Author: Kalantarian Kevo

Grand Holding presents over 60 million drams in gifts to Artsakh soldiers

15:36, 30.12.2014

YEREVAN. – Soldiers defending the borders of the Homeland got special
presents on the New Year Ever from the Vardanyan family.

Ahead of the New Year the Vardanyan family gave 15 thousand presents –
worth 60 million drams – to soldiers, officers serving in Artsakh and
their families, the company’s press service said in a statement.

Within the recent three years Grand Holding has given 45 thousand
presents to various military units. Schoolchildren from Mataghis,
Tonashen and Talish villages of Artsakh have also received bags full
of Grand Candy sweets.

411:1

Editorial, 31 December 2014

“Turks and Armenians were lived together harmoniously for centuries.
Then the ungrateful Armenians decided to break apart the Ottoman
Empire and create an independent Armenian state. To prevent Armenians
from destroying the empire which had done so much for them, the
Turkish authorities sent them to Syria. The government also wanted to
keep its Armenian citizens away from harm’s way by moving them away
from WWI theaters of war.”

For years this and its several variations have been top of the chart
for Turkey’s propagandists, apologists, and Genocide deniers. There’s
no doubt the tiresome sing-song will continue to be a hit next year as
Ankara continues its inane campaign against the Armenians as the
latter commemorate the centennial of the Genocide.

Because third-party followers of the news don’t know the truth about
the above Turkish macabre tale and next year might give credence to
the Turkish mythinformation, Armenians need to have a synopsis of the
facts at their finger tips when they tell non-Armenians what truly
happened. They need a narrative which is short, to the point, and
accurate.

The below statistics tell the truth loud and clear. They can be told
within a minute or two–without confusing third parties with an
avalanche of information.

At the beginning of 1915 the Ottoman Army had 2,873,000 officers and
conscripts. In addition, it had several thousand German specialists
and senior officers. The Ottoman Army was a professional military
force and was equipped with modern weapons mostly supplied by its
German ally. It had machine guns and cannons, modern telecommunication
systems and an infrastructure (ex. medical care, food) to carry on a
modern war.

In addition, the Ottoman Army was buttressed by recently-released
convicts who were armed and given a free hand to eliminate the
Armenians, including women and children. Lastly, there were the
countless Kurds who were also armed and encouraged to kill the
“infidel” Armenians.

And how many Armenian fedayeen fighters were there at the beginning of
1915? The highest estimate is around 7,000, spread across a vast
territory. Unlike the Turks and Germans, they were amateurs and were
armed with outdated weapons, home-made guns and had little ammunition.
They had no modern communication network or medical support. For
example, during the Van resistance, fewer than 1,500 Armenian
combatants faced 15,960 Turkish soldiers in addition to Kurdish
fighters. The latter had been given 24,000 rifles by the authorities.
The Armenians had 505 rifles, 720 Mauser pistols, and a small supply
of ammunition.

Putting aside the uncounted number of Kurds, the convicts, the
riff-raff, the Hamidiyes, and the Germans, in 1915 some 7,000 Armenian
amateurs “fought” a professional force of 2,873,000. That’s a ratio of
411:1.

Yet, according to Turkey, this ragtag handful of Armenian amateurs
were about to break up the Ottoman Empire. To accomplish that fantasy,
each Armenian fighter had to kill 411 Ottoman soldiers without
suffering a single loss. Not even a superhero conflation of Hercules,
Superman, Lawrence of Arabia, the Red Baron, Billy Bishop, and
Hollywood fantasy heroes could accomplish that magnitude of kill
ratio.

There’s a “kicker” addendum to the above facts: Armenians were
considered by the Ottomans as the loyal ethnic group. Armenians meekly
went about minding their own business. Overtaxed, abused, harassed…
they bent their heads and obeyed the unjust laws of the Ottomans. But
despite their loyalty and vast and diverse contributions to the
empire, they were discriminated, oppressed, looted, killed…

So why should Turkish authorities be surprised that some frustrated
Armenians–a minute minority–would conclude that the only way to get
the attention of the Sublime Porte was to defend their communities
from quotidian Turkish depredations?

The puzzle is that only 7,000 Armenians took up arms.

Seven-thousand amateurs against 2,873,000 professionals.

One against four-hundred and eleven.

Some conspiracy to destroy the Ottoman Empire.

Some excuse for eliminating a nation.

