Author: Kalantarian Kevo

SOMBRE ECUMENICAL SERVICE FOR FOUR CHILDREN KILLED IN DAMASCUS ATTACK

[ Part 2.2: “Attached Text” ]

AS ARABS AND CHRISTIANS GATHER TO PRAY, THE SERVICE IS PUNCTUATED BY
SIRENS OF AMBULANCES CARRYING CASUALTIES OF THE DAILY MORTAR ATTACKS

“A hymn, soft as a breeze, wends its way across the street from St
Sarkis Armenian church, circles round the Roman columns of the gate,
and rises over the heads of armed soldiers lolling beside a sandbagged
position.” Photograph: Louai Beshara/AFP/Getty Images

“A hymn, soft as a breeze, wends its way across the street from St
Sarkis Armenian church, circles round the Roman columns of the gate,
and rises over the heads of armed soldiers lolling beside a sandbagged
position.” Photograph: Louai Beshara/AFP/Getty Images

Michael Jansen

* Topics: * News * World * Middle East

Mon, Nov 18, 2013, 01:00

First published:Mon, Nov 18, 2013, 01:00

* * * *  

A flurry of mortars falling in the embattled countryside and the Old
City shakes Bab al-Sharqi, the Eastern Gate, putting to flight a flock
of pigeons roosting on rooftops of houses and shops ranged around
the small green park where youngsters in jeans and sweatshirts are
taking the sun. A merchant standing in the door of his shop warns:
“Don’t stay in the street. It’s very heavy today. Four children and
a driver of their school bus were killed here a week ago.”

A hymn, soft as a breeze, wends its way across the street from St
Sarkis Armenian church, circles round the Roman columns of the gate,
and rises over the heads of armed soldiers lolling beside a sandbagged
position.

Mortars, bombs and bullets are commonplace here. This neighbourhood
is mourning Venicyia Mikho (9) and Hovanis Autokanian, Majd Shehada
and Munir Sehoun (6), students at the Reosaleh school.

A Greek orthodox bishop in tall hat, a pectoral cross suspended from
a heavy chain on his chest, strides into the church. The service is
ecumenical, connecting the Arab and Armenian Christian communities
living in this place of peril.

They are being repeatedly targeted by radical Muslim fundamentalists
seeking to topple the secular Syrian government. Another five children
at St John of Damascus school died the same day as the four here.

Full church The church is filled with men and women, most in black,
as an Armenian cleric, in pointed black hood and purple robe presides
over solemn Communion taken by a few, men in suits and women hurriedly
covering their heads with scarves.

The Armenian Catholic bishop comes down the aisle, fresh from the
service at his church at Bab Touma, St Thomas’ Gate.

Mounted photographs of the dead children surrounded by paper roses
are placed before the splendid dark red velvet curtain, a simple
cross in gold and white embroidered at its centre, that veils the
altar but is opened and closed during the service.

The cleric reads out the names of the children in Armenian and Arabic
and speaks of their common Syrian “watan”, homeland, but when he
intones the word, “salam,” peace, mortars crash, loud, flat and
metallic into the fields beyond the gate. The choir in the balcony
strives mightily to sing above the din.

We file out of the church into the hall to convey condolences to the
parents of the children. Amira Hannah, a distraught distant relative of
Venicyia, can hardly speak. “I blame the terrorists, the armed groups.”

Antonis Mikho, Venicyia’s uncle who went to the hospital after the
strike, chokes. “I cannot describe by words . . . I saw children
completely covered in blood, mangled.”

Venicyia’s little sister Vergine holds out her hand, too shy to speak,
as several Muslim clerics, led by Ahmed Badreddin Hassoun, the grand
mufti of Damascus in his wide white turban and robe, sweep into the
crush of mourners. He speaks to each set of parents , sharing their
grief and shock. His 18- year-old son died violently 13 months ago.

Assassination threat Beyond the gate in the street, his heavily armed
escort waits. He has been threatened with assassination. No one is
safe here in Syria, great or small.

Today’s mortar toll in Damascus is eight: one slain outside Farouk
school at Bab al-Sharqi, three at Bab Touma, two in Baghdad Street
in the new city, and six near a bus garage in al-Abbassiyeen. None
of these places is a military site.

