Author: Kalantarian Kevo

Photo: BBC

 

British Prime Minister Tony Blair told U.S. President George W. Bush eight months before the 2003 invasion of Iraq “I will be with you, whatever”, and relied on flawed intelligence and legal advice to go to war, a seven-year inquiry concluded on Wednesday, reports.

It strongly criticized Blair on a range of issues, saying the threat posed by Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein’s supposed weapons of mass destruction had been over-hyped and the planning for the aftermath of war had been inadequate.

Blair responded that he had taken the decision to go to war “in good faith”, that he still believed it was better to remove Saddam, and that he did not see that action as the cause of terrorism today, in the Middle East or elsewhere.

“The intelligence assessments made at the time of going to war turned out to be wrong. The aftermath turned out to be more hostile, protracted and bloody than ever we imagined,” the former prime minister told reporters.

“For all of this, I express more sorrow, regret and apology than you will ever know.”

The only Labour prime minister to win three general elections, Blair was in office for 10 years until 2007 and was hugely popular in his heyday, but Iraq has severely tarnished his reputation and legacy.

Responding to questions from journalists, Mr Blair says passionately while gesticulating with his arms that some people talk “as if I don’t care about the loss of life”, according to .

But he says: “I had to decide are more people going to suffer, are more people going to die if we leave this dictator in power.”

Asked whether he would apologise to the families of the British servicemen and women who lost their lives, Mr Blair says: “I can look the nation in the eye and say I did not mislead this country.. I made the decision in good faith on information I had at the time, and can say it is better we took the decision.”

 

 

 

German writer and historian Michael Hesemann has been studying the Armenian Genocide for over 20 years now.

The historian has studied more than 3000 pages of the Vatican Secrete Archives related to the Armenian Genocide. He says all archives are open, it’s only necessary to write a letter to get access to the Vatican Archives of the period of Benedict XV until 1939.

“What I found is a very drastic, very moving eyewitness reports from monks and priests who managed to escaped the genocide, managed to escape to Constantinople and reported about what happened to the Armenian Patriarchate and the Pope’s Apostolic delegate, the Representative of the Pope in Constantinople,” Hesemann told reporters in Yerevan.

“Besides, we have the documentation of the attempts to stop the killing, to stop the massacres, to stop the deportation by the Apostolic delegate and the Pope himself, who wrote hundreds of letters to the Sultan, which the Apostolic delegate tried to present to eth sultan, but never got an audience for weeks. Only with the help of the Austrian and German Ambassadors he got the access to the Sultan, and the latter responded to the letter with a great delay. When he replied in November 1915, the greatest part of the deportation had already happened, and the Armenians were already in the Syrian deserts to die,” the historian said.

“It is also a story of deceit, a story of how the Turks tried to deceit the Pope about what was going on. So the Archives clearly document what Pope Francis called in 1915 the first genocide of the 20^th century,”

Referring to the Turkish attempts to deny the Armenian Genocide, he said, all archives are open today, the Vatican , the American and German archives are open, and the only archives that remain partially closed are the Turkish ones.

According to him, all scholars in the world who have studied the archives will clearly say it was not only a genocide of Armenians, but also an extermination of the Christian element in the Ottoman Empire. It was a kind of ethnic or religious cleansing.

The Venice Commission at its meeting on 10-11 June in Venice has endorsed a on the draft electoral code of Armenia.

Executive summary is below:

11. The Venice Commission and OSCE/ODIHR have closely followed changes to the Electoral Code of Armenia through several opinions. The proposed draft electoral code follows the 2015 adoption of a revised Constitution. In line with previous Venice Commission and OSCE/ODIHR opinions and reports, it is underscored that the key challenge for the conduct of genuinely democratic elections is the exercise of political will by all stakeholders to fully and effectively uphold the letter and the spirit of the law. The timeframe for reform is regrettably very short, as the Constitution provides that the new code has to enter into force by 1 June 2016. While the stability of the electoral system is a key principle, it is equally important to have sufficient time for a thorough, inclusive, and public discussion in order to build consensus and confidence around major changes in electoral legislation.

12. The draft electoral code could provide an adequate basis for the conduct of democratic elections, and has addressed some prior Venice Commission and OSCE/ODIHR recommendations. For example, it introduces a system to improve voter identification, enhances the Central Electoral Commission regulatory powers, strengthens the quota for the participation of women as candidates, removes provisions that could lead to the arbitrary withdrawal of observer accreditation, and systematises the rules on campaigning.

