ANKARA: Clashes At The Azerbaijani-Armenian Border Leave One Azerbai

CLASHES AT THE AZERBAIJANI-ARMENIAN BORDER LEAVE ONE AZERBAIJANI SOLDIER DEAD

Journal of Turkish Weekly
July 30 2013

By Nuray Atmaca

30 July 2013

The Azerbaijani Defense Ministry said in an official statement that
the petty officer, Abdullayev Kainat (24) lost his life, as a result
of the violation of the cease-fire agreement by the Armenian army. The
incident occurred along the border line near the region of Tartar,
close to the village of Caylı, according to Anadolu Agency.

The number of soldiers died through opened fire by Armenian troops
in 2013, reached a total number of 9.

http://www.turkishweekly.net/news/153665/clashes-at-the-azerbaijani-armenian-border-leave-one-azerbaijani-soldier-dead.html

STAR Trade Chain To Shortly Launch Bankruptcy Procedure

STAR TRADE CHAIN TO SHORTLY LAUNCH BANKRUPTCY PROCEDURE
by Elita Babayan

ARMINFO
Tuesday, July 30, 18:33

STAR trade chain will shortly launch the bankruptcy procedure by
legal means. ArmInfo has been told by reliable sources working with
the trade chain that the restructuring of STAR, which was a large
trade chain once, has been completed and is restricted to division
of the chain into separate food stores.

To recall, earlier STAR CEO Theodore Ticherich told ArmInfo that STAR
had introduced a new model of retail business, which would allow
solving the problems of the trade chain. She refuted the rumors
that the European company Intermax Limited was going to become an
investment partner of STAR. She confirmed that STAR was negotiating
with new foreign investors. She added that depending on the commercial
opportunities and the suppliers’ willingness to cooperate with the
company, the debt to the suppliers would be redeemed stage by stage
within 2013-2014. Theodore Ticherich assured that the first results
of the efforts on stabilization of the situation in the company
would be observed within the following 6-9 months. She added that
STAR intended to change the distribution system, which would result
in the change of the price policy and assortment.

To recall, STAR trade chain changed its shareholder in August 2011. It
was Viest Assets Ltd. In September 2011 STAR Divide acquired the
network of Fresh supermarkets and Catherine stores. By that time the
trade chain numbered 30 supermarkets. In mid 2012 Theodore Ticherich
(specialist from Serbia) was appointed new CEO at STAR. She “inherited”
big debts to suppliers and a number of unprofitable branches, whose
activities have been suspended under the optimization policy.

Hello Yerevan Faction Sends Letter To Justice Minister

HELLO YEREVAN FACTION SENDS LETTER TO JUSTICE MINISTER

Tuesday,
July 30

On behalf of ‘Hello Yerevan’ faction of the Yerevan Council of Elders,
Anahit Bakhshian has sent a letter to Armenian Justice Minister Hrayr
Tovmasian, the press service of the faction said.

Ms. Bakhshian asks the minister to clarify the lawfulness of Yerevan
mayor’s decision No. 3104-A of 18 June 2013, by which the mayor’s
advisors were appointed as persons responsible for various spheres.

“I would ask you to clarify the legality of the decision to make
persons, who hold conceptual positions, responsible for spheres,
when in that case these persons receive the right to give orders
and/or instructions to officials who are experts working in those
spheres and to control the work of such persons, although the mayor
has four deputies.

In particular, in accordance with the abovementioned decision, the
mayor’s advisor Alik Gevorgian coordinates and controls work of the
Transport Department of the Municipality. In other words, the head
of the Transport Department Henrik Navasardian is subordinate to
the mayor’s advisor who holds a conceptual position, whereas the
transport department head is a community official,” the faction’s
statement reads.

TODAY, 19:32

Aysor.am

Iranian Deputy FM: Dividing Egyptian People Serves Enemies’ Interest

IRANIAN DEPUTY FM: DIVIDING EGYPTIAN PEOPLE SERVES ENEMIES’ INTERESTS

Tue Jul 30, 2013 4:32

TEHRAN (FNA)- Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister for Arab and African
Affairs Hossein Amir Abdollahian criticized certain Egyptian
institutions for separating the country’s people into different groups,
and warned that such a move merely serves the interests of the enemies.

Amir Abdollahian reiterated that dividing the Egyptian people into
different groups and the support of some Egyptian institutes for one
side of the dispute has not contributed to problem solving, and has
on the contrary deepened the dimensions of the crisis in Egypt.

This is a method that would please only the enemies of Egypt, he told
the Islamic republic news agency.

Egypt plunged into violence after the country’s army ousted President
Mohammed Mursi, suspended the constitution, and dissolved the
parliament on July 3. The military overthrow followed days of mass
protests against Mursi.

The army also declared chief justice of Egypt’s Supreme Constitutional
Court, Adly Mansour, as interim president.