Ambulances carrying the dead and wounded shriek along the streets
until stopped and stymied in dense, seemingly immovable traffic jams.

or-four-children-killed-in-damascus-attack-1.1598023

YOUSUF KARSH’S STRIKING HISTORIC IMAGES AT THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY

Washington Post
Nov 18 2013

The first of two exhibits of the Armenian photographer’s work at the
National Portrait Gallery includes images of Winston Churchill and
Ernest Hemingway.

Photo: Sir Winston Churchill by Yousuf Karsh, 1941. The legendary
photograph is famous for its pure visual power as well as its
historical impact, according to Post art critic Philip Kennicott.

Karsh took the photo immediately after the prime minister delivered
a speech to the Canadian parliament. Karsh also plucked a cigar from
Churchill’s mouth, giving way to a scowl.

“That pique read as defiance, and the
image . . . helped define
Churchill’s reputation as a pugnacious and heroic last
bulwark against Hitler,” Kennicott writes. ” />

Winston Churchill

Sir Winston Churchill by Yousuf Karsh, 1941. The legendary photograph
is famous for its pure visual power as well as its historical
impact, according to Post art critic Philip Kennicott. Karsh took the
photo immediately after the prime minister delivered a speech to the
Canadian parliament. Karsh also plucked a cigar from Churchill’s mouth,
giving way to a scowl. “That pique read as defiance, and the image
.â~@~I.â~@~I. helped define Churchill’s reputation as a pugnacious
and heroic last bulwark against Hitler,” Kennicott writes.

View the photo gallery at

IT’S NOT A CRIME TO DESCRIBE SOMEONE AS A DENIER

The Daily Telegraph, Australia
Nov 18 2013

by: Sassoon Grigorian

ON Monday Andrew Bolt claimed “no debate is allowed” concerning a
visiting academic who disputes the Armenian genocide. The Armenian
genocide, which started on the eve of Anzac Day 1915, resulted in
the deaths of 1.5 million people.

Bolt goes on to say “time we thought with our brains” – well, on that
point I couldn’t agree further.

Justin McCarthy will speak at an event in the Australian parliament
this week. McCarthy is professor of history at the University of
Louisville and his area of focus is the history of the late Ottoman
Empire.

McCarthy’s view on the events of 1915 are killings which took place
on both sides as part of a civil war, rather than an intent to destroy
the Armenians.

READ ANDREW BOLT’S ARTICLE

The Turkish government, which denies the genocide, has a similar
point of view.

That puts him at odds with scholars who actually matter in this field,
the International Association of Genocide Scholars.

Australian Geoffrey Robertson QC, who published his opinion on the
matter in 2009 based on British documents, concluded the events
in 1915 were genocide, and said of McCarthy: “I do not regard his
analysis either as legally correct or as factually excluding a finding
of genocide.”

In Bolt’s blog (November 16) he says: “I do not know who is right. But
I do know who is wrong: those who try to shut down debates with the
most vile abuse.”

As far as I know McCarthy has been given the opportunity to air
his views.

In Turkey, Article 301, a controversial article of the Turkish
penal code, makes it illegal to insult Turkey, or Turkish government
institutions, and has been used to stifle debate and used against
writers and Nobel Prize recipient like Orhan Pamuk for stating the
truth in relation to the genocide.

What is Bolt’s view on that? Raphael Lemkin, who coined the term
genocide in 1944, based the term on what happened to the Armenians
in 1915 – nothing can be clearer than that. It’s not an abuse to
describe a denier – the public have a right to be informed.

What has this got to do with Australia? Many are unaware that one
of Australia’s first major international humanitarian relief efforts
was to help Armenian orphans from the genocide. There are literally
hundreds of examples.

This is not a distant issue.

Sassoon Grigorian was a senior adviser to former NSW premier Bob Carr

CHILDREN KILLED IN ATTACK NEAR DAMASCUS CHURCH AND SCHOOL

ChristianToday
Nov 18 2013

By: Cara Taylor
Jinishian Memorial Program

According to first-hand reports Monday afternoon from Jinishian
Memorial Program (JMP) staff in Syria, mortar shells targeted at St.

Sarkis Armenian Orthodox Church and school in Damascus caused the death
of six elementary students on November 11. The property is shared by
JMP, where two staff members witnessed the tragedy and offered help
to the children and their families.

Jinishian offices in Aleppo also endured violence Monday. “The
situation was very bad,” reports country director Talin Topalakian.

“Several mortar shells and bomb blasts caused damage in many houses
in Azizieh, which is a Christian area with many schools and churches.”