Remember these statistics next time you hear about the “Great Armenian
Conspiracy to Destroy the Ottoman Empire” malarkey.

ARMENIE
2014 année cruciale pour les réformes du secteur de la protection sociale

Résumant l’année 2014, le ministre du travail et des affaires sociales
l’a évaluée comme la plus cruciale en termes de création de systèmes
sociaux efficaces et, le plus difficile, en termes de mise en oeuvre
des réformes.

“2014 a été une année de lancement des réformes dans divers secteurs
de la sphère sociale, et elles ont été inévitablement suivies de
débats tendus, de diverses suggestions et de modifications
nécessaires,” a déclaré le ministre Artem Asatryan, ajoutant que
l’année a été aussi une année de dialogues considérant la
participation sociale active dans l’évolution des initiatives
législatives.

Il a pointé les protestations lors du processus de réforme des
retraites. Mais le ministre pense que le gouvernement a réussi à faire
de cette initiative majeure soit compréhensible pour le public et que
les réformes ont été mises en oeuvre.

The Hidden Armenians of Western Armenia

Wednesday, December 31st, 2014 | Posted by Matthew Karanian

Ninety-five year old Asiya is the daughter of a genocide survivor from
Chunkush, and is one of the hidden Armenians of Western Armenia. Photo
(c) 2014 Matthew Karanian, Reprinted with Permission.

BY MATTHEW KARANIAN

The village of Chunkush was home to about 10,000 Armenians, and hardly
anyone else, until 1915.

That’s when the Armenians were driven out, and were marched for two
hours to a ravine known as the Dudan Gorge. Once they arrived at the
ravine, they were herded by the force of batons and bayonets into its
depths. Here they died, if they hadn’t already perished before
entering the abyss.

One young Armenian girl, not more than ten years of age, stood at the
edge of death. She was part of a group that had been marched to the
ravine on one of the killing days–the day on which her Chunkush
neighborhood had been selected for this “deportation.”

This girl was pretty, and she must have captured the attention of one
of the Turkish soldiers who were herding the Armenians to their
deaths. Her life was spared. At the age of ten, she became the
soldier’s bride.

Five years later, in 1920, a baby was born from their union. This
baby, named Asiya, was raised in Chunkush by her mother, a genocide
survivor who had been able to remain in the home of her husband as one
of the village’s hidden Armenians.

When I met Asiya in 2014, she was the oldest surviving Armenian, and
indeed, the only Armenian, of Chunkush. Speaking through a translator,
Asiya told me her story.

Her father, the Turkish soldier, had died when Asiya was three or four
years old. While Asiya was growing up, Asiya’s mother had taught her
that she was an Armenian child. Her mother also taught her that her
identity as an Armenian was information that they could not share with
the neighbors. Their identity had to remain hidden.

Asiya was married off to a much older man when she was 11 years old.
There was no right to pick your own husband, she told me. “They gave
me to whoever they thought was appropriate.” She and her husband
stayed in Chunkush, and raised two daughters and a son.

I asked Asiya about the massacres of 1915. Her mother must have
explained to her what had happened. But Asiya refused to talk about
it. She did talk a bit about the old days.

“Chunkush was once very beautiful. The churches were so beautiful in
the past,” she told me. But now “nothing remains from the old times.
They even destroyed all the [Armenian] cemeteries.”

Asiya must have been about 95 years old when I met her in 2014. Her
life has been swept along in a torrent of sadness. I asked her how she
feels when, as the only Armenian of Chunkush, she meets Armenian
visitors from the Diaspora.

“I get happy as much as a mountain,” she told me.

Adapted from ‘Historic Armenia After 100 Years,’ (Stone Garden Press,
$39.95, Pub. Feb. 2015) by Matthew Karanian. Pre-order now for $35
postpaid in the US from: Stone Garden Productions; PO Box 7758;
Northridge, CA 91327 or pay with credit card by requesting an invoice
from [email protected]

ERDOGAN’S EGYPTIAN NIGHTMARE

by Burak Bekdil
December 30, 2014 at 4:00 am

Erdogan was happy. At least until a few days ago….

Erdogan probably did not know the Emir of Qatar’s next move on the
Middle Eastern chessboard.

Turkey aspires to be a regional leader with no, little or problematic
dialogue with about a dozen countries in its region.