Earlier this month, the Egyptian Prosecutor General ordered the arrest
of Muslim Brotherhood leaders, including the supreme leader of the
group, Mohammed Badie, on charges of inciting violence.

http://english.farsnews.com/newstext.aspx?nn=13920508000377

Bias, Neglect Hurt Writers Conference

BIAS, NEGLECT HURT WRITERS CONFERENCE

By Lucine Kasbarian, USA, 27 July 2013

“Armenian writers who, as a result of bitter fate, create in foreign
languages are not foreigners, but faithful and dedicated ambassadors
of their Armenian blood and spirit in non-Armenian surroundings.”

— Sarkis Guiragossian, Aztag daily, 2005

There are several schools of thought about how to behave in a foreign
country. “When in Rome, do as the Romans do,” is one such advisory.

But – and I’m really thinking of Armenia-Diaspora relations, what
about a self-identifying Roman whose family has been in exile for
several generations? What if this individual often visited Rome and
participated in its culture with an eye on solidarity with its people?

And what if Rome was in economic and political turmoil, and the people
were leaving in droves? Could one then afford to merely “do as the
Romans do?”

Such questions arose in my mind during my recent 40-day stay in
Armenia and Artsakh, which concluded in my participation in the
Fifth Conference of Writers of Armenian Origin Composing in Foreign
Languages. The conference took place July 11 to 15 at the Writer’s
House in Tsaghgatsor, 40 km northeast of Yerevan.

Sponsored by the Diaspora Ministry, the Armenian Writer’s Union (AWU),
and the Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU), the Conference
hosted about 40 writers from Armenia, Artsakh, Canada, England,
France, Hungary, Iran, Kuwait, Lebanon, the Netherlands, Poland,
Russia, Sweden, Syria, Turkey, and the USA.

An often-heard comment from Diasporan repatriates to Armenia is that
its positives are not trumpeted frequently enough in the global
Armenian news media. While the majority of Diaspora Armenians
who write about Armenia’s problems are not people who want to see
this country fail but people who wish to see Armenia succeed, it
would still serve us to indulge in some well-deserved praise. As an
example, the Tsaghgatsor conference is an outstanding concept that has
been made into a reality. Where else do we have writers of Armenian
descent gathering with the potential to testify, network, brainstorm,
cross-pollinate ideas and sow the seeds for future collaborations?

The conference mainly involves writers of literary fiction and poetry,
with some non-fiction writers also participating.

Unable to establish contact with the organizers while in the U.S.,
I visited the Diaspora Ministry while in Yerevan to register for the
conference. Even then, bringing copies of the books I’d written,
I did not know if I’d be accepted. In prior years writers did not
apply for participation but were selected for inclusion, and often
through recommendations from the AWU. I believe this practice is
still in effect, but really should not be.

Though I had, in previous years, inquired about attending
the Diaspora Ministry’s media conferences and receiving its
e-newsletters, my requests had inexplicably gone unanswered. One
Diasporan editor-colleague suggested that I not hold my breath for
an invitation to conferences sponsored by the Diaspora Ministry. He
had observed that many writers reporting about the more “unflattering”
aspects of the Armenian reality were excluded from such gatherings. To
my advantage, no one at the ministry office appeared to check into
my suitability before accepting me into the conference. Thus, this
article is the result of my opportunity to bear witness to what
happens at such gatherings.

Headphones at various Diaspora conferences are important because
they enable non-Armenian speaking attendees to receive simultaneous
translations of the proceedings and thus contribute to the discourse.

The absence of headphones at the conference was alarming, especially
as the stated purpose of the conference was to spotlight those who
write in foreign languages.

Not surprisingly, several attendees told me that they felt like
outsiders at the conference, as no official provision was made to
consistently translate. And, as several presenters were not given an
opportunity to have their speeches or works translated for the benefit
of those present, some delegates told me that they felt like unwanted
step-children invited under false pretenses, since they were unable
to participate in whatever minimal dialogue there was–figuratively
put into a corner as if punished or trivialized for not knowing the
lingua franca.

As it turns out, history was repeating itself. An article in the
Armenian Mirror-Spectator of November 2011 reported that no formal
translation services were provided at the Conference of Armenian
Writers in Foreign Languages, held in October of that year. If this
conference is to continue, it is crucial that official translators
be provided.

Half the conference participants hailed from Armenia and Artsakh. The
proceedings, held in the Eastern Armenian dialect, seemed to serve
the native Armenians first, and then, to a lesser degree, Diasporans
who spoke Armenian. Writers in the latter category were generally
limited to either a 5-minute presentation on a stated theme or a brief
description of their new work. How could they not help but feel as
if the defacto purpose of the conference was not to spotlight their
poetic artistry and perceptions but to be “talked at” and prohibited
from participating in a meaningful way? An opportunity for genuine
intellectual discussion was missed. If this conference is to continue
(the next one, in 2015, with the Armenian Genocide as its theme), the
above aspects must change. Perhaps one new approach could feature the
creation of subgroups within a conference, wherein more participants
can express their views.

A Forum to Present Ideas

The main themes and activities of the conference centered on
“Globalization and National Identity” in which participants read works
or observations on globalization (in the multicultural sense rather
than the economic). The conference included a session on William
Saroyan. Essays, remembrances and poems about the writer were read
aloud. There was also a session on new books, in which participants
introduced their new works.

Well-known academics in Armenia steered the conference, including
three long-time fixtures on the literary front in Armenia. Each has
published large bodies of work and dedicated himself to literature.

What was astounding, however, was how each comported himself. These
men acted like commissars whose objectives were to attempt to control
public opinion or its natural expression. Some took 45 minutes
to speak while allowing others only 5 minutes, commanding some to
ampopeh! (abbreviate!). They would interrupt and angrily contradict
other writers with whom they disagreed. They gave their favorite
persons – some of them not even conference delegates – more time to
present their work. They acted as arbiters of which presentations
were worthy of translation. And if a session ran long, it was usually
a Diasporan delegate asked to relinquish his time to talk.

There were other local participants who were discourteous to
delegates. The rule of thumb seemed to be, “unless you are presenting
your own speech or paper, you should feel free to hold loud and
lengthy side conversations with others, work on your laptop, take
phone calls or launch your Facebook page.”

Upon witnessing these behaviors, I decided to use my 5 minutes not to
talk about Globalization and National Identity in the literal sense,
but in what our dispersion could help us achieve in the long term. I
discussed what I’d like to see happen at future conferences.

This included a desire to see the participation of the Armenian
Journalists Union, the Yerevan Press Club, Diasporan newspaper editors
and contributors, Armenian and Diasporan publishers, booksellers,
librarians and translators so that we may interact and grow into a
massive, persuasive literary force in our respective communities and
the world. I wished to see some of our best books being published
in Armenia today – in the Armenian language as well as in foreign
languages – be presented at future conferences so that we can find
ways to introduce and sell them in the Diaspora. I asked to hear from
our best editors and translators – both from Armenia and the Diaspora
-discussing our best contemporary writers as well as those famous
works that have yet to be translated into foreign languages but deserve
to be, and how we can make that a reality. I asked that we encourage
young generations of writers to participate in these conferences and
for specialists to be invited to talk about developments in the craft
and business of writing, or even how one can become a “literary agent”
who can represent global Armenian writers to foreign publishers so
that the world can know of our great talents.

And I asked that we think about the creation of a global Armenian
writers society that can provide lectures and job banks and even
develop a national agenda around what sorts of articles or novels
could be useful to the Armenian people and nation in the foreign
press at any given time.

While my remarks generated comments of support from some delegates,
the organizers themselves were visibly riled, sought to marginalize
the remarks, and did not permit me to translate my own words from
the Armenian into the English.

A few Diasporan delegates later approached me to tell me that some of
the issues I raised had come up at previous conferences. Some told
me that hackneyed speeches they could not bear to hear repeated had
brought about apathy at the conference. Others told me that since they
brought up similar issues at previous conferences to no avail, they
now simply tried to benefit from the valuable networking opportunities
such a conference provides. Sure enough, when delegates had a chance
to interact with one another during free periods, many profoundly
collegial, sincere and abiding connections were made.

Later, a senior Armenian-American writer offered his views to me. He
said that by speaking out at the conference, I was giving organizers
further reason to be defensive and protective over their respective
turfs. He suggested that we “work within the system” to help the
society evolve, a comment I often heard from Diasporan repatriates
working for NGOs. Since the senior writer in question received
literary medals from the Diaspora Ministry and AWU (one at the fourth
conference, and one at this fifth conference), I wondered if that is
why he was willing to go along with the status quo. If so, is this
not a short-sighted action that helps keep the corrupt in power?

Propaganda Ministry?

On the last day of the conference, the delegates were shown a
promotional video extolling the achievements of the Diaspora (or
should I say, Propaganda?) Ministry. By then, I had concluded that the
purpose of the conference was not to give us space to think and share,
but to tell us what to think. A conference participant approached the
lectern during the closing session to say that an opportunity was not
provided for delegates to converse during the presentations or offer
feedback at the close of the conference. She had also hoped that
delegates would get an idea of what the AWU’s objectives and goals
were, in general and surrounding this conference. Instead of being
asked to listen throughout the conference, she said that delegates
could have discussed issues and talked about what the AWU and the
Diaspora Ministry could do – such as promoting and funding Armenian
literature abroad — instead of asking delegates to listen to praise
about the ministry and established writers about whom we already knew
so much. In response to this delegate, who was, of course, told to
keep her comments short, an organizer took all the time he needed
to rebut the delegate’s comments, even though his response did not
address her concerns. As he raised his voice to her, he said she was
not raised with manners in her country of origin and was told to put
her complaints in writing. Luckily, there were a number of dedicated
and efficient people–like Hermine Navasardyan of the AWU and Greta
Mnatsakanyan of the Diaspora Ministry–who demonstrated professionalism
as well as sincere affection and camaraderie to the delegates.

To dispel any notions that there may have been a unilateral “us and
them” attitude among delegates, let me add that a local delegate later
told me that she and other members of the Writer’s Union had, in the
past, raised the same sorts of concerns to the leadership. Learning of
their discontent sowed seeds of hope within me. Imagine if like-minded
Armenia and Diaspora writers independently and routinely met with an
eye, not just to foster mutual understanding, but also to cultivate
literary (and dare I say nation-building) initiatives?

When, on the last day of the conference, our group met with Diaspora
Minister Hranush Hakobyan, a conference organizer announced that we
had had a “significant discussion” about globalization and the national
identity. When that discussion occurred is beyond my comprehension. I
did notice, however, that for his presentation to the minister,
he had English and Russian translators.

Hakobyan, in her words of welcome to the delegates, made five requests
of attendees. These were quite mystifying, since writers in the
Diaspora have been pursuing these avenues for some time with apparently
little involvement from the Armenian government, and moreover,
with the hope that Armenia would pursue the same initiatives. She
asked that writers of the Diaspora collect Genocide survivor stories
to publish for 2015; write about Hai Tahd in non-Armenian media;
educate non-Armenian writers through networking about Hai Tahd;
influence Turkish journalists, especially those writing truthfully
about Armenian issues; and insist on our rightful demands as the
Diaspora as well as a global nation.

Being late for our meeting with Minister Hakobyan, we observed her
excusing herself to officiate at a large gathering of Diasporan youth
participating in the “Ari Tun” (“Come Home” ) program in which they
spend two weeks developing bonds with Armenia. Initially asked to
view a video about what the Diaspora Ministry was doing to resettle
Syrian-Armenians in Armenia, the writers were instead ushered in to
join a large celebratory gathering for the “Ari Tun” participants.

The event was attended by a slew of journalists and filmed for national
television. Minister Hakobyan then took the opportunity to bestow the
William Saroyan Literary Medal upon two Diasporan writers from the
conference for “contributing to the dissemination of Armenian culture
in the Diaspora and making great contributions to the strengthening
of relations between Armenia and the Diaspora and relations within
Diaspora Armenian communities.”

I believe Diasporan writer who attend such a conference do so
with enthusiasm and cooperation. Judging by how attentive Diasporan
delegates were, I can say that they demonstrated a respectful attitude
toward their fellow participants and hosts. However, the behaviors of
the conference leadership and some local writers made it difficult to
maintain a respectful atmosphere. It was as if the hosts insisted on
having the upper hand instead of seeing Armenia and the Diaspora as
two parts of a fully functioning body. In the end, though great effort
was put into the initiative, the conference was largely self-defeating
and wasteful. For future conferences to be successful, they have to
have a more comprehensive and clearly stated purpose, along with
better organization and respect by conference leaders/organizers
toward attendees.

http://www.keghart.com/Kasbarian-Writers

Armenia: Can A Bus Boycott Lead To Shift In The Political Dynamic?

ARMENIA: CAN A BUS BOYCOTT LEAD TO SHIFT IN THE POLITICAL DYNAMIC?

By admin

Updated: July 29, 2013

By Marianna Grigoryan

It was a bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama, back in 1955 that
catalyzed the civil rights movement in the United States. These days
in Armenia, some observers believe a recent bus boycott in Yerevan
may reinvigorate the country’s democratization process.

The Yerevan public transport boycott started July 20, after the city
government decided to raise transportation fares in Armenia’s capital
city by at least 50 percent – a move that many saw as benefiting
private companies with perceived ties to pro-government politicians.

Hundreds of protesters, mostly young people, took to the streets to
express their anger, boycotting public transportation and standing at
bus stops with posters that demanded the city government reinstate
the former 100-dram (about 25 cents) fare. To support the campaign,
some celebrities also started a carpooling campaign that offered free
rides to people all over the city.

The strategy worked. After five days, Yerevan Mayor Taron Margarian,
a leader of the governing Republican Party of Armenia (RPA), reversed
the price hike, while hinting that an increase was still possible in
the future.

“No doubt, this is a victory,” stressed Stepan Safarian, a senior
member of the opposition Heritage Party. “Society made authorities
understand that [people] will no longer . . . put up with robbery
and the violation of its rights.”

Sociologist Isabella Sarksian, a former prominent civil-rights
activist, added that the boycott may motivate young Armenians to get
more civically active. “Civil society is developing thanks to constant
large and small initiatives, through the media, Internet penetration,
and so on,” Sarksian said. “The most important thing is that young
people have realized their power.”

Boycotters celebrated their victory by drinking champagne and waving
Armenian flags in the streets. Yet, given the country’s recent history
of mass protests leading nowhere, the question remains about whether
the boycott has permanently altered the political dynamic in Yerevan.

Past protests generated large crowds complaining about everything
from oligarchs’ alleged immunity from prosecution for wrongdoing to
alleged rigging of national elections. But such mass actions didn’t
push political leaders to make lasting policy changes. The most
recent example of this phenomenon was Raffi Hovhannisian’s short-lived
“Barevolution” over the 2013 presidential election results.

Independent political analyst Yervand Bozoian believes the bus
boycott could be different. “Authorities were simply terrified by
this situation, and we can name this a triumph,” Bozoian said. “The
movement put forward a very specific problem and solved it, which
means this can be continued in the future.”

Although pushed off balance by the boycott, RPA leaders continue to
exude confidence in their authority. Some party leaders stressed that
they still control the country’s political agenda. “If the government
wants, it can stop the movement in a night,” declared the Republican
Party’s fiery deputy chairperson, Galust Sahakian, at a July 25 news
conference. The government, however, “has no such wish,” he added.

“I do not want these protest actions to fade away,” Sahakian continued,
calling them, in a rare show of RPA support for demonstrations,
“very positive.” He urged the public, though, “to show restraint and
not act as heroes.”

Some observers expect the government to study the lessons of the
boycott and try to take action to prevent similar popular protests
in the future. But Tsovinar Nazarian, an activist with The Army in
Reality, a group that promotes awareness of alleged abuses in the
Armenian army, contends this boycott movement is more resistant to
government pressure than previous mass protests.

Nazarian suggested that the boycott had enjoyed more initial success
than earlier anti-government outburst, but stopped short of labeling it
a “victory.” The boycott’s most significant aspect is it showed that
Armenian young people could come up with creative ways to address
problems, she said. “Authorities, indeed, are trying and will try
to govern the movement through their people and methods, but they
will hardly succeed in this,” Nazarian asserted. “Neither will they
manage to stop this wave of young people when they face new issues
and problems.”

Not all analysts subscribed to the idea that the boycott marks
a civil-society turning point. One of the skeptics, independent
political analyst Armen Badalian, contended that the boycott was not
so much a spontaneous expression of public frustration, but more of an
orchestrated initiative designed to erode Mayor Margarian’s political
standing. Magarian has been rumored to be a possible Republican Party
presidential candidate to succeed the incumbent, Serzh Sargsyan.

“It is impossible for people to go out into the streets spontaneously
and be organized like this, and have the right slogan,” argued
Badalian. “This was mere PR that served its purpose – it harmed
Taron Margarian.”

Safarian, the opposition Heritage party politician, sees hope for
lasting change in the country’s political culture in the not-so-distant
future. “Even if we don’t say that a civil society has been formed
in Armenia, we can definitely state that society has become smarter”
about how it goes about securing change, he said.

Marianna Grigoryan is a freelance reporter based in Yerevan and editor
of MediaLab.am.

http://massispost.com/archives/9111

Fare Change: Reigniting The Torch

FARE CHANGE: REIGNITING THE TORCH

Monday, July 29th, 2013

BY MARIA TITIZIAN

The generation that rallied in Liberty Square as the sun was
setting on the Soviet Union, ultimately secured the liberation of a
small fragment of Historic Armenia. Their resolve and tenacity was
transformative for the Armenian nation. They fought and won a war that
liberated Artsakh and ensured the right to self-determination for its
people. That generation was instrumental in elevating the social and
political consciousness of society by laying down the cornerstones
of what would become a shared space, community, solidarity; they not
only sought consensus they intuitively molded it. There was faith,
hope and social cohesion – they sustained and navigated the nation
through some of its darkest and finest hours.

The torch that was lit by the Karabakh Movement generation and which
illuminated our world, after a quarter of a century of poor governance,
reckless and sometimes negligent behavior by successive regimes had
started to fade and was nearly extinguished. The fabric of social
oneness that had propelled us to victory and had given us the vigor to
survive had frayed and become tattered and threadbare. We no longer
cared about one another. We had switched gears to survival mode. We
identified ourselves as individualistic, of lacking the tools and
characteristics needed to build community and secure cohesiveness.

By having to shoulder the burden of poor policies and absence of
vision, we no longer saw ourselves faithfully mirrored on the precept
upon which our society was structured and we turned inward, became
selfish and disengaged.

Some political parties and their leaders rode the crest of social
discontent, which ushered them onto the platforms of Liberty Square.

With voices rising and fists waving, they promised change and
fundamental reforms, they said, “Vote for me,” “Stand by me,” “Believe
in me,” “Trust me” and I shall deliver you from this misery. Their
rhetoric was sometimes divisive, sometimes inspired but mostly opaque.

They instilled hope and eventually failed because of their folly and
vanity. While some failed because of their divisiveness and hatred,
others were unsuccessful because of their lack of vision and strategy.

The days of men standing on platforms in squares named after freedom
promising a brighter future seem to be over. A new story is being
imagined.

The youth of Armenia, tired of waiting for that elusive leader to
lead them to a better place have begun to change the paradigm and
are writing a new narrative. They are taking matters into their own
hands, implementing mechanisms that might not see the fruition of
their immediate objectives but which will surely serve as the building
blocks for fundamental, institutional change in the future.

The spontaneous protests that erupted in Yerevan last week after Mayor
Daron Margaryan announced a bus fare hike from 100 drams to 150 drams
(a 50% increase) left many of us trying to catch our breath. The
outpouring of discontent illustrated the resolve and fearlessness of
a young new breed of citizen.

The children of the Karabakh Movement generation, 25 years on,
returned not to the square in massive numbers like their parents
but to the corners and streets of Yerevan. They were relentless and
committed, they were sometimes organized, sometimes not but they were
most definitely guided by a sense of ownership and most importantly,
they acted as a single, living, breathing organism. They reminded
us of what collective action could mean and pulled us into their
imagination and made us believe again.

The 50 dram increase may seem inconsequential to the rest of the world
but to the residents of Yerevan and the protesters it was about more
than just a few cents. It was a 50 percent increase in transit fees
with no promise of improvement or regulation in services. It was an
increase that would have made using public transportation untenable for
many who survive on less than a few dollars a day. It was an increase
that led to week-long protests and civic actions that revealed the deep
discontent and anger brewing under the surface of composed demeanor. It
started out with articles and statuses written on the pages of social
media, it moved to bus stops and street corners, it brought out young
people and not only; it was a spontaneous yet powerful reaction to
yet another measure that was deemed unfair and arbitrary.

Perhaps Mayor Daron Margaryan thought that no one would raise an
eyebrow in the middle of the hot summer months when students are not
in school and life slows down even more as people take their holidays.

It’s likely that he didn’t calculate the explosion of protest that
expressed itself in so many different ways on so many different
levels. He didn’t count on well known personalities, from actors to
comedians to journalists to singers finally taking a stand with the
people. Their initiatives shifted the nature and depth of the protest.

It also shifted our self-awareness. People began helping one another.

Strangers gave free rides to other strangers in their cars. The
concept of car pooling spread like wildfire, Facebook pages were set
up as were websites (freecar.am) where people offering free rides
posted their schedules on line so that those who needed rides could
benefit from them. Nurses set up temporary medical services in case
people required them. People started handing out water bottles to
the protesters stationed throughout the city at various bus stops
encouraging commuters not to pay the new 150 dram bus fare but to
keep on paying the old 100 dram fare. They printed out signs, handed
them out, and stuck them on the windows of buses. One sign read,
“You paid 100 drams? Let me give you a hug.” And they did, I was the
lucky beneficiary of one of those hugs.

There was an excitement and enchantment in the city but something
much more profound took place. A sense of community and solidarity was
developed. Citizen helping citizen. Young helping old, old helping the
young, there was encouragement and cheer and laughter and assistance.

No one was leading and yet everyone was leading the charge, they
were magically synchronized, there was above all else love. At the
end of the day, that’s what was missing, love toward one another,
love toward the city, the country, the nation…

I’ve been living here long enough to know that things aren’t going to
change overnight, that there is still a long fight ahead of us, but
this 100 dram movement has changed something. Henceforward, everyone
from elected officials to bureaucrats knows that their every step is
being watched and they will have to be accountable to the people. And
those young kids, standing for hours in the heat at the different
bus stops will grow up one day and they will be elected officials or
bureaucrats and they will remember their protests, their demands for
fairness and justice and transparency and they will be just a little
more careful than the ones in power today because they will know that
the next generation will be demanding accountability from them. This
new breed of citizen is much more savvy and knowledgeable about the
world than their parents were. They know how to employ methods and
mechanisms to ensure some measure of transparency and accountability
and boy are they good at it.

We are slowly and painfully building the foundations of civil society
and good governance, we are gradually elevating the collective social
consciousness, and in the process we are re-inventing the responsible
and engaged citizen.

It is an exciting time in Yerevan as the young protesters continue
their pressure on officials at City Hall. The generation that led
the Karabakh Movement should be very proud of their children who
have reignited the torch they first lit, who may not be liberating
the lands of Historic Armenia but who are playing an integral role
in the process of nation-building.

http://asbarez.com/112184/fare-change-reigniting-the-torch/

Experts Evaluate Deep And Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement Talks W

EXPERTS EVALUATE DEEP AND COMPREHENSIVE FREE TRADE AGREEMENT TALKS WITH EU

10:46, 30 July, 2013

YEREVAN, JULY 30, ARMENPRESS: The rise of the Armenia’s role for the
West will bring to the increase of the political weight as well.

This was reported to Armenpress by the political expert Hrant
Melik-Shakhnazaryan, touching upon the completion of the negotiations
between the Republic of Armenia and the European Union on the Deep
and Comprehensive Free Trade Zone Establishment Agreement.

According to Hrant Melik-Shakhnazaryan, Armenia could become a
platform, where the two strong centers could cooperate in the economic
and political fields, thus contributing to the stability of the region,
which is, certainly, a necessity for Russia, Iran and Europe. “This
will further provide the official Yerevan with the opportunity to
conduct a more flexible policy and using the agreement, we will try to
become a more leading country in the region”, – said the political
expert. Concerning the issue of the closed border with Turkey,
Hrant Melik-Shakhnazaryan expressed his hope that the signing of the
Association Agreement will contribute to the opening of the border.

The economist Vardan Bostanjyan stated that the value system and
the democracy level are higher in Europe and the civilized world
is wishing to go that way. “I cannot say by now what it will give
Armenia. Though we should form and root the democracy values and
human rights in our country”, – said the economist.

The independent studies show that in the long term prospect the
Armenia’s economy can obtain additional ~@146 million and a GDP growth
of 2,3%. 15,2% growth is expected from the export from Armenia and
8,2% from import, which in the long term prospect will bring to the
improvement of the trade balance of Armenia. In its turn the European
Union intends to get ~@74 million.

http://armenpress.am/eng/news/727676/experts-evaluate-deep-and-comprehensive-free-trade-agreement-talks-with-eu.html

Destruction Of Armenian Houses In Mus Partially Suspended

DESTRUCTION OF ARMENIAN HOUSES IN MUS PARTIALLY SUSPENDED

[ Part 2.2: “Attached Text” ]

11:46, 30 July, 2013

YEREVAN, JULY 30, ARMENPRESS: The destruction process of the Armenian
houses in the Kale District of MuÅ~_ Province has been partially
suspended. As reported by Armenpress, quoting the Turkish Radikal
Periodical, this was published by the Van Protection Committee.

Garo Paylyan, implementing works related to the Armenian heritage in
Anatolia, touched upon the destruction of the Armenian houses in the
Kale District of MuÅ~_ Province, stating in particular:

“The members of the Van Protection Committee have registered one
house. For the preservation of the original architecture it is
necessary to recognize that territory as a special protection area
by the Protection Committee”. Garo Paylyan noted that the Armenian
traces in the MuÅ~_ Province are being preserved, though the 80%
of the district has already been demolished.

“The history of not only Armenians but also MuÅ~_ Province is being
ruined. There were times when there were 299 churches, 94 temples,
53 sanctuaries and 135 schools, where 5,699 pupils were studying. They
were demolished one by one. We have started an initiative to protect
the remaining 3 streets. The Armenian structures ofAnatolia are being
rapidly demolished”, – said Garo Paylyan.

In the framework of the urban renewal project the Housing Development
Administration of Turkey (TOKI) intends to build 864 residential
houses and 107 offices in the place of the Armenian houses in the
Kale District of MuÅ~_. The TOKI has agreed with the 85% of the local
population to carry out the reconstruction works on the territory of
about 60,000 square meters.

Many of the local population, living in the Kale District of
MuÅ~_ Province, refuse to take the money suggested by the Housing
Development Administration of Turkey and leave their houses. The
TOKI representatives announced that in any case they will demolish
the houses and if the population does not leave voluntarily, their
goods as well will remain under ruins.

An electronic signature collection has been organized against the
demolition of the historical Armenian houses in the MuÅ~_ Province,
the initiators of which appealed to join them and prohibit the
devastation of the last Armenian historical tracks in MuÅ~_.

“Armenians, Greeks and Assyrians are being subjected to genocide. The
process, launched by the genocide in 1915, is currently continuing
as a cultural and economic genocide. To kill a culture means to kill
the mankind. It is a historical genocide”, – says the statement.

The confiscation of properties of minority foundations dates back to
the early days of the Turkish Republic. The 1936 Law on Foundations,
known as the 1936 Declaration, ordered all foundations to submit a
property declaration listing immovable and other properties owned by
each and every foundation. Following the death of the nation’s founder
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, those property declarations were forgotten.

When the Cyprus problem escalated in the 1970s, the General
Directorate of Foundations asked non-Muslim foundations to resubmit
their regulations. Yet those foundations did not have such regulations
because of a practice during the Ottoman Empire where such foundations
could only be established by individual decrees of the sultan of the
day. After receiving a negative response from these foundations, the
General Directorate of Foundations made a ruling that the declarations
of 1936 would be considered their regulation. Unless these declarations
did not carry a special provision entitling the foundation to acquire
immovable property, the General Directorate expropriated all immovable
property acquired after 1936.These expropriation acts were in violation
of both the Lausanne agreement and property rights.

http://armenpress.am/eng/news/727686/destruction-of-armenian-houses-in-mu%C5%9F-partially-suspended.html

Modification De La Courbe Demographique : Des Experts De L’ONU Disen

MODIFICATION DE LA COURBE DEMOGRAPHIQUE : DES EXPERTS DE L’ONU DISENT QUE DES ALTERNATIVES AUX POLITIQUES ACTUELLES SONT NECESSAIRES

ARMENIE

Alors que le Parlement armenien discute d’un nouveau programme
du gouvernement recemment nomme, qui comprend egalement des
dispositions concernant les problèmes demographiques du pays, un
expert international en visite a Erevan a dit que les fonctionnaires
en Armenie devraient preter une attention non seulement a la promotion
de la natalite, mais egalement a resoudre les divers problèmes qui
preoccupent la population.

Lors d’une discussion tenue a l’Office des Nations Unies a Erevan
une representante adjointe du Fonds pour les populations des Nations
Unies (UNFPA) en Armenie Garik Hayrapetyan a dit bien que certains
projets ont ete realises en Armenie, a cet egard, comme les allocations
familiales, l’assistance gratuite aux l’accouchement, le logement pour
les jeunes familles, etc, qui directement ou indirectement visent
a ameliorer la situation demographique, il reste encore beaucoup a
faire pour s’attaquer au problème demographique dans le pays.

L’Armenie est actuellement classe parmi les pays a faible taux
de natalite. Au cours des dernières annees, l’indice de natalite
en Armenie a ete de 1,5 a 1,6 (pour 1000 personnes). Dans son
programme pour les cinq prochaines annees, le gouvernement prevoit
une augmentation de ce taux a 1,8.

” Un programme de cinq ans est un programme plutôt a court terme pour
la demographie et je ne suis pas sûr qu’il sera possible d’atteindre
certains objectifs, des programmes alternatifs doivent egalement etre
pris en compte ” a declare Garik Hayrapetyan, ajoutant qu’un expert
de l’UNFPA Ralph Hakkert a ete invite en Armenie pour voir quelles
alternatives pourraient etre offertes aux politiques actuelles.

Selon Hayrapetyan, sur la base de diverses donnees statistiques, une
recherche sera effectuee dans les prochains mois et des propositions
seront elaborees.

” Meme si l’Armenie parvient a augmenter son taux de natalite,
cela aura un effet a long terme, mais pas suffisant. Le faible
taux de natalite de l’Armenie est principalement liee au chômage
et a l’emigration, de sorte qu’il serait plus utile de commencer a
travailler sur ces problèmes ” a declare Ralph Hakkert.

Presentant l’experience de plusieurs pays visant a accroître les
taux de natalite, l’expert a note que la disposition des paiements
forfaitaires verses aux familles pour les naissances est inefficace,
et que de ce point de vue les avantages a long terme sont necessaires.

Il a cite l’exemple de la Macedoine, où pour un troisième et chaque
enfant suivant, l’Etat verse 150 $ par mois a la famille pour une
periode de 10 ans.

Hayrapetyan a dit qu’en Armenie le taux de natalite chez les femmes
âgees de plus de 35 est presque a un niveau zero, en attendant,
la plupart des femmes restent encore en mesure de donner naissances
pour les 14 prochaines annees. Selon lui, une politique doit peut etre
developpee pour utiliser le potentiel de fecondite des femmes matures.

” L’augmentation du taux de natalite exige un certain effort. Les
lois du travail doivent etre modifiees pour permettre aux gens de
se sentir en confiance quant a leur avenir et que sans aide qu’ils
pourront elever leurs enfants en raison de leurs propres emplois “, a
declare Hayrapetyan, ajoutant que les salaires des femmes qui prennent
des conges de maternite doivent etre maintenus a niveau de 80 a 85
pour cent du salaire d’origine et qu’elles ont aussi besoin d’etre
sûres pendant la periode d’absence du travail qu’elles ne perdront
pas leur emploi. En ce qui concerne le conge de paternite en Armenie,
selon Hayrapetyan, il y avait eu deux cas dans les provinces de Tavush
et de l’Ararat lors des deux dernières annees.

Par Gohar Abrahamian

ArmeniaNow

mardi 30 juillet 2013, Stephane ©armenews.com