The area had also been without electricity and water for several days.

Still, partners in Syria hold on to hope. Talin adds: “We’re praying
and sure that God will give us enough patience and courage to [bear]
all these things.”

“This is a day of mourning,” says Jinishian executive director Eliza
Minasyan, “but also of resolve to continue bringing aid and hope
amidst these communities ravaged by violence.”

Compelled by the unrelenting crisis in Syria, in April the Jinishian
Memorial Program released substantial additional reserve funds to
Armenian communities in the war zone as well as refugees in Lebanon.

Initial moneys exceeding $150,000 were immediately available for
hands-on support in Aleppo and Beirut.

Amgad Beblawi, World Mission’s Coordinator for Middle East,
Central Asia and Europe observed, “This is an enormous, first-degree
humanitarian crisis.” Through locally-based staff, JMP action comes
at a critical moment offering Christian support.

The Jinishian Memorial Program has served for decades and enjoys a
strong reputation within these communities. It functions holistically
as a development organization that is nimble enough to bring immediate
emergency relief to those in greatest need.

Jinishian’s service to displaced Armenians throughout the Middle East
is distinctive in its ecumenical work with all Armenian Christians,
be they Apostolic, Catholic, or Evangelical. The program was founded
by the bequest of Vartan Jinishian, an Armenian-American who gave
the entirety of his fortune to enable Armenians in need to move from
poverty and despair to self-sufficiency and hope – through relief,
development, and spiritual uplift.

TURQUIE
Autonomie kurde en Syrie : La Turquie ne peut permettre un fait
accompli (président)

(AFP) – La Turquie a affiché vendredi son hostilité à l’annonce d’une
administration autonome kurde dans le nord de la Syrie, son président,
Abdullah Gül, déclarant qu’elle `ne peut permettre un fait accompli`.

`La Turquie ne peut permettre de fait accompli, il ne serait pas
question d’accepter une telle chose en Syrie`, a indiqué M. Gül dans
des déclarations télévisées lors d’un déplacement à Erzincan, dans
l’est de la Turquie.

Le chef de l’Etat turc a souligné les relations fraternelles unissant
les peuples turcs et syriens, divisés par une longue frontière,
affirmant que son pays ne favorisait aucune pression d’une communauté
syrienne, arabe, kurde ou turkmène, sur une autre.

Mardi, le Parti de l’Union Démocratique (PYD), le principal groupe
armé kurde, et d’autres formations kurdes ont signé une déclaration
établissant `une administration intérimaire dans les zones du
Kurdistan occidental`, qui désigne dans leur terminologie la région
kurde de Syrie.

La Turquie avait déjà plusieurs fois mis en garde le PYD, considéré
comme proche du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK, rebelles
kurdes de Turquie), contre toute velléité autonomiste, estimant que
cela pourrait consacrer la division de la Syrie voisine, qu’elle
rejette.

`Nous ne pouvons permettre un éclatement de la Syrie qui est
confrontée à un grand chaos`, a ajouté M. Gül.

Les zones kurdes du nord de la Syrie sont administrées par des
conseils locaux kurdes depuis que les forces gouvernementales
syriennes s’en sont retirées à la mi-2012.

La Turquie a rompu avec le régime de Damas et soutient les rebelles.
Elle héberge sur son sol plus de 600.000 réfugiés dont le tiers dans
des camps.

dimanche 17 novembre 2013,
Stéphane ©armenews.com

ECHECS
Arménie-Azerbaïdjan des échecs aujourd’hui. L’Arménie pourrait devenir
championne d’Europe en cas de victoire

Aujourd’hui pour le 9ème et dernier tour des Championnats d’Europe des
échecs par équipe (hommes) qui se déroulent à Varsovie, l’Arménie sera
oppose à l’Azerbaïdjan. L’Arménie, avec Lévon Aronian, Sergueï
Movsissian, Vladimir Hagopian, Gabriel Sarkissian et Tigrane
Pétrossian est donnée favorite. En cas de victoire de l’Arménie et une
défaite de la France opposée à la Russie, l’Arménie pourrait remporter
le titre européen. Avant ces dernières parties, l’Arménie est 3ème
avec 12 points. La France et l’Azerbaïdjan sont en tête avec 13
points. Début des rencontres à 12 heures.

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 17 novembre 2013,
Krikor Amirzayan ©armenews.com

L’Indro, Italia
15 nov 2013

Nazionalismo armeno: europeo o eurasiatico?

Problemi con l’UE, con l’Azerbaigian e con la Russia

Almaty – «La posizione ‘bloccata’ dell’Armenia ci costringe a
diversificare le nostre relazioni internazionali. Siamo obbligati ad
approfondire ed espandere le nostre relazioni in entrambe le
direzioni, quella europea e quella eurasiatica». Con queste parole,
due giorni fa, il primo ministro armeno, Tigran Sargsyan, ha
dichiarato di non volere abbandonare la direttrice europea, dopo
l’annuncio di due mesi fa del presidente Serž Sargsyan di voler
aderire al progetto russo dell’Unione Doganale. L’ingresso del Paese
caucasico verrebbe interpretato come un duro colpo al lavoro
dell’Unione Europea, che in questi ultimi anni aveva lavorato per
integrare l’Armenia alle sue strutture e ai suoi standard.

L’Armenia sembra viaggiare su lunghezze d’onda diverse rispetto ai
propri vicini. L’annuncio di settembre pro-Unione Doganale era
arrivato nel momento peggiore della storia del patto tra Russia,
Kazakistan e Bielorussia, durante le dispute commerciali russe con la
Bielorussia e le prime critiche alla performance economica kazaka
nella nuova struttura. Sembrava fosse uno slogan da campagna
elettorale, nonostante le elezioni presidenziali fossero già state
celebrate lo scorso febbraio. Proprio quando ci si avvicinava al
culmine della Presidenza lituana del Consiglio dell’Unione Europea,
con il summit di Vilnius, l’Armenia ha deciso di allontanarsi dagli
Accordi di Associazione, strizzando l’occhio a Mosca. Tuttavia, sempre
in pieno stile anacronistico, il governo di Yerevan continua a dire
che un accordo con l’Europa si può ancora raggiungere.

Alcuni dei provvedimenti inclusi negli Accordi di Associazione che
alcuni Paesi del Partenariato Orientale finiranno per firmare a
Vilnius alla fine del mese non sono complementari alle unioni doganali
extra-europee: la creazione di una zona di libero commercio tra UE e
Armenia non potrebbe funzionare, se l’Armenia fosse al tempo stesso
parte della zona di libero commercio con Russia, Kazakistan e
Bielorussia. Alcuni osservatori escludono che l’Unione Europea possa
acconsentire alla firma di Accordi parziali o modificati per
accomodare le volubili richieste armene. All’inizio di novembre, la
pubblicazione di una bozza delle linee guida per il summit di Vilnius
non indicava speciali condizioni per l’Armenia, anzi, lasciava vuoto
lo spazio che era dedicato agli accordi specifici nei casi degli altri
cinque Paesi del Partenariato (Georgia, Azerbaigian, Bielorussia,
Ucraina e Moldavia).

Il direttore russo del Centro per gli Studi sull’Integrazione della
Banca per lo Sviluppo Eurasiatico, Yevgeny Vinokurov ha detto che
l’entrata nell’Unione Doganale causerebbe un balzo del 4% del PIL e
uno sconto significativo sulle forniture di gas, circa 140 milioni di
dollari all’anno, secondo le previsioni. Inoltre, i lavoratori armeni
emigrati in Russia potranno inviare le proprie rimesse in patria a
condizioni agevolate. Il fatto che l’Armenia non condivida confini
territoriali con altri membri dell’Unione potrebbe giocare a favore di
Yerevan, che non dovrà prendere misure speciali per i propri confini.
Tuttavia, a sentire Eduard Sandoyan, economista ed ex-ministro delle
finanze armeno, il Paese potrebbe soffrire una flessione del 10% nelle
entrate statali. Un membro dell’amministrazione presidenziale russa ha
comunicato che le roadmap per l’accesso all’Unione Doganale saranno
preparate ad hoc per Kyrgyzstan e Armenia all’inizio del 2014.

In questo scenario di incertezza, di ricerca di identità tipica del
ventunesimo secolo e dei paesi che escono da una travagliata
transizione, diversi tipi di nazionalismo stanno avanzando nel Paese.
Un primo tipo è sceso in piazza subito dopo le dichiarazioni del
presidente Sargsyan del 3 settembre. Le proteste di alcuni attivisti
si erano accodate a un sit-in davanti al municipio di Yerevan, in un
tentativo di fare pressione sulle autorità governative cittadine e,
simbolicamente, statali per diverse questioni aperte. Due mesi dopo,
il 5 novembre, una protesta anti-governativa ha visto gli scontri
violenti tra polizia e un altro gruppo di nazionalisti che inneggiava
alla rivoluzione. Il leader del gruppo, Shant Harutiunyan, insieme ad
alcune dozzine di individui, è avanzato armato di bastoni e piccoli
esplosivi verso il Palazzo presidenziale di Yerevan. Inevitabili gli
scontri con la polizia, che ha reagito col pugno duro, troppo duro,
secondo alcuni osservatori. 38 tra i facinorosi sono stati fermati
dalla polizia e a oggi in 14 rimangono in prigione. «Noi siamo
rivoluzionari, non vogliamo spargimenti di sangue» ha dichiarato
Harutiunyan ai giornalisti prima degli scontri. Il suo movimento non è
affiliato ad alcun partito politico riconosciuto. L’opposizione
ufficiale allo strapotere di Sargsyan, presidente dal 2008, non ha
colto il segnale nazionalista inviato dal Tseghakron, il partito di
Harutiunyan. Il Congresso Nazionale Armeno, coalizione di opposizione
che aveva organizzato le proteste di Yerevan del 2011, ha puntato il
dito contro le politiche governative. Gli arrestati non sono
considerati ‘prigionieri politici’ dagli altri membri
dell’opposizione. I manifestanti potrebbero rimanere in carcere per
diversi anni, ma la loro situazione giuridica è al momento incerta,
visto che non sono stati presi provvedimenti oltre la custodia. Al
parlamentare Nikol Pashninyan non è stato permesso di visitare in
prigione i manifestanti anti-governativi arrestati dopo le proteste.
Pashninyan aveva già incontrato i detenuti e Harutiunyan gli aveva
comunicato di essere stato vittima di percosse da parte del capo della
polizia.

Se da una parte gli scontri tra polizia e l’opposizione
extra-parlamentare continuano, la linea ufficiale anti-Sargsyan si
declina sul conflitto in Karabakh. L’ex-presidente armeno Levon
Ter-Petrosian continua la sua battaglia contro Sargsyan, dichiarando
che «ogni giorno che passa con lui alla presidenza è una sconfitta per
l’Armenia e l’Artsakh (nome armeno per il Karabakh, ndr)». Il
presidente Sargsyan, intanto, ha raggiunto un’intesa con Ilham Aliyev,
presidente del vicino Azerbaigian, per un incontro al fine di
continuare i negoziati per il Karabakh. Da quasi due anni non si
verificano incontri a livello presidenziale, un distacco che ha creato
diverse tensioni nella regione montagnosa contesa tra i due Paesi.
Contestualmente all’annuncio del prossimo incontro, non sono mancate
le azioni di ostilità diplomatica da parte di entrambi i presidenti.
Durante un incontro con il presidente turco, Abdullah Gül, Aliyev ha
accusato l’Armenia di «impedire la soluzione del conflitto, perché
cerca di imporre condizioni ingiuste e inaccettabili». Nella stessa
giornata di mercoledì, Sarksyan ha visitato il Karabakh, in una chiara
missione di affermazione della presenza dell’Armenia in Karabakh.
Mentre il presidente azero era in Turchia, il suo omologo armeno ha
visitato l’esercito dell’autoproclamata Repubblica-enclave. Queste
tensioni, nel periodo precedente all’incontro hanno portato molti
analisti a sostenere che il summit tra i due presidenti sarà un nuovo
nulla di fatto.

Ieri, 13 novembre, l’ordine del giorno del Parlamento armeno prevedeva
un voto sul riconoscimento della Repubblica del Karabakh, ma solo
dieci parlamentari hanno votato a favore. Gli altri 120 deputati non
hanno partecipato al voto. La proposta era stata avanzata da un gruppo
di opposizione al governo, che denota forti tendenze nazionaliste. Non
è chiaro quanto forti siano le posizioni nazionaliste all’interno
dell’opposizione armena e quanto questa sia variegata. La presenza di
piccole forze extra-parlamentari pronte alla ‘rivoluzione’ è un
segnale che denota un’instabilità interna. La prima preoccupazione del
presidente armeno a nove mesi dalla sua elezione è ancora quella di
consolidare il proprio potere.

Hurriyet, Turkey
Nov 15 2013

Northern Syria on Track for Federated State

by Sedat Ergin

With all attention on the visit that KRG President Mas’ud Barzani is
going to make to Diyarbakir it pays to be reminded about one important
decision regarding the future of northern Syria that was made at a
congress held in Al-Qamishli just across from Nusaybin on the
Turkey-Syria border last Tuesday.

This congress announced to the world that steps had been taken to
found an autonomous administration in the north of Syria. The congress
is actually going to be one of the most sensitive topics on the agenda
of the meeting that is going to take place between Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Iraqi Kurd leader Barzani in Diyarbakir.

The formation of the “Rojava General Administration Founding Assembly”
was announced in a declaration published at the end of the “Western
Kurdistan (Rojava) People’s Assembly” (EGRK), which was carried out
with the initiative of the Democratic Union Party (PYD) in
Al-Qamishli. The founding assembly is going to prepare the
institutional infrastructure for the “Provisional Administration” that
is going to be set up in northern Syria. These preparations are going
to conclude with the transfer to an administrative organ (government)
and a parliament. Speaking to the Anatolian News Agency PYD leader
Salih Muslim stated the decision “was not the provisional
administration but the first important step towards it” and said, “If
the preparations are completed there will be elections held within
three months.” It is understood that the official declaration of the
provisional administration will be underpinned by the legitimacy
provided by the elections.

The provisional administration is supposed to be made up of cantons.
The first canton will take Afrin, which is under Kilis, as its centre.
To the east of this and under the middle of the Turkey-Syria border
will be the Kobani canton with the Cizir (Cizre) canton at the eastern
tip of the border towards Iran.

What will the representative power of the Rojava Founding Assembly be?
The PYD heads up this body and is an organization that follows the
PKK’s [Kurdistan People’s Congress, KGK] line. The PYD cadres see
Abdullah Ocalan in Imrali as their leader.

The founding assembly is not made up solely of Kurds. This assembly
also includes representatives from the Assyrian, Keldani and Armenian
communities as well as some of the Arabs who live in the north of
Syria. It is being emphasized that it therefore has a pluralist
representative body. Kurdish organizations close to Barzani and active
in northern Syria are opting to stay out of this initiative. When
asked why the Syrian Kurds Union Party and the Syrian Azadi Party are
not included in this body Salih Muslim replied: “Everybody was invited
to the meeting but these parties did not accept. These parties did not
attend the meeting because of objections by Turkey and the coalition.”

It is clear that the ongoing struggle to exert influence in northern
Syria between the PYD and Barzani is going to be echoed at the Geneva
conference where Syria’s future is going to be discussed. The PYD
plans to attend this conference not as part of the Syrian opposition
but as itself. Kurdish groups other than the PYD are going to act as
part of the Syrian opposition.

However, the PYD does seem to have more popular support in northern
Syria than the pro-Barzani groups.

The PYD derives its legitimacy in the eyes of the Kurds not only from
its numerical superiority but also from the wins in the armed struggle
it has been waging this past year against Al-Qa’idah and jihadist
groups following that line.

No matter what angle you look at it from, the founding assembly that
was declared in northern Syria last Tuesday shows all of us that a new
reality is coming into being just across Turkey’s 900-km border with
Syria. In the months ahead we are going to witness the institutions of
an autonomous administration being constructed in northern Syria just
like we did in northern Iraq after 1991.

In any case, we predict that the Kurds who live here are going to
start an exercise in self-rule for the first time by taking a
significant proportion of the other ethnic and religious groups to
their side.

If the civil war in Syria continues to be locked in stalemate as it is
now for a longer period of time this will enable the body in the north
to become very well established and institutionalized.

In the future when the blueprint for new Syria is being shaped the
Kurds are going to try to get themselves appended to this new design
with the identity of a tried and tested federated
administration/state. It will come as no surprise to see pictures of
Ocalan hung on the walls in that administration’s official offices.

As for Ankara; it is clearly uncomfortable here as evidenced by
Foreign Minister Davutolgu’s comment on NTV the other day saying,
“Such an administration cannot be declared unilaterally” plus his
advice to the PYD, which he accused of “acting hesitantly,” saying,
“They should refrain from making declarations that could divide the
country.”

[Translated from Turkish]

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Nov 15 2013

Different Policy, Same Neighbourhood

by Yavuz Baydar

It has become clear once again that the highest priority in Turkey’s
“reset” regional foreign policy has shifted from being one driven by
sectarian-based, neo-Ottoman motives to one driven by economic growth
needs – energy dependency.