Back in 2011, everything ostensibly was coming up roses between Turkey
and Egypt. In a speech that year, then-Turkish President Abdullah
Gul mentioned “…an axis of democracy of the two biggest nations in
our region [Turkey and Egypt], from the north to the south, from the
Black Sea down to the Nile Valley…”

In September 2011, then-Prime Minister [now President] Recep Tayyip
Erdogan found an emotional hero’s welcome at Cairo’s Tahrir Square.

Tens of thousands of Egyptians had flocked to the Cairo airport to
welcome him. Streets were decorated with posters of Erdogan.

In early 2012, a survey by TESEV, a Turkish think-tank, found that
Turkey was the most popular country for the residents of seven Arab
countries, including Egypt.

But against that glittering backdrop, this author wrote in June 2011:
“For Ankara, Cairo can be the new Damascus until another capital
becomes the new Cairo. At that time, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad,
Erdogan’s one-time best regional ally, had already become his worst
regional nemesis.

The Turkish-Egyptian love affair would, in fact, be quite short-lived.

In August 2013, about a month after General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in
Egypt toppled the Muslim Brotherhood rule of President Mohammed Morsi,
Erdogan appeared on TV, reading — in an unusually soft voice —
a letter by the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohamed al-Beltagy. The letter
was written to Beltagy’s daughter Asmaa, a 17-year-old girl, who had
been killed in Cairo when security forces stormed two protest camps
occupied by supporters of the deposed president. Poor Asmaa had been
shot in the chest and back.

“I believe you have been loyal to your commitment to God, and He has
been to you,” her father wrote in the letter. “Otherwise, He would
not have called you to His presence before me.” Erdogan’s tears
were visible.

Later, Asmaa became another symbol for Turkish Islamists; Erdogan
cheered party fans with the four-finger “Rabia” sign, in reference
to his solidarity with the Muslim Brotherhood, and as a sign of
his endearment for the unfortunate girl. Even on the playing field,
a few footballers made the same sign after scoring.

In this image, widely circulated in social media, Turkey’s then-Prime
Minister [now President] Recep Tayyip Erdogan flashes the Egyptian
Muslim Brotherhood’s four-fingered “Rabia” sign.

After the coup in Egypt, when el-Sisi ran for president and won
the elections, Turkey’s Erdogan declared them “null and void.” And
not just that. Erdogan also said that he did not view el-Sisi as
“president of Egypt.” At another time, he said, “Turkey would not
recognize the coup regime in Egypt.” Last July, he called el-Sisi
“an illegitimate tyrant” and a “coup-maker.”

Meanwhile, neither was Erdogan a “rock star” in Cairo nor was Turkey
“the most popular country.” Egyptian non-governmental organizations
[NGOs] called on Egyptians and Arabs to boycott Turkish goods and
soap operas. Egypt’s intellectuals, writers and businessmen were
recommending a break in Egypt’s relations with Turkey because “they
were disappointed.” Egypt unilaterally cancelled both visa-free travel
for Turkish citizens and a transit agreement for Turkish trucks.

In the anti-el-Sisi campaign, Turkey was not alone. Its only regional
ally, Qatar, fully supported Turkey against Egypt’s elected “coup
leader.” Erdogan was happy. At least until a few days ago….

In Ankara, Erdogan was all smiles when he offered a red-carpet ceremony
to the visiting Qatari Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani.

Happy to have his best ally as a guest, Erdogan probably did not know
the Emir’s next move on the Middle Eastern chessboard.

A few days after al-Thani’s merry visit to Ankara, Qatar announced
its determination to thaw ties with Egypt, ending its alliance with
Turkey over “Egypt’s illegitimate tyrant.”

“The security of Egypt is important for the security of Qatar … the
two countries are linked by deep and fraternal ties,” ran a statement
from the office of al-Thani on Dec. 21. It was a real cold shower
on Ankara — and Erdogan. The statement had come one day after
el-Sisi met in Cairo with a Qatari envoy, suggesting a possible
thaw in relations. After the meeting, el-Sisi’s office issued a
statement saying, “Egypt looks forward to a new era that ends past
disagreements.” Apparently, the Egyptian-Qatari reconciliation had been
brokered by Saudi Arabia and, once again, Turkey was the odd one out.

In its immediate vicinity, Turkey does not have diplomatic relations
with three countries — Armenia, Cyprus and Syria — and has deeply
problematic diplomatic relations with two countries: Israel and Egypt.

This situation is not sustainable.

