’?

Yes, I wish I had stayed in Turkey. Turkey is changing. The more
devout in this country have been under pressure, but they did not
leave. They stayed and struggled, and now they have so many more
rights than in the past. And whether or not you like their style of
struggle, the same can be said for the Kurds. They now have much more
in the way of rights than in the past. Arameans should have stayed and
struggled.

There is a general view that the rally in Hocalı was targeted by
provocation. How have you as Arameans been affected by the events?

Were there no Interior Minister involved, we would just pass over it,
saying it’s the actions of a few senseless people. It is not possible
to understand how the Interior Minister could give permission for such
an atmosphere, or why he would let his name be used. Look at the Hrant
Dink case. The court said, `There was no organization involved.’ Who
can guarantee us that something similar won’t happen to us sometime in
the future? If people authorize those things, how can I ever feel safe
in this country?

How did you view the Prime Minister’s apology on Dersim?

This was a very important step. But I ask, did this only occur in
1938? What is at the root of 1938? Why is 1915 not talked about?
Whether or not genocide was attempted, this is not our business. We do
not think of blaming what happened on either the Ottomans or the
Turks. Our only expectation is that someone will say, `We condemn the
wrong events which occurred under the Ä°ttihat Terakki era’ and that
these events do not define us. We would thus like to see a legal
guarantee that such things will not happen to us again and that we can
live in happiness and serenity.

I want to find the approach of the government sincere

How do you view the approach of the government towards minorities?

When compared to the past, we can say that important steps have been
taken towards minorities under the rule of the AK Party. At the start
of the 2000s, Arameans began to return to Turkey. This was a result of
good things that happened. We expect this process will continue and
that steps will be taken to secure our legal rights. I really do want
to find the approach of the government sincere. I think they have good
intentions, but there is still no legal guarantee in place for us.
Today the leadership is good, but tomorrow it could be something else.
No matter how good the central leadership is, since there are no legal
guarantees in place we are subject to the whims and desires of those
in local power. Some come, others go, but we have no guarantees.

Jagran Post, India
May 20 2012

Europe in a tail-spin

by Rajeev Sharma

The debt-ridden European continent is in a tail-spin. Winds of change
are sweeping the world’s smallest but richest continent. Much of this
has to do with political changes through elections where economic
issues, rather than politics, terrorism, defence or foreign policy,
were the main deciding factors.

As governments from Ireland to Italy fell in the recent past in a wave
of anger over austerity, six European countries – France, Greece,
Germany, Serbia, Italy and Armenia — held elections on May 6, 2012.
The nature of elections ranged from presidential to parliamentary to
state-level to merely municipal. Here is a quick look at what happened
at these places.

In France, Socialist challenger Francois Hollande defeated incumbent
Nicolas Sarkozy for the presidency by capitalizing on anger over
austerity measures. Sarkozy has transferred power to Hollande on May
15. In a nut shell, the ascendance of Hollande as the new French
president implies that the Socialist-ruled France will now push for a
more stimulus-minded approach to the financial crisis in France and
the rest of Europe.

In Greece, the electorate punished the two main parties in
parliamentary elections and Alexis Tsipras’s anti-austerity Syriza
group finished a shock second place. Tsipras said the mammoth rescue
plan should be renegotiated from scratch. The leader of the Left-wing
coalition pledged to form a government committed to tearing up the
terms of his country’s “barbaric” 130 billion euro bailout deal, as
political paralysis threatened to grip the country.

In Germany, Europe’s number one economic power, the Pirate Party,
which calls for copyright law to be radically reformed or abolished,
won a third victory in state elections when the party took 6 seats
with 8.2 per cent of the popular vote in the small Northern state of
Schleswig-Holstein. The result marks the third straight election win
for the Pirates, which have moved from fringe party to mainstream
movement in less than a year. The Pirates won four seats in state
elections in the Saarland in March and took 15 parliamentary seats in
Berlin’s state elections last year. The Pirates are expected to do
well in a fourth state parliament on May 13 when elections are held in
Germany’s most populous state, North-Rhein Westphalia.

In Serbia, opposition Progressive Party won a narrow victory in
elections as leaders battled over whether the Balkan country’s future
lies with the European Union or further east. The Progressive Party of
Tomislav Nikolic, who favors economic and political support from
Russia, took 24 percent of the vote and the Democrats of President
Boris Tadic, who won Serbia’s candidacy for European Union entry, had
22.09 percent. The decision on who will build a new Cabinet will be
made once Tadic and Nikolic face off in a May 20 presidential runoff.
The final poll result may affect Serbia’s relations with the European
Union (EU) as well as Kosovo.

In Italy, the grassroots Five Star movement of maverick Italian
comedian Beppe Grillo and Italy’s left made the biggest gains in local
polls when austerity-weary voters punished conservative ex-premier
Silvio Berlusconi’s party and its ally. The elections were held in 942
towns and cities and the biggest gainer was Grillo, who mocks
politicians and has called for Italy to leave the euro. This was
Italy’s first election since Premier Mario Monti was elected by the
Italians that he would save Italy from its debt crisis.

In Armenia, a political party loyal to President Serzh Sargsyan won
the most votes in a 131-seat parliamentary election, a result that
tracked closely with a pattern in other post-Soviet elections: the
parties in power tend to stay in power. The election was the first
since rioting broke out in Armenia four years ago to protest the
election of Sargsyan, Armenia’s third president since independence.
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe criticized
that election as flawed.

Of all European states that went to polls on May 6, the French
presidential election is undoubtedly the most important and needs to
be discussed at length. The French have elected a Socialist for the
first time in 24 years. It also means that Sarkozy enters the history
books as only the second president, after Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, in
1981, to fail to win a re-election bid under the Fifth Republic.

The victory of Francois Hollande will have far-reaching and all-round
implications for the world in such diverse areas as Europe’s debt
crisis, the Afghanistan war, the Iran standoff and global diplomacy.
Probably what sealed Hollande’s victory and defeat of the present
incumbent Nicolas Sarkozy was his zany idea of levying a 75 percent
income tax for the `very rich’ and his pledge to hike taxes on
companies that distribute profits to shareholders instead of investing
in their business.

In contrast, Sarkozy had pledged to reduce France’s overall tax
burden, already among the highest in the world, though he proposed
higher sales tax. Hollande’s unusual proposal triggered angry remarks
by netizens who said it would ensure that all the super-rich people of
France shift base to the United States along with their companies,
thus solving the US economic crisis in one go and pushing France
deeper into the economic morass. Hollande is expected to push for a
more stimulus-minded approach to the financial crisis in France and
the rest of Europe and reshape the debate in the 17-nation Eurozone by
resorting to more cost-cutting to bring down debts and
government-sponsored stimulus to revive growth.

Sarkozy’s defeat may have both immediate and long term political
implications for (i) France as it may trigger a succession battle
between the socialists and the far right; and (ii) the world as he
would undoubtedly be far less US-friendly than Sarkozy, the most
America-friendly French leader in a half-century. Sarkozy’s stout
support to Washington on Iran and Syria will be diluted by Hollande.
The new President may also reverse many other foreign policy decisions
taken by Sarkozy. He is likely to reduce France’s military presence in
Afghanistan (which was upped by Sarkozy) and bring back French troops
from Afghanistan. Hollande would also be inevitably pursuing a
hands-off approach by decreasing France’s military or diplomatic
muscle flexing abroad. Sarkozy routinely did this, the last example
being taking up a major role in NATO’s air campaign over Libya that
helped oust dictator Muammar Gaddafi.

The immediate task before Hollande would be to name a prime minister,
something that he consistently refused to do all through the election
campaign. He may name Jean-Marc Ayrault for the post not only because
he is an important leader of the Socialist parliamentary group but
also because he has good links to Germany. High on Hollande’s priority
would be to work closely with German Chancellor Angela Merkel who
supported his candidature.

So what do European election results denote? The results show that
extremist parties on both the far-Left and the far-Right are on the
rise, apparently exploiting the economic turmoil that has swept across
the entire Europe. The co-opting of extreme solutions to the Muslim
immigration issues also seems to be playing a part. The latest
political trend in Europe seems to be the far-Left and far-Right
empowerment which, as was the case in the wake of World War I, seems
less about extremist parties’ identification with their goals and
values and more to do with punishing mainstream candidates for
perceived mistakes.

Secret Of Recognition By The West

HAKOB BADALYAN

Story from Lragir.am News:

Published: 10:40:48 – 19/05/2012

Ambassador of the United States to Armenia, John Heffern told Radio
Free Europe / Radio Liberty that the latest parliamentary elections
have reported essential progress for Armenia. Heffern noted at the
same time that the bribery and the use of the administrative resources
is still a problem and they will try to help Armenia to overcome it.
The ambassador noted that thanks to the work with the government, the
opposition and other subjects involved in the electoral process, they
are trying to do everything to have progress in this sphere.

The position of the U.S. ambassador will disappoint a lot of people.
Those who know about electoral fraud that happened during the election
process will surely be dissatisfied with the ambassador’s statement.
At the same time, it is not necessary to think that the U.S. diplomat
does not know the details of the elections and cannot imagine what
happened in Armenia before and after the elections.

But it would be too ingenuous to explain this position by the
usefulness of the illegitimacy of the Armenian authorities for the
U.S. in order to squeeze concessions in foreign affairs. Meanwhile it
has been a decade in Armenia the opposition explains the loyal
attitude of the West towards rigged elections in Armenia by this.

This loyalty of the West has been felt since 1995. During these 20
years the West could have certainly received from the Armenian
government what it wanted. If there is something that has hindered the
West for 20 years, it will go on hindering the West for another twenty
years. The West can hardly be so naïve not to imagine that it is
meaningless to resort to the same tactical starting points to assess
the elections.

There is a different issue here. Certainly, in building relations with
Armenia, the West is led by its geopolitical interests. So does any
normal country, be it in the West or in the East, or anywhere else.
Usually, normal countries are in the West, thus it is natural that
they are led by their interest in building relations with Armenia.

The question is whether these interests match the state and public
interest of Armenia. In this case, most interests match since the
ideas of a constitutional state and rule of law underlie these
interests. Meanwhile, for Armenia, this is perhaps the only way to
ensure competiveness and security in the country.

The issue is that for Armenia and first of all for the Armenian
society it is not worth narrowing the perception of the interests of
Western states proceeding from domestic issues, hence also narrowing
the possibility of Armenia to maneuver. In serving their interests,
the Western countries take into account the platform in Armenia –
public psychology, thinking and ideas. Consequently, they need to be
wide possible, at least in terms of the Western interest, so that
Armenia can have some influence on the process of serving and
formation of foreign interest.

Otherwise, by narrowing the framework of being interesting to the
world, we deprive ourselves of at least the psychological potential of
being or doing, while this is the first condition for being and doing.

Hence, limiting the West’s attitude to our elections in declaration of
narrow expectations, the political forces limit the so-called creative
basis of the public potential in Armenia.

After all, the attitude of the people and the society is important to
the recognition of the election return. When the society recognizes
the result, also by indifference, it is secondary whether the West
will recognize or not. Foreign countries understand this as they are
aware of what the political subjects and key actors are.

The West’s attitude is perhaps formed by taking into account and
juxtaposing all these things with the criminal-oligarchic web. The
opposition forces which appeared there willingly or unwillingly
consider the optimal way of their participation to be gradual
destruction of the web and not cutting it. Not only domestic realities
but also the fact that this system is backed by influential Russia
plays an important role.

The political elite and the expert community perhaps understand that
tough evaluations will affect their further possibility of employment,
sending themselves, not the system, into a deadlock.

Armenian Genocide book issued in Turkey

tert.am
15:16 – 20.05.12

A book telling about the Armenian Genocide has been published in
Turkey, authored by Binnaz Oner, Agos newspaper reports.

Entitled `The Left Behind’, the novel tells about the Armenian mothers
forced to hand their daughters in 1915 to Turkish families to save
their lives. Oner said she has been greatly affected by the stories of
the mothers forced to leave their children for saving the latter’s
lives. `Leaving own child is worse than death for a mother. Only a
mother will understand the feelings of the other mother. Only mothers
may understand the pain of separation with a child,’ she said.

Asked why she has written the book, Oner said the story of the
Armenian mothers impressed her deeply. `Each sensitive person would be
greatly touched by the story,’ she said.

FILM-CONFÉRENCE – PÉNICHE ANAKO
Le Manteau de Jean-Jacques Rousseau

Mercredi 30 Mai à 20h30, les Films du Horla, le réalisateur Patrick
Cazals (1) et le Professeur Historien Dickran Kouymjian (2)
présenteront sur la péniche Anako un film consacré à l’écrivain et
philosophe Jean-Jacques Rousseau, auteur du `Contrat social` ; celui
qui a proposé un ordre naturel conciliant la liberté individuelle et
les exigences de la vie en société, l’un des plus illustres
philosophes du siècle des Lumières.

Une chronique filmée, basée sur des extraits d’`uvres, de compositions
musicales méconnues, de gravures, manuscrits et portraits, tourné sur
les lieux où Rousseau écrivit ses textes majeurs et connut le rejet et
l’exil (de Montmorency à Môtiers-Travers et à l’île Saint-Pierre ), ce
film souhaite traduire et montrer la modernité et l’actualité de la
pensée de l’écrivain. Tenter de mieux comprendre son caractère parfois
ombrageux aussi .

Physiquement atteint de la maladie de la pierre (calculs rénaux), il
doit être régulièrement sondé. C’est alors qu’il adopte le long
vêtement arménien, confectionné par un tailleur de cette origine, plus
commode pour cacher son affection. Il dira dans Les Confessions : Je
pris l’habit arménien. Ce n’était pas une idée nouvelle ; elle m’était
venue diverses fois dans le cours de ma vie, et elle me revint souvent
à Montmorency, où le fréquent usage des sondes, me condamnant à rester
souvent dans ma chambre, me fit mieux sentir tous les avantages de
l’habit long….

Toujours dans Les Confessions, Rousseau évoque longuement l’Empire
ottoman en référence à l’image idéalisée de son père Isaac qui aurait
été `l’horloger du sérail` et régleur des pendules du Palais de
Topkapi.

Du 2 au 4 Mai dernier à Istanbul un colloque international et une
exposition ont été consacrées au philosophe, dont il est de notoriété
publique que Mustafa Kemal Atatürk était un lecteur assidu.
Manifestations qui ont remporté un vif succès.

Orphelin de mère, Jean-Jacques Rousseau est mis sous la protection de
Madame de Warens, à l’ge de 16 ans. Elle devient pour lui une
bienfaitrice et une mère bien qu’elle ne soit que de six ans son
aînée. Il apprend la musique sur son conseil. Après l’avoir quitté, il
vit médiocrement de ses talents de musicien, mais connaît à Paris,
Fontenelle, Rameau, Diderot et Marivaux. Il collabore à l’Encyclopédie
dont il rédige tous les articles touchant à la musique, mais c’est son
‘Discours sur les sciences et les arts’ et son ‘Discours sur l’origine
de l’inégalité’ qui font sa renommée. Il écrit ensuite ‘La nouvelle
Héloïse’ qui est un grand succès, puis coup sur coup ‘Le contrat
social’ et ‘Émile’. Ses deux livres sont condamnés et Rousseau doit
s’enfuir de France. Craignant les persécutions, il s’installe en
Angleterre qu’il quitte quelques temps plus tard, craignant un
complot. Il rédige durant ses dernières années ‘Les confessions’ et
‘Les rêveries d’un promeneur solitaire’. La pensée de Rousseau pose le
problème, que l’on retrouvera chez Gide, de la sincérité et de son
rapport à la vérité.

La Péniche Anako est amarrée à Paris (Bassin de la Villette, face au
61 quai de Seine 75019 Paris), Métro : Riquet, Stalingrad ou Jaurès.
Plus de détails sur

Tarif plein 8 euros / réduit 6 euros – 20h30

Réservations : Chahik

09 53 14 90 68 / 06 62 11 14 64 [email protected]

(1) Cinéaste et producteur, Patrick Cazals est l’auteur de près de
cinquante documentaires depuis 1976. Réalisateur et journaliste, il
collabore au quotidien Libération de 1988 à 1993, aux Cahiers du
Cinéma de 1988 à 1992 et à Radio France-France Culture de 1990 à 2000
, il a écrit plusieurs ouvrages dont Musidora, la dixième muse
(H.Veyrier), Sergueï Paradjanov (Cahiers du Cinéma), Aventures et
Légendes des Troubadours et Contes et Légendes d’Occitanie (Éditions
Nathan).

Réalisations

2009 – L’Ouragan Kalatozov [documentaire, 74 mn]

2007 – Rouben Mamoulian, l’ge d’or de Broadway et Hollywood [doc, 62 mn]

2003 – Sergueï Paradjanov, le rebelle [documentaire, 52 mn]

(2) Dickran Kouymjian, né à Tulcea (Roumanie), a été Professeur de la
Chaire d’études arméniennes Haig et Isabel Berberian, Université
d’Etat de Californie, Fesno. Egalement directeur du Centre des études
arméniennes Sarkis et Meline Kalfayan et coordinateur du Programme
d’études arméniennes de l’Université d’Etat de Californie. Ph.D.
d’études arméniennes de l’Université de Columbia (New-York). A
enseigné aux Universités de Columbia, Berkeley, Paris III (INALCO),
aux universités américaines de Beyrouth, du Caire et de Paris. A
publié de nombreux ouvrages et articles sur l’histoire et les arts
arméniens, notamment The Arts of Armenia (Fondation Calouste
Gulbenkian, 1992) ; a édité : In Memoriam Haïg Berberian (Fondation
Calouste Gulbenkian, 1986). Participation à de nombreux colloques
internationaux, plus particulièrement au Tribunal Permanent des
Peuples sur le Génocide des Arméniens, en 1984. Il vit à Paris et
parle français.

dimanche 20 mai 2012,
Jean Eckian ©armenews.com

AZERBAÏDJAN-EUROVISION
Le régime Aliev torture ses chanteurs

Miriam Elder signe dans le Guardian un article qui fait froid dans le
dos et sur lequel l’UER (‘Union Européenne de Radio-Télévision ou
European Broadcasting Union) ferait bien de s’attarder, à deux jours
du début de la compétition du Concours Eurovision de la Chanson.
Concours qui prendra fin le 26 Mai, jour de la finale télévisée
retransmise depuis le Crystal Hall.

Tandis que Bakou déroule le tapis rouge `écarlate` pour accueillir les
42 délégations européennes participantes, à grand renfort de millions
de dollars dans la transformation de la capitale ou coule le marbre et
les néons `attrape-mouches`, en coulisse règne une nauséabonde
atmosphère de délation et une pauvreté masquée par des gratte-ciel
nouvellement construits où certains artistes opposants au régime se
font torturer pour leur dissidence et les militants des droits de
l’homme pistés par la Police secrète. C’est le cas de Jamal Ali, jeune
rappeur de 24 ans, contraint de fuir son pays pour l’Allemagne à la
suite de tortures et inquiet pour sa sécurité.

Miriam Elder raconte, dans une interview réalisée via Skyper qu’Ali
avait participé, au mois de Mars, à une manifestation de protestation
d’opposants au régime où il avait chanté une chanson contre Aliev
quand une bagarre généralisée a éclaté. `Une provocation de l’État`
disent les militants, `consistant à justifier les arrestations`. Ali
Arrêté, sera condamné à 15 jours de prison avec son bassiste pour
`hooliganisme`. Relché au bout de dix jours en raison de la proximité
avec l’événement de l’Eurovision, il parle des tortures qu’il a
enduré. Sac de plastique sur la tête, il affirme qu’on l’a matraqué
pendant deux jours le `poussant à quitter le pays entre deux passages
à tabac`, dit-il. Ajoutant que la Police disait `nous trouverons la
meilleure façon de vous faire quitter le pays !`.

Libéré, le jeune homme, surveillé par la police devant son domicile,
fut contraint de s’exiler sous la menace d’un emprisonnement allant
jusqu’à cinq ans pour insulte au président. Depuis sa maison a été
détruite.

Il laisse un message à la communauté internationale qui regardera le
Concours Eurovision : `Je voudrais féliciter l’autre chanson de merde
qui gagnera sur scène. Un scène qui a été construite sur les jardins
d’enfants, des maisons, et de milliers de sans-abri », at-il dit.`
C’est la même chose que dans l’Egypte ancienne, mais avec un Crystal
Hall (lieu d’où sera retransmis le concours), pas des pyramides. `

De nombreux militants craignent une répression sévère après que
l’attention internationale s’estompera sur l’Azerbaïdjan une fois le
Concours de l’Eurovision de la chanson terminé.

Des dizaines de militants de la démocratie, journalistes et blogueurs
restent en prison malgré la pression de groupes internationaux des
droits de l’homme et d’activistes locaux. Les 11 grévistes de la faim
maintenus derrière les barreaux depuis les manifestations de 2011 sont
Arif Hajili, Shahin Hasanli, Sahib Karimov, Mahammad Majidli, Babek
Hasanov, Tural Abbaslý, Rufat Hajibaili, Ulvi Guliyev, Vidadi
Isgandarov, Zulfuqar Eyvazov et Ahad Mammadli. Certains de leurs
proches ont eux aussi entamé une grève de la faim en signe de
solidarité. Outre les grévistes de la faim, six autres prisonniers
d’opinion – dont Bakhtiyar Hajiyev, qui a lui aussi pris part aux
manifestations de 2011 – se trouvent toujours derrière les barreaux.

Pour le président autocratique de l’Azerbaïdjan, l’Eurovision
représente une vitrine pour les aspirations européennes du pays.
L’événement mettra l’accent sur le pays ses `valeurs de culture et de
tolérance`…

Le 7 Mars dernier l’Arménie a décliné sa participation au Concours,
estimant notamment que la sécurité devant entourer la délégation
arménienne n’aurait pas été assurée.

L’Azerbaïdjan considère être toujours en guerre contre l’Arménie à
propos du Haut-Karabakh, terre ancestrale arménienne reconquise en
1994.

dimanche 20 mai 2012,
Jean Eckian ©armenews.com

TURQUIE
Ayse Genaysu : « Le Règne du Mensonge en Turquie »

Le négationnisme organisé, c’est le règne du mensonge. Pour obtenir
l’adhésion, les négationnistes doivent mentir résolument et en
permanence. Il ne peut en être autrement. La vérité, même celle
contenue dans une information fragmentaire qui peut révéler un
mensonge, est la pire ennemie du négationnisme. C’est pour cela que
les négationnistes, qui ont créé un monde de mensonges, se doivent de
combattre bec et ongles pour survivre.

Nous vivons tous, en Turquie, dans ce monde de mensonges, à un point
tel que nos manuels, agences de presse, documents officiels, notre
littérature et même nos patronymes disent probablement des mensonges.
Même nos parents ont pu nous dire des mensonges sur l’histoire de
notre famille. Notre identité, dans son ensemble, est peut-être
elle-même une fabrication.

Et nous, la majorité musulmane de ce pays, nous croyons ces mensonges.
Certains – une grande partie d’entre nous – préfèrent croire les
mensonges juste pour mieux se fondre dans l’environnement ; certains –
tout aussi nombreux – juste pour leur tranquillité d’esprit, évitent
de ses poser des questions qui dérangeraient notre équilibre mental et
nous culpabiliseraient (on sait que les punitions qu’on s’inflige
soi-même sont pires que celles infligées par les autres). Il y a
encore parmi nous des gens qui sont payés pour croire les mensonges et
pour faire en sorte que les autres les croient.

Mais mentir, ce n’est pas juste donner de fausses informations. Cacher
la vérité c’est aussi mentir. Ainsi, certains d’entre nous, même parmi
ceux qui se considèrent comme totalement immunisés contre les
mensonges officiels (l’auteur de ces lignes y compris), peuvent tout à
fait porter ce genre de mensonge – la dissimulation de la vérité – un
effet de l’engourdissement intellectuel hérité de notre passé obscur,
la torpeur qui éteint notre désir de rechercher la vérité.

‘Vous serez rapidement de retour’

Les mensonges ont été au centre du Génocide des Arméniens, dès le
début. Lors des arrestations du 24 avril 1915 à Istanbul, les
intellectuels arméniens étaient emmenés de chez eux par des agents de
police extrêmement polis, et comme le relate Aram Andonian dans son
livre Exil, Traumatisme et Mort : Sur la Route de Chankiri avec
Komitas Vartabed (Gomidas Institute 2010), on leur disait que cela ne
prendrait pas plus de cinq minutes, qu’ils seraient rapidement de
retour chez eux, et qu’ils ne devaient pas se faire de soucis.
Andonian a compris pourquoi l’agent de police se comportait avec
autant de raffinement – c’était pour ne pas alarmer ceux qu’il fallait
encore arrêter.

En d’autres lieux du pays, ils mentaient aux gens qui étaient chassés
de leur village et de leur ville, leur affirmant qu’ils pourraient
revenir et que leurs biens seraient gardés par les soins du
gouvernement en attendant leur retour.

Le processus génocidaire s’est développé au cours des mois et des
années qui ont suivi sur la base de mensonges à à chacune de ses
phases.

La négation du mal -inconcevable, indescriptible, et irréversible –
commis et sa régénération avec les mensonges corrompt entièrement le
système. La négation se reproduit elle-même dans les mensonges.

Le mensonge est continuellement au centre des mythes fondateurs de la
République de Turquie. La notoire `guerre de libération` de 1919-1922
était elle aussi construite et soutenue sur une supercherie. Elle a
été présentée comme une révolte nationale pour l’indépendance ; alors
que, la guerre déclarée contre les puissances alliées avait été mise à
profit pour éradiquer ce qui restait des communautés non-musulmanes
d’Asie Mineure à la suite du Génocide des Arméniens et le Génocide des
Assyriens et des Grecs.

Les dirigeants kémalistes ont menti aux Kurdes, également. Ils ont
convaincu les notables kurdes de prendre part à la campagne militaire
comme la seule façon d’arrêter les Arméniens et les Grecs de revenir
et de réclamer leurs biens confisqués.

La résistance des Kurdes à réaliser et à affronter la vérité était
violemment réprimée à chaque fois, et des générations de Turcs ont été
éduqués dans l’idée que les barbares kurdes – des traîtres – avaient
été une menace pour l’état, et que le gouvernement n’avait aucune
autre option que d’apporter `la paix` et `l’ordre` mais aussi `la
civilisation` à la région où prévalait `la sauvagerie`. Tel était le
mensonge sur l’extermination du peuple de Dersim en 1938.

Les Turcs sont les meilleurs de toutes les nations !

Une suite sans précédents de mensonges a été institutionnalisée par le
nouvel appareil d’état par le recours à de pseudo-historiens qui
étaient instruits de réécrire l’histoire de la nation – dans la forme
de la fameuse Thèse de l’Histoire Turque , selon laquelle il était
`prouvé` que la nation turque est à l’origine de tout ce qu’il y a de
bon dans le monde, et que son peuple est le meilleur dans toutes les
catégories : l’honnêteté, le courage, l’innovation, l’adresse, etc.

Les mensonges sont le fondement du système en Turquie, un outil de
répression utilisé à chaque période de l’histoire républicaine. Cela
prendrait des volumes entiers de livres si l’on voulait les mentionner
tous. Pour donner un exemple : le bombardement de la maison d’Ataturk
à Salonique était un mensonge, un mensonge qui avait conduit à brûler
vifs des prêtres grecs, le viol de centaines de femmes, des lynchages,
et la profanation de lieux chrétiens au cours des pogromes de deux
jours à Istanbul les 6 et 7 septembre 1955 – une réplique de la Nuit
de Cristal – qui conduisit des milliers de non-musulmans, Grecs pour
la plupart, hors de leurs terres ancestrales.

Les mensonges n’ont jamais cessé lors des coups d’état militaires et
entre temps, des pseudo-démocraties. Tout comme le mensonge selon
lequel la mosquée de Marache avait été détruite par les `communistes`,
qui avait valu aux Alévis ‘être assiégés chez eux et sur les lieux de
leur travail. Au cours du pogrom qui avait duré pendant deux jours,
près de 150 Alévis, parmi lesquels des enfants, avaient été massacrés
par la foule fasciste en 1978, sous un gouvernement `démocratique` et
`civil`.

‘Nous tuons pour votre bien’

Le coup d’état militaire de 1980 et la période qui a suivi – le règne
de la terreur – était l’incarnation d’un mensonge du début à la fin.
L’armée avait pris le pouvoir pour le bien de la nation. Les
exécutions, la mort de gens sous la torture, les prisons pleines de
monde, c’était pour le bien des Turcs.

Les années 1990 ont été également des années de mensonge. L’incendie
et la destruction de milliers de villages kurdes, causant la
dispersion de millions de Kurdes, n’ont jamais été reconnus.

Ce n’est qu’après vingt ans que des bribes de vérité sont révélées sur
la mort de certains fonctionnaires de haut-niveau en service au plus
fort de la guerre contre le mouvement armé kurde. On a dit que ces
agents s’étaient suicidés, mais des procès ont été intentés par leur
famille ; des enquêtes approfondies sur les conditions de leur mort
ont été faites, qui ont mis en lumière encore mensonges, sous la forme
de faux documents officiels rédigés par l’autorité militaire, des
témoignages manipulés, mention de témoins en mission ailleurs au
moment des événements, etc.

Mais le mensonge le plus gros, qui couvre tous les autres comme un
dôme invisible, est celui selon lequel aucun génocide, ni sur les
Arméniens ni sur aucun autre peuple chrétien, n’aurait été commis `par
le peuple turc` sur ces terres ; c’est ce mensonge qui sert de socle
sur lequel ont été construits tous les autres.

Préparatifs pour 2015

L’intensité des mensonges est actuellement en augmentation en Turquie,
à l’approche du 100ème anniversaire du Génocide des Arméniens, dont
les organisations arméniennes à travers le monde prévoient
commémoration.

L’état turc, jusqu’à présent, n’a pris directement ou officiellement
aucune disposition, mais emploie à huis-clos la `société civile` pour
organiser des campagnes contre les `mensonges arméniens`.

La manifestation récente et désormais bien connue sur Khodjalou du 26
février a été la marque la plus visible et la première d’une campagne
de mobilisation contre les Arméniens. Bien que le soutien à la fois
des états turc et azerbaïdjanais étaient évidents, elle est présentée
comme une initiative de la société civile.

Les universités dirigent cette campagne `civile`. Au cours des mois
qui viennent de s’écouler, les interventions des `chercheurs`
négationnistes ont été organisées à l’Université Suleyman Demirel à
Isrparta, à l’Université Dumplupinar à Kutahya, à l’Université Afyon
Kacatepe, et à l’Université Ataturk d’Erzéroum. Cette campagne
négationniste a même adopté une stratégie d’infiltration des
structures sociales en faisant appel à la culture populaire, un medium
très puissant pour prendre le contrôle mental de l’homme de la rue.

Séries télévisées dramatiques sur `les mensonges arméniens`

La majorité des Turcs est apparemment passionnée par les séries TV –
productions sans fin d’amour, de haine, de complots sanglants, de
défaites, de victoires. Elles sont au centre de la journée des Turcs
de la classe moyenne, la couche la plus nombreuse de la population
turque. Une série TV sur la `Question Arménienne` est en préparation.
Sur l’Internet, une description du spectacle soutient qu’elle ne
répandra pas la haine entre les Arméniens et les Turcs, mais dira au
contraire la `vérité.` Mais – quelle surprise !- les conseillers
appelés pour ces séries dramatiques, issus de l’académie, sont tous
des négationnistes réputés qui prennent part aux conférences des
universités sur les `atrocités arméniennes` de Khodjalou ; qui
écrivent des livres négationnistes ; qui sont les porte-parole de la
thèse officielle de l’état. Qui plus est, la productrice a siégé
pendant longtemps au bureau exécutif du parti AKP et est membre de
l’une des circonscriptions les plus peuplées d’Istanbul comme
représentante de son parti. Les mensonges sur l’histoire arménienne
seront ainsi instillés plus facilement et de façon plus convaincante
que par des études scientifiques et universitaires.

Et les `pro-Arméniens` ?

J’ai parlé, au début, de ceux d’entre nous `…qui se considèrent
comme totalement immunisés contre les mensonges officiels.` Dans le
numéro du 27 février du quotidien Radikal, considéré comme le seul
journal `de gauche` de la grande presse, un article d’Onur Caymaz,
écrivain progressiste et démocrate, est paru. Caymaz, dans son
article, condamne sans réserve le discours de haine employé dans la
manifestation de Taksim sur Khodjalou. A tel point que le titre en
était : `nous sommes tous des salauds !` en réponse à la banderole de
la manifestation sur laquelle on lisait : `Vous êtes tous des
Arméniens, vous êtes tous des salauds !`.

Ayant exprimé son dégoût envers une telle haine arménienne (je dois
dire, de façon très remarquable), il a donné un exemple pour montrer
qu’il n’est du côté d’aucune atrocité contre une autre. Sur ce point,
il a cité un `livre` dont le titre est Renaissance de nos Ames par
Zori Balayan, ‘qui a pris part au massacre de Khodjalou’, et décrit la
torture commise à un `turc` gé de 13 ans à Khodjalou. La citation est
très longue, Balayan décrivant avec un évident plaisir et satisfaction
de soi, les détails sur la façon dont il a enlevé la peau de l’abdomen
et des membres du garçon, un `sein coupé` de sa mère enfoncé dans sa
bouche pour l’empêcher de crier de douleur. La citation continue,
Balayan expliquant comment, docteur en médecine et humaniste par
profession` il était insensible à le vue du jeune garçon mourant ou
perdant son sang pendant sept minutes ; il ne ressentait une
`renaissance de son me` par la vengeance d’un centième de ce que les
Turcs avaient fait` à ses ancêtres.

Même si on ne savait pas qu’un tel livre de Zori Balayan n’existait
pas, il devrait être tout à fait évident, d’après le langage employé
pour décrire la torture, que la citation était totalement fabriquée.
Ce qui était choquant, c’est que la citation n’était pas faite par un
ultranationaliste turc, un haïsseur d’Arméniens, mais par une personne
qui dénonce sincèrement le racisme et la discrimination. Quelques
jours après la parution de cet article, Caymaz écrivit sur son blog
personnel qu’il avait eu tort, qu’il était évident que Zori Balayan
n’avait pas écrit ce livre et que les citations étaient fausses. Il
dit avoir entendu parler de ce livre par le médecin azéri, invité avec
d’autres à une émission de télévision. Caymaz était apparemment
dépourvu du moindre soupçon quand à la possibilité qu’une partie au
conflit puisse mentir. Mais où a-t-il trouvé cette citation ? J’ai
cherché moi-même, et j’ai découvert qu’elle n’apparaissait que sur les
sites web ultranationalistes. Même cela ne l’a pas enclin à avoir des
soupçons. Et le comité éditorial du journal Radikal n’a pas trouvé que
cette citation outrageusement cruelle était douteuse. Les mensonges,
ainsi, trouvent facilement leur chemin dans les media progressistes et
leur audience.

Des mensonges pour nous tous

J’ai aussi dit au début, `y compris l’auteur de ces mots,` parlant du
véhicule de cette sorte de mensonge spécifique, c’est-à-dire cacher la
vérité. Il n’y a que quelques mois que je me suis intéressée à
l’histoire du membre de l’ASALA Levon Ekmedjian, qui a été exécuté par
pendaison en 1983 à Ankara à la suite d’un jugement militaire, sur
l’accusation d’avoir été l’un des auteurs du `massacre d’Esenboga` à
Ankara en 1982. Nous, membres ou sympathisants des partis et groupes
socialistes-révolutionnaires de cette époque, quelques uns en prison,
d’autres dans la clandestinité en Turquie, d’autres encore réfugiés
dans des pays étrangers, nous croyions la relation que le régime
militaire faisait de l’attaque d’Esenboga. Même si parmi eux étaient
des personnes exceptionnelles, aucune ne s’est jamais exprimée. Le
silence absolu à propos d’Ekmedjian dans la mémoire des
`révolutionnaires` et dans les livres sur le thème des personnes
exécutées sous le régime militaire des années 1980 indique clairement
la façon dont on évitait de mettre en doute le rapport officiel
relatif à l’attaque d’Esenboga de l’Asala, et comment nous avons tout
simplement ignoré le cas de Levon Ekmedjian.

Des fissures dans la plus gardée des places fortes

Mais la vie réserve toujours des surprises ; elle comporte en
elle-même un tel dynamisme qu’aucun plan pour cacher la vérité ne peut
servir indéfiniment, dans la mesure où l’élément humain est impliqué.

De nos jours, des articles circulent dans les media sociaux concernant
Levon Ekmedjian – ses photographies, les récits de ses camarades – un
certain nombre de Turcs et de Kurdes échangent activement des
informations nouvellement acquises entre eux. Cela est très important
dans la mesure où l’Armée Secrète de Libération de l’Arménie est
peut-être encore le seul sujet absolument intouchable parmi tous les
autres sujets liés à la Question Arménienne, même dans les milieux
socialistes, et reste un outil inestimable de manipulation pour
l’appareil négationniste.

Avec la manifestation de Khodjalou d’Istanbul, les mensonges officiels
sur le conflit du Karabagh sont devenus aussi vulnérables au fur et à
mesure que les personnes, au moins celles qui veulent savoir la
vérité, ont de plus en plus accès au point de vue arménien sur les
événements.

Oui, le négationnisme organisé signifie le règne du mensonge. Mais
même les forteresses du mensonge sont destinées à s’écrouler, quand un
jour ou l’autre apparaît une fissure qui se propage et part dans
toutes les directions, fragilisant l’ensemble de la structure. Il
n’est que de se poser des questions, refuser d’être convaincu,
chercher à en savoir plus, et le dire aux autres. Et la Turquie ne
fait pas exception à cette règle.

Ecrit par Ayse Gunaysu le 11 mai 2012

The Armenien Weelkly

Traduction de Gilbert Béguian

dimanche 20 mai 2012
Stéphane ©armenews.com

I Have The Honor

Naira Hayrumyan
Story from Lragir.am News:

Published: 13:23:51 – 19/05/2012

In Armenia the institution of political responsibility is absent. In the
past 20 years, we can remember only a few cases when the political forces
or figures claimed responsible for something and undertook political steps.

We can remember only President Levon Ter-Petrosyan’s resignation which he
explained by refusal to assume responsibility for the proposed solution to
the Karabakh issue.

Then we can remember Speaker Artur Baghdasaryan’s resignation in 2006 who
disagreed with the domestic policy of the ruling party and was reluctant to
assume responsibility for this policy.

Something similar happened when Dashnaktsutyun left the ruling coalition in
connection with Serzh Sargsyan’s football diplomacy.

One can remember a few more cases but they lack a variety of indicators of
existence of the institution of political responsibility in Armenia. It did
not exist for several reasons: lack of political concept of honor, as well
as the weak dependence of the election on the public opinion.

The political forces and figures come to power independently from what the
society thinks about their programs. Moreover, the society is deprived of
methods of control over the political parties after the elections. There is
no mechanism for recall of elected representatives, accountability of
parties, not to mention that the elections are simply rigged.

So, a model of pseudo-democracy is established where there are parties and
elections are held but the public opinion is not decisive. It leads to
total loss of the institution of the political honor which supposes that
the political carrier depends on the fulfillment of the election promises
and respect of moral rules.

In Germany, the minister of defense was sacked for plagiarism, while the
president was `dismissed’ for a loan he had received at a softer rate.
These people resigned though their fault was not proved.

In Armenia, after the elections the press reported that the parties are
demanding back the money they had disbursed to their proxies for bribes.
None of the mentioned parties has denied these rumors. The parties cannot
deny these rumors rumors because they know the mass media has facts.

On the other hand, one feels ashamed to read such information, one feels
ashamed of living in a country where no one remembers about honor and
dignity even when they are insulted, let alone political honor in a country
where parties announced the elections were rigged but would not resign from
parliament, where people complain of tough social conditions but vote for
the ruling party.

The paradox of pseudo-democracy in Armenia is that the society has totally
alienated the notions of justice, dignity and responsibility in politics.
The society does not expect politicians to have these qualities, it is not
looking for them in the political system but in others – pseudo-patriotic,
kleptocratic, the patriarchal clannish, moral and historical. Here it is
trying to find the system of values that is based on honor. The society
leaves a special field for the politicians where you can deceive, conspire,
and pretend that you are not reproached.

Honor is first of all readiness of a person to fulfill the responsibilities
he or she has assumed. The world system is based on the honor, since the
Constitution and laws are the voluntary obligation of people to follow
certain rules. The lack of internal honor and responsibility means we live
in a system of values completely different from the constitutional system.

St. Cloud Times (Minnesota)
Distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Business News
May 18, 2012 Friday

Library preserves Syrian manuscripts

by Frank Lee, St. Cloud Times, Minn.

May 18–COLLEGEVILLE — It was a race against time halfway around the
world that started not far from St. Cloud.
Hill Museum & Manuscript Library at St. John’s University completed a
manuscript preservation project in the Middle East shortly before the
violence worsened in Syria.

“This was our last current project in Syria, and we had done actually
a series of projects — about six of them in Syria — in different
locations,” said the Rev. Columba Stewart, executive director of the
Collegeville-based library.

Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s forces began cracking down on
anti-government demonstrators about a year ago, resulting in car
bombings and more than 1,000 people killed, according to some reports.

However, HMML-trained technicians in Aleppo, Syria, were able to
complete the digitization of 225 Armenian manuscripts belonging to the
Armenian Orthodox Diocese of Aleppo — one of the largest Armenian
collections in Syria.

“We began the work before the current turmoil in Syria, and this
particular project was finished just as the situation started to get
bad in Aleppo, which had been quiet until fairly recently,” Stewart
said during a call Tuesday from Bethlehem.

“I went to Syria a couple of times a year — every year — between
2003 and 2011, and we thought it would be one of the last places where
this kind of turmoil would occur.”

Aleppo

Aleppo’s Armenian community is ancient, dating from the days when
Aleppo was a prominent trading center on the Silk Road. In the early
20th century, Armenian refugees fleeing genocide in Turkey found
sanctuary with their compatriots in Aleppo.

“We also work on Islamic projects, so our interests transcend
particular denominations or religious groups because all of this
handwritten manuscript heritage is really the heritage of all
humankind,” Stewart said.

HMML has now completed a series of projects in Aleppo that have
included important collections belonging to the Syriac Orthodox,
Syriac Catholic and Greek-Catholic communities, for a total of 2,150
digitally preserved manuscripts.

“Many of these manuscripts represent communities persecuted, scattered
and even destroyed in the tribulations of the last few centuries,” he
said.

“Their survival, and the care given them by the churches of the Middle
East, is a testament to the profound meaning manuscripts have in the
cultural memory of traditional communities.”

HMML also has digitized hundreds of manuscripts in Homs, center of the
current uprising in Syria, and in the capital, Damascus.

Church shelled

“There was recently a video on YouTube showing the church where we
photographed manuscripts being shelled by the Syrian army, but
fortunately they had moved the manuscripts, we found out later,” he
said.

“It just shows why it’s important to photograph these things while we
can, just in case something was to happen to them. … These
manuscripts are fragile and they are in very endangered places.”

HMML began working in Lebanon in 2003, in Syria and Turkey in 2005,
and in Iraq in 2009 to preserve the manuscripts, according to Stewart.

“We sign a contract with the community, which keeps all publication
and commercial rights with the owners of the manuscripts, but we’re
allowed to share the photographs with scholars who will study and
write about the text, translate the text and so on,” he said.

Adam McCollum is the lead cataloger of Eastern Christian manuscripts
at HMML and will be responsible for getting the Armenian collection
cataloged once it is at the HMML.

“Once the library has entered into a partnership with people who have
collections of manuscripts, a studio is set up there with a digital
camera, and entire manuscript collections are photographed and put
onto hard drives and mailed back to us,” McCollum said.

For all of these projects, HMML provided the equipment, training and
salary to local photographic technicians, as well as ongoing technical
support.

“We have a guy who works for us who is based in Beirut who does the
actual training of the people, and then they do the work themselves,”
Stewart said.

Digital copy

The high-quality digital images from the collection are now being
processed at HMML’s field office in Beirut, Lebanon, and will soon be
sent to Minnesota for archiving and inclusion in HMML’s online
database, OLIVER.

“We worked in Europe for many years, we worked in Ethiopia for many
years, but in 2003, we started working with Christian communities in
the Middle East, beginning with Lebanon, who were feeling the
pressures of the general situation where they are a minority culture,”
Stewart said.

OLIVER provides “scholars, students and the general public” free
access to its manuscript collections. Scholars who wish to consult
complete manuscripts may apply to HMML for copies after agreeing to
conditions that reserve all copyright and commercial interests to the
original owners of the manuscript collections.

“We’re trying to do as much as we can everywhere in the Middle East,”
he said. “The situation, of course, has only gotten worse and worse
over that time, which has made the work even more pressing. … We’re
very afraid that manuscripts will simply disappear.”

One digital copy of the Armenian collection will stay with Bishop
Shahan Sarkissian and the Armenian Orthodox Diocese of Aleppo. HMML
will keep an additional digital copy of the collection in a highly
secure location.

“The general populace in these places is still pretty safe — at least
at this point — but we have no idea what’s going to happen in the
future,” he said of HMML’s continuing work in Iraq, Lebanon, Turkey,
as well as in Ethiopia, southwest India and Malta.

India Public Sector News
May 18, 2012 Friday 6:30 AM EST

IFC, Austria Help Armenian Companies Improve Food Safety Practices and
Increase Competitiveness

New Delhi, May 18 — IFC, a member of the World Bank Group, in
partnership with the Austrian Ministry of Finance is launching an
advisory project to help Armenian food producers improve food safety
practices, thereby increasing their competitiveness, sales and
exports.

The IFC Armenia Food Safety Improvement Project will draw on IFC’s
global and regional expertise to help Armenia’s food producers adopt
best international food safety practices. The project will conduct
seminars and provide in-depth advice to select firms to help them
implement HACCP (Hazard Analysis Critical Control Points), a globally
recognized standard and the basis for most international food safety
certification schemes.

Thomas Lubeck, IFC Regional Manager, South Caucasus, said, “We have
many success stories in this region showcasing how improved food
safety creates opportunities for food producers and facilitates access
to new markets. Our work in Armenia is part of our regional efforts to
support agribusiness, which is one of the most important sectors for
employment in the region.”

The IFC Armenia Food Safety Improvement Project is supported with
funds from the Austrian Ministry of Finance. HACCP is the most
widespread and effective international system that identifies,
evaluates and controls hazards significant to food safety.
Since Armenia became a member of IFC in 1995, IFC has invested $202
million in 35 projects across several industries, including financial
markets, manufacturing, and mining. IFC Advisory Services also
provides advice through projects focusing on improving food safety
practices, the financial sector, sustainable energy and regulatory
simplification.