The latest overtures to Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional Government
(KRG), marked by a rapprochement with the government of Iraqi Prime
Minister Nouri al-Maliki and the current visit of KRG President
Massoud [Mas’ud] Barzani, are based on this rethinking.

The second development, in parallel with this, is the reassertion of
Turkish-Azerbaijani ties, again with bold emphasis on energy deals.

As the previous line of sectarian-based, assertive foreign policy on
its southern border had not-so-successful results, the thaw with
Baghdad may signal a much more positive era, calming the tension along
the Sunni-Shia-Kurdish divides, given that, most certainly, Ankara
will go further with domestic reforms related to the Kurdish conflict
at home.

But, it is another story in the Caucasus. The signals coming out of
the meetings Ilham Aliyev, the re-elected president of Azerbaijan, had
with President Abdullah Gul and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan
indicate further isolation of Armenia, pushing for greater hostility,
increasing Russian influence and reduced Western visions of a win-win
solution.

Furthermore, the energy-based drive behind Ankara-Baku relations has
been aimed at encouraging Ankara to stay away from dealing with the
issue of the Great Armenian Tragedy in 1915.

Aliyev, who according to WikiLeaks does not seem to have a high regard
for Erdogan, was happy to hear that the Justice and Development Party
(AKP) government reasserted that the Nagorno-Karabakh region – under
Armenian occupation for 20 years – as Erdogan expressed it, “Is not
just Azerbaijan’s problem, but also Turkey’s problem.” For his part,
Aliyev said that Azerbaijan has full trust in Turkey when it comes to
the case of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Both agreed that relations remain “excellent.” Gul, who also
emphasized that Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity is “our national
interest,” exchanged state honours with Aliyev: He gave him Turkey’s
Order of the Republic and received Azerbaijan’s Haydar Aliyev Order.

Beyond the top-level symbolism, there are also concrete steps. Trade,
energy and defence head the list of cooperation.

“[Trade volume] is $4.2 billion. By 2020, the trade volume between
Turkey and Azerbaijan will reach $15 billion. We have opportunities to
make joint investments in natural gas in the Balkans,” said Erdogan
recently, who was also keen to note that the responsibility of “one
nation, two states” is a key point.

Ankara has high hopes for the Trans-Anatolian Pipeline (TANAP), which,
when completed in 2018, will have a capacity of around 16 billion
cubic meters of natural gas per year. Ankara says around 6 billion
cubic meters will be consumed by Turkey; the rest will be sent to
Europe. Sources say Azerbaijan will become Turkey’s largest energy
investor with the commissioning of the Star refinery next year.

With normalization with Armenia shelved and the possibility of having
to face the tsunami of the anniversary of 1915 in sight, Ankara seems
now to be once again on the diplomatic offensive. Today’s Zaman
reported that Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu asked Switzerland to
mediate on the Nagorno-Karabakh issue.

“If Armenia starts to leave the occupied territories and does this by
presenting a clear timeline of withdrawal that will also be accepted
by Baku, we are ready to put the protocols into practice. We are
waiting for your help to convince the Armenian administration of this
solution,” he told Swiss officials. The initial reaction from Yerevan
is that “Ankara is bluffing again.”

Nevertheless, after a long time, Aliyev and Armenian President Serge
Sarksyan will meet on Nov. 19 in Vienna or Zurich. Though given the
deadlock, not much is expected from the meeting, if or when it takes
place.

If the energy project proceeds as planned, Ankara will certainly try
to convert its advantages into diplomacy. Armenia will surely be
strained, but whether or not it will pull out from a couple of pockets
of Karabakh is hard to predict, given its domestic equations.

A zero-sum game seems more likely, since a win-win for Ankara-Baku may
be sabotaged by Russia, which obviously has benefited from the current
deadlock. In its turn, it too, may help boost pretexts for Ankara to
ignore facing 1915.

Glendale News-Press (California)
Distributed by McClatchy-Tribune Business News
November 15, 2013 Friday

Five Glendale police officers promoted, including sergeant involved in lawsuit

by Veronica Rocha, Glendale News-Press, Calif.

Nov. 15–Five Glendale police officers, including a sergeant involved
in an ongoing federal discrimination lawsuit against the Police
Department, were promoted Wednesday to higher-ranking positions.

Sgts. Tigran Topadzhikyan and John Gilkerson as well as Officers Scott
Holmes, Ernesto Gaxiola and Alex Krikorian were placed at the top of
promotion lists and were honored in front of family members, friends
and fellow police officers, who packed a room at the Glendale Police
Department headquarters.

Topadzhikyan came in first on a promotion list for a lieutenant’s
position — a rank he has tirelessly worked to get, but, according to
his U.S. District Court lawsuit, was passed over for previously.

Still, on Wednesday, Topadzhikyan said he was eager to start his new
position as the department’s new west Glendale area commander.

“I look forward to continuing to serve the community and the city of
Glendale,” Topadzhikyan said. “I am excited in accepting my new role
and providing the best service I can to our community.”

In a joint federal lawsuit, which has been scheduled to go to trial
next week, he and Officers Robert Parseghian, Vahak Mardikian, John
Balian and former Officer Benny Simonzad claim they suffered
on-the-job discrimination, retaliation and harassment because they’re
Armenian. The officers also claimed they were looked over for
promotions and denied career-building opportunities.

Glendale Police Chief Ron De Pompa dismissed claims the promotion was
connected to Topadzhikyan’s lawsuit, adding that it “had nothing to do
with it.”

The promotions, he said, were necessary because two lieutenants plan
to retire in December.

“Decisions to retire are solely those of the employees that are
retiring, so it is was it is,” De Pompa said. “If people make
something out of a coincidence of the fact that a promotion is
occurring at proximity to a trial starting that is not my issue and
not my department’s issue … We do the right thing for the right
reasons and as soon as we had the opportunity to promote, we did.”

The promotions were a long time coming for some of the officers who
tested for the new posts two years ago and waited for an opportunity
to move into more supervisory roles.

The new leadership comes as the agency prepares to welcome new police
chief Robert Castro, who will be leaving his post with the Glendora
Police Department and replacing De Pompa on Dec. 16.

“All these gentlemen have spent many, many years wearing the badge,”
De Pompa said. “They are very savvy and capable leaders.”

Topadzhikyan has spent most of his life dedicated to the Police
Department, where he was a police cadet, then a reserve officer and
later worked various assignments as a police officer. He is currently
working on his second master’s degree.

He’s used his bilingual skills to help Armenian families in several
criminal investigations and has traveled to Armenia to work with
police there on criminal cases.

He most recently served as supervisor of a task force focused on
monitoring felons who have been released early from California
prisons.

Gilkerson was also promoted to lieutenant and will monitor south
Glendale, where he said he wants to open up communication with
residents, so they are more comfortable talking to police.

De Pompa said Topadzhikyan and Gilkerson were “very tenured [and]
experienced” and know their areas well.

Before becoming a lieutenant, Gilkerson, who was born and raised in
Glendale, oversaw the department’s Community Policing Unit since 2008.
Community police have been a key part of De Pompa’s implementation of
area command policing.

“John was the right man at the right time,” De Pompa said. “I don’t
believe we would have had the success that we had today without John’s
leadership in that effort.”

Now in sergeant positions, Holmes, Gaxiola and Krikorian will be
responsible for implementing the department’s goals. The officers, De
Pompa said, are great leaders and “proven commodities.”

As sergeants, they will be “out there where the rubber meets the
road,” he added.

Gaxiola is an experienced detective investigating assaults, and is
known for his ability to handle highly sensitive and complex cases
involving sex crimes, De Pompa said.

“One thing that stood out from Ernie’s career is his empathy and
compassion and attention to the victims,” he added.

Next year, Gaxiola will ride in the Police Unity Tour in Washington,
D.C., in honor of a sergeant with the Santa Cruz Police Department who
was killed in February in the line of duty. Gaxiola used to work for
the police department in Santa Cruz.

Krikorian, an Iraq war veteran and a recipient of the department’s
Medal of Heroism award, worked as a school resource officer and helped
organize “Every 15 Minutes,” an awareness program for teens
highlighting the dangers of driving under the influence of drugs or
alcohol.

He was also a detective in assaults and robbery/homicide details as
well as a sniper with the department’s Special Weapons Tactics Task
Force.

His sniper skills were put on display earlier that day, when he
expertly aimed and shot through the center of a golf ball from 100
yards away, De Pompa said.

Holmes is a longtime Glendale police officer who has trained fellow
officers and held a spot in the Special Enforcement Detail for many
years. He has also earned special recognition from the California
Attorney General.

As a new sergeant, Holmes wants to continue to mentor officers and be
“a good leader.”