Even Deputy Prime Minister Bulent Arinc has said that Turkey should
repair its relations with Egypt. But this is not an easy task. In the
unlikely event of a reconciliation, Erdogan’s previous big words on
el-Sisi the coup-maker will make him look like a leader shaking hands
with an “illegitimate tyrant.”

On Dec. 24, Turkey’s foreign ministry spokesman said that bilateral
ties with Egypt could “normalize if the country properly returns to
democracy, if the Egyptian people’s free will is reflected in politics
and social life.” Meaning, no normalization. The spokesman would not
comment on Qatar’s policy change on Egypt.

Turkey aspires to be a regional leader with no, little or problematic
dialogue with about a dozen countries in its region. Erdogan’s top
advisors have found a nice euphemism for this situation: “precious
loneliness.” In reality, it is rather a blend of miscalculation and
over self-confidence.

Burak Bekdil, based in Ankara, is a Turkish columnist for the Hurriyet
Daily and a Fellow at the Middle East Forum.

FOOD PRICES SOAR 5.6% IN ARMENIA IN DECEMBER

YEREVAN, December 30. /ARKA/. Prices for foods in Armenia soared 5.6%
in December, compared with November, the National Statistical Service
of Armenia reports.

The price rise was mainly due to a 5.8% price hike in dairy market,
6.1% increase in prices for coffee, tea and cocoa, 8.3% for fruits 9.6%
for sugar and 18.2% for vegetables and potatoes.

Instead, fish products became 0.3% cheaper in December.

Bread and other bakery products climbed 5.9% in December 2014,
compared with the same month a year before and 4.3%, compared with
the previous month.

Eggs rose 2.1% in December 2014, compared with the same month a year
earlier, and surged 4%, compared with the previous month. Meat products
went 3.3% up over one year and 2.3% up over one month.

Vegetable fats and adipose rose 1.9% and 3.6% respectively.

In December 2014, compared with December 2013, soft drinks added 0.3%,
spirits and cigarettes the same and confectionery 1.2%.

Consumer prices in Armenia rose 3% in December 2014, compared with the
previous month, the National Statistical Service of Armenia reports.

In the government budget for 2014, inflation is projected at 4%
(±1.5%). —0—-

Markarian Galaxies

admin December 20, 2014 Armenian astrophysicist, Beniamin Markarian,
Benjamin Markarian,Byurakan Observatory, Markarian 209, Markarian
Galaxy, Markarian’s Chain, Observatory in Armenia

The Discovery Channel posted today an interesting “photo of the day”
on their Facebook page. It’s a picture as seen by the Hubble telescope
of a galaxy known as the Markarian 209. Now why does a galaxy have
such an Armenian name? Let’s examine.

Markarian 209 is a part of a whole group of bright Markarian Galaxies.
They belong to a class of galaxies with a bright center that radiates
an excessive amounts of ultraviolet. They are named after their
discoverer, a renown Armenian astrophysicist Beniamin Markarian
(1913-1985) who in 1965 first discovered these galaxies at Byurakan
Astrophysical Observatory in Armenia.

Beniamin Markarian on Armenian stamp, 2013

Beniamin Markarian was considered one of the greatest observing
astronomers of the 20th century. He worked at the Byurakan Observatory
since 1946 on theories of star-formation, clusters and super-clusters.
He studied star associations and published the first systematic
catalog of OB associations. For his work in 1950 he was awarded the
prestigious Soviet Stalin Prize along with his colleague Victor
Ambartsumian. He went on to discover the Markarian Galaxies in the
1960s and published a catalog of 1469 galaxies called Markarian
catalog (First Byurakan Catalogue of Markarian galaxies). Markarian
also discovered a string of galaxies moving with a common motion.
Named after him the Markarian’s Chain is a stretch of galaxies that
are part of the Virgo Cluster. It is called a chain because, when
viewed from Earth, the galaxies lie along a smoothly curved line.
Markarian has received many honors during the course of his career.

Between 1965 and 1989 up to 1515 Markarian Galaxies have been
identified by the First Byurakan Survey. In 2005, the Second Byurakan
Survey was carried out, extending the survey to fainter objects,
making a catalog of total 3563 objects, 1863 of which are galaxies and
1700 stars.

LE PRESIDENT SAHAKIAN INAUGURE DES LOGEMENTS NOUVEAUX DANS LA REGION DE MARDAKERT

KARABAGH

Le 26 decