Armenian Activist Could Face Jail Time
asbarez
Friday, June 8th, 2012
Suren Gazaryan stands next to a sticker that reads Suren Gazaryan and
Evgenii Vitishko/We Are With You/Freedom for the Environmental
Activists. Photo by Karena Avedissian.
BY KARENA AVEDISSIAN
>From Transitions Online
KRASNODAR, Russia – On the afternoon of November 13, environmental
activists Suren Gazaryan and Evgenii Vitishko crept through a forest
preserve on the Black Sea coast, past security guards and toward a
fence surrounding a villa. Their mission was part protest – in spray
paint on the fence, they called the provincial governor a thief and
declared, `This is our forest’ – and part reconnaissance, to see what
was happening on the other side.
When they cut through the fence, they found trees had been illegally
felled, among them endangered Pitsunda pines. A whole complex was
under construction, including a swimming pool and tennis court,
despite a ban on such development in forest preserves.
The activists say the protected land was seized illegally to build the
villa, which records show is owned by Alexander Tkachev, governor of
Russia’s Krasnodar region. The fence surrounding it and a much wider
area of about 7 hectares (17 acres) of forest along the shore also
prevents public access to the land and beach, in violation of Russian
law.
Instead of hearing the activists’ complaints, however, prosecutors
charged Gazaryan and Vitishko with vandalism. Three months later, the
charge was upgraded to `willful damage of property with motives of
hooliganism,’ increasing the potential penalty to five years in
prison.
The case has become a cause not just for environmental activists in
the southern region of Krasnodar but across the country. And it comes
at a time when voices for the environment have become a significant
part of Russia’s growing protest movement.
Last month, Evgenia Chirikova, leader of a group fighting to protect
the Khimki forest northwest of Moscow from a major highway project,
received the $150,000 Goldman Environmental Prize, widely known as the
`Green Nobel.’ Other activists in the Khimki forest fight have been
attacked, including one journalist who was left brain damaged after a
beating and had to have three fingers and his right leg amputated.
In Krasnodar, the activists often run afoul not only of local
bureaucrats and businessmen, but also of some of Russia’s most
powerful figures. The region, which sits on the Black Sea just north
of the Caucasus region, is a major tourist destination, and a popular
site for the second homes of Russia’s elite. It is also home to a
delicate ecosystem that includes the country’s last remaining
Mediterranean pine forests and pistachio trees.
A road under construction through a UNESCO World Heritage forest to a
ski resort built by state oil company Rosneft; a residence for the
head of the Russian Orthodox Church on the Black Sea coast near the
city of Gelendzhik; Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev’s villa in the
Utrish nature reserve – all occupy public land in Krasnodar and are
patrolled by private security guards.
The activists of Environmental Watch, to which Gazaryan and Vitishko
belong, say corruption is one of the greatest obstacles to stopping
such projects in the region.
`Environmental violations are often allowed by the state structures.
If it’s a private business, then it turns out that the state knows
about it and to condemn it is pointless, because [government
officials] are benefiting,’ activist Dmitri Shestochenko said.
`The governmental structures for environmental protection just don’t
work,’ Anna Mitrenko, another activist, said. `When we inform the
authorities about an environmental problem, they just say, `There is
no problem here.’ Everything is infected with corruption. It’s the
system – it’s a web that the Russian people are caught in.’
Activists say preparations for the 2014 Olympics, which will take
place in the Krasnodar city of Sochi, have made matters worse, with
projects allowed to take priority over environmental regulations. Last
year a toxic spill into the Mzymta river related to drilling for a
road and rail line near the town of Adler polluted drinking water for
residents nearby. No state agencies or companies tied to the spill
were held accountable.
In other cases, when activists have managed to draw attention to
questionable projects, environmental laws are watered down ad hoc.
`Environmental legislation is getting weaker and weaker,’ Gazaryan
said. `Previously it was illegal to cut down endangered species of
trees. When they did that in preparation for the Sochi Olympics, we
went and interfered. Then a month later, the authorities made
amendments to the legislation that allowed it specifically for the
Olympics,’ he said.
In the matter of the Tkachev villa, local officials initially denied
any link between the governor and the territory within the
controversial fence. However, Tkachev said earlier this year that
about 70 percent of the fenced-off land is leased to a private company
called Agrokompleks, of which his father is a shareholder. Activists
contend the tie goes deeper, saying the regional real estate register
lists Tkachev himself as the owner.
Russian law allows forest preserve land to be leased as long as it
remains publicly accessible. It also allows development of the
property, but only with temporary structures made of light materials
such as wood – not with the concrete, brick, and iron that went into
the construction of the villa.
`Anyone familiar with the case knows that the reaction of the
authorities is political,’ said Natalia Dorohina, a journalist with
the Caucasian Knot website who has followed the matter.
The Krasnodar regional administration did not answer repeated requests
for comment on the case, or on Environmental Watch’s claims about the
villa’s ownership.
Like the Khimki forest activists, those in Krasnodar have faced
physical intimidation.
In March, Gazaryan and his lawyer, Viktor Dutlov, were inspecting the
area surrounding Tkachev’s villa when private security guards
handcuffed them, seized Gazaryan’s camera and cell phone, and detained
the men for five hours. When police arrived, they arrested Gazaryan
and Dutlov, who were sentenced the following morning to 10 days in
jail for `resisting police orders.’
News of their arrests spread through Russian Internet forums and
social networks. Within days, a wave of protests swept across dozens
of Russian cities in support of the activists.
Greenpeace Russia has collected more than 22,000 signatures on a
petition demanding that the charges against Gazaryan and Vitishko be
dropped. The campaign was brought to the attention of then-president
Medvedev, who promised to review the cases but did not act. Newly
inaugurated President Vladimir Putin is not expected to take up the
issue.
The activists continue to conduct inspections of Tkachev’s fence and
post information about their findings on Twitter, in blogs, and on the
Vkontakte and Facebook social networking sites, where they also post
news of any new detentions.
`The only way to protect the environment is to increase activism,’
Shestochenko of Environmental Watch said. Since Putin’s United Russia
party came to power in 2007, he added, `it was clear … that the
authorities were counting on our silence – because no one knew about
[their projects] yet. They wanted to do it quietly, but that didn’t
happen.’
In the meantime, crackdowns on protesters continue. Yaroslav Nikolski,
a member of Environmental Watch and the reformist Yabloko Party, was
arrested April 13 after protesting another Tkachev project –
construction of a gubernatorial residence on land that recently
belonged to a kindergarten.
Gazaryan and Vitishko have had two court hearings so far, with most of
their attorney’s motions rejected by the judge. Many observers are
predicting a guilty verdict. The next hearing was set for June 6.
Karena Avedissian is a doctoral researcher at the University of
Birmingham studying social movements in southern Russia.