13. However, significant concerns exist in the draft code, including with regard to insufficient measures to enhance confidence in the accuracy of voter lists, a lack of clarity as to how the introduction of new technologies may be implemented, and the restrictions on citizen election observers. The draft code also does not address a number of prior recommendations related to the effectiveness of complaints and appeals procedures, the transparency and accountability of campaign finance, safeguards against potential abuse of state resources, and clarity of the role and oversight of media during elections.

14. Mainly in order to address the constitutional requirement to guarantee a “stable majority”, the new electoral system proposed in the draft code is rather complex. It establishes a number of significant deviations from a purely proportional system, which in combination with the short time allocated to carry out the reform, may affect voters’ trust in the electoral system.

15. It is recommended to address the following key issues:
A. The draft code establishes limitations and deadlines for the formation of coalitions after the first round of elections. These provisions unduly limit the possibility of building a political coalition as a means for ensuring the “stable majority” required by the Constitution. It is recommended to reconsider restrictions on the number of participants in a coalition and extend the time period for formation of coalitions after the first round.

B. Concerns regarding the accuracy of voter lists and potential impersonation of voters de facto abroad underlie longstanding opposition and civil society calls to publish signed voter lists after election day. Publication of signed voters’ lists raises a number of concerns regarding privacy of information. The concerns expressed by civil society seem to have been at least partially addressed in the interim version of the draft code, through the possibility of accessing the list of voters who voted. Considering the importance of ensuring a balance between data protection and the secrecy of the vote on the one hand and stakeholders’ interest in consulting the signed voter lists on the other, it is recommended, as a confidence building measure, to allow meaningful consultation of signed voter lists by stakeholders under specific conditions.

C. The draft code envisages the introduction of new technologies in respect of voter registration and identification. It is welcome that voter registration and identification issues are addressed, but the proper implementation of new technologies has to be ensured. Particularly in light of the short time before the next elections and the need to build trust in the electoral process, it is recommended that a number of issues be thoroughly considered, including harmonising new provisions with existing data protection laws and standards, applying proper procedures for procurement, ensuring public testing and certification of the equipment, guaranteeing contingency planning, providing sufficient training for electoral staff, and ensuring effective awareness-raising among voters and political parties. A gradual approach to the introduction of such technologies through a series of pilots would be a measure to enhance confidence in the system and provide opportunities to address technical issues regarding effective implementation. Initial pilots could take place, for example, during the upcoming local elections.

16. Additional recommendations include:

D. The draft code establishes or maintains restrictions on citizen election observers which may impede their activity and undermine transparency of the electoral process. It is recommended to remove the mandatory testing and certification of citizen observers, as well as the requirement that the charters of citizen observer organisations be in force for the three years preceding the elections, as this would deprive new organisations of the possibility to observe elections.

E. The code should further guarantee the independence of the electoral administration, notably, by ensuring that presidential powers to nominate members of the Central Electoral Commission in case of a parliamentary stalemate are exercised in consultation with all parliamentary parties and by clarifying the procedure for the early termination of mandate.

F. While the draft code improves the previous gender quota for candidate lists, increasing it from 20 to 25 per cent within certain brackets of the list, the impact might be limited. It is recommended that the draft code provide for a still more effective quota for women’s representation, for example by placing women among every two or three candidates.

G. Particularly in light of the extensive changes to the electoral system, the draft code would benefit from simplifying and clarifying procedures for voting, counting and tabulation, as well as the determination of election results. This would also require extensive training for electoral staff and comprehensive voter education well in advance of elections to ensure better understanding of the process and enhanced public confidence.

H. Electoral reform requires broad and public discussion in order to encourage participation in the process and acceptance of the outcomes. Final amendments to the code should ensure meaningful engagement with all relevant stakeholders, so as to encourage broad agreement and support for the new code.

17. In this joint opinion, the Venice Commission and the OSCE/ODIHR have made recommendations to the authorities of the Republic of Armenia in support of their efforts to improve election-related legislation and bring it more closely in line with OSCE commitments and European and international standards. However, it must be emphasised that, in addition to further amendments to the legislative framework, an effective and impartial implementation of the law is necessary to ensure conduct of elections in line with international standards.

Photo: Reuters

 

A bomb exploded outside the headquarters of Lebanese Blom Bank in central Beirut on Sunday, causing damage but no fatalities, the interior minister said.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility.

The Lebanese Red Cross said two people had suffered minor injuries in the blast, which took place around 8 p.m. in the Verdun area of Beirut, the National News Agency reported.

Local television showed footage of a damaged building, with one hole in a concrete wall, and said shattered glass had fallen to the ground from several storeys up.

The head of Lebanon’s internal security force, Ibrahim Basbous, said the bomb had contained around 15 kg of explosive material and had been placed in a flower bed, the National News Agency said.

Interior Minister Nohad Machnouk said: “Politically it is clear that the target was Blom Bank only.”

He said the attack had nothing to do with the militant group Islamic State, which has mounted suicide bombings in Beirut.

Through the Armenian Church of the Holy Resurrection on Church Road in Old Dhaka architect Adnan Morshed explores the Armenian history in Dhaka. Excerpts from the article published by are provided below:

The church is modest in its architectural scope, yet its history offers a rich tapestry of the Armenian footprint on the commerce, politics, and education of East Bengal. More important, the church is an architectural testament to the story of how the Armenian diasporas spread out from their historic homeland, located between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, to far-flung regions, and thrived as a versatile cosmopolitan community.

Armenia occupies a crucial geographic location at the intersection of various civilizations and trading routes, such as the Silk Road from China to Rome. A vital link between East and West, the country was under the domination of various competing political powers, including the Persians, the Greeks, the Romans, the Arabs, the Persians again, the Ottomans, and the Russians. Their long political subjugation, on the one hand, made it difficult for them to maintain their Christian faith, language, culture, and national identity. (The Armenians were the first people to embrace Christianity as a state religion in 301 CE). On the other hand, challenging circumstances exhorted Armenians to be resilient in the face of political repression, to develop entrepreneurial acumen and mediating skills, and to be a “trade diaspora.” Wherever the Armenians went to trade, they typically learned the local language – unlike other Asian or European merchants – and they benefitted from the ability to communicate with primary producers.

The Armenians also played a significant role in the history of world architecture. In the early medieval period, when the Byzantine world abandoned classical stonework in favor of brick masonry (the sixth-century Hagia Sophia in Istanbul is basically a brick construction), only the Armenians retained the knowledge of concrete work and continued the Hellenistic attitude to buildings as a compact, object-like impression in space. Their contribution had a crucial influence on subsequent development of church architecture in Europe.

There is no consensus on exactly when the Armenians arrived in Dhaka. Some historians, however, suggest that they were in Bengal in the early 17th century, most likely arriving with the southbound migration of Armenian diasporas from Persia. During the Safavid-Ottoman wars of 1603-1605, the Safavid monarch Shah Abbas (r. 1587-1629) deported up to 300,000 Armenians from the Armenian mercantile town of Old Julfa to what became known as New Julfa in the suburb of Isfahan.

Because the official language of the Mughal court was Persian, the Persian-speaking Armenians could easily adapt to the life in the Mughal Empire. Being skillful in the textile business, the Armenians naturally gravitated to Dhaka, one of the trading hubs for fine textile, contributing significantly to the city’s commercial life. In addition to textile and raw silk, the Armenians engaged in the trade of saltpeter (used as gunpowder), salt, and betel nut. They pioneered jute-trading in the second half of the 19th century and popularised tea-drinking in Bengal. When they began to lose the textile business to the British private traders in the late 18th century, the Armenians reoriented their focus to landholding, eventually becoming prominent and wealthy zamindars (or landowners). Examples of Armenian zamindars in Dhaka include: Agha Aratoon Michael, Agha Sarkies, and Nicholas Marcar Pogose.

Another major Armenian contribution to Dhaka was the introduction of the ticca-garry (or horse-carriage), which became the main mode of transportation in the city until the first decade of the 20th century. Armenians also introduced western-style department stores for European and British goods, including wines, spirits, cigars, bacon, reading lamps, shoes, toys, table cutlery, shaving soap, saucepans, frying pans, traveling bags, and umbrellas, among other items.

The Armenian community contributed significantly to Dhaka’s civic life and urban administrative bureaucracy. Nicholas Pogose founded the first private school of the city, Pogose School, in 1848. It still functions as a prestigious school in Old Dhaka. In response to Nicholas Pogose’s resolution that the Dhaka Municipality Committee had no corporate entity and that steps should be taken to remedy the problem, the British colonial administration enacted the District Municipality Act of 1864. Subsequently, the Dhaka Municipality became a statutory body with its own legal jurisdiction.

Compared to those in Calcutta and Madras, Dhaka’s well-knit Armenian community was small but wealthy, exerting a great deal of influence on local and regional businesses. The Armenians resided in Armanitola, an Old Dhaka neighbourhood that was named after their colony where they once lived (although not all Armenians lived there).

Many of Dhaka’s wealthy Armenians lived in European-style bungalows in Old Dhaka. One of the most famous was the Ruplal House (now derelict), built by the Armenian zamindar Aratoon. The religious life of the community revolved around the Armenian Church of the Holy Resurrection, built in 1781 on the ruins of an earlier chapel and cemetery. The land for the Armenian Church was originally gifted by the Armenian noble man Agha Catchick Minas, whose wife died in 1764 and is buried inside the church.

The Armenian Church stands today like a quiet and dignified monument amidst the frenzied urban growth surrounding it. Residential apartment towers dwarf its two-story structure and the belfry (or the bell tower). The oblong plan of the church is a simple basilica type with a double-height nave flanked by a pair of one-story, 14-foot wide arcades that open to the surrounding graveyard. The three-tier bell tower, capped with a conical roof, on the west provides a square-shaped and arched vestibule, followed by a ceremonial entrance to the nave.

The high boundary wall around the Armenian Church in Dhaka shields the property from rampant land speculation that characterises the capital city today. The main entrance to the site is from the east, near the circular apse. Visitors must walk through the graveyard all the way to the western forecourt of the church. Reading the tombstones of the graveyard feels like a journey back to a time when the Armenians played pivotal roles in the life of the city.

On April 26, 2016, at a regular meeting of leaders of the factions represented in the City Hall of the Basque Country (Spain) Gipuskoa Province’s capital city of Donostia (San Sebastian), the following institutional statement was issued, which was later approved by the Mayor on May 5.

Donostia (San Sebastian) City Hall:

1. At this difficult time, conveys its support to Stepanakert, reiterating the right of its citizens to peaceful and normal life.

2. Calls upon all the parties to return to the situation prior to the ceasefire violations and to refrain from hindering the creation of a mechanism, which will allow monitoring the ceasefire maintenance.

3. Calls upon all the parties to settle all the disagreements between them in the frameworks of the Minsk Group, through dialogue and negotiation, always respecting the will of the people.

4. In this regard, requests on Nagorno Karabakh having its own voice at the negotiations conducted by the Minsk Group on Nagorno Karabakh.

MEPs have stopped work on plans to give Turks visa-free access to the EU’s Schengen zone, putting a wider migrant deal in doubt, accoridng to .

Group leaders in the European Parliament’s “conference of presidents” quietly suspended work on the file last Wednesday. Some of the lead MEPs on the dossier, the group coordinators in the civil liberties committee (LIBE), found out about the suspension on Monday (9 May).

“The military action unleashed by Azerbaijan and the latter’s provocative actions on the diplomatic level have deadlocked the negotiation process,” Spokesman for the NKR President David Babayan told .

“Now Azerbaijan is trying to present Armenia and Artsakh as a non-constructive party,” he said.

“This comes to prove Azerbaijan is not ready for negotiations,” Babayan said, adding that “resumption of talks is possible only in case

“It’s very difficult to revitalize the negotiation process, but even is talks resume, the discussions will start from the very first stage, and will not focus on final political solutions,” Babayan said.

As a first step the Spokesman pointed to the necessary to implement the mechanisms for investigation of border incidents. “Without this it will be impossible to proceed to the discussion of political issues,” he noted.

Both official Stepanakert and official Yerevan have always stressed the importance of implementation of this measure. This is the basis, which the future talks should build upon.

He said the four-day war has caused a great harm to the negotiation process, and speaking about political issues after Azeri aggression would be illogical.

According to Babayan, speaking about any new document is untimely. “One thing is clear. There can be no return to the past, with regard to borders and status. Artsakh must be able to defend itself without outer interference,” he said.

At the meeting of the Executive Board of the Republican Party of Armenia, President Serzh Sargsyan has proposed three important steps needed for resumption of the negotiation process, Spokesman for the Republican Party of Armenia Edward Sharmazanov told reporters after the sitting.

“First, it’s necessary to implement mechanisms of investigation of border incidents; second, the statements of the international community must be more targeted; third, there should be guarantees that Azerbaijan will not undertake new aggression and terrorist acts against NKR people,” Sharmazanov said.

“Speaking about resumption of negotiations is untimely now , as the military actions continue, as Azerbaijan continues to violate the 1994 ceasefire agreement signed with Artsakh and Armenia, as well as the verbal agreement reached in Moscow,” he said.

The Regional Assembly of Sicily became the 105^th local self-government body in Italy to recognize the Armenian Genocide.

In a resolution unanimously adopted by the Assembly on April 20 the lawmakers express their solidarity with the struggle of the Armenian people aimed at recognition of the historic reality.

The resolution calls on the Sicilian regional authorities and the national government to support the events aimed at recognition of the Armenian Genocide and disseminate information about historic facts for the sake of peace, democracy and the right of peoples of self-determination.

The measure was authored by MPs Cordaro Salvatore, (D’Asero Antonino, Papale Alfio and Grasso Bernadette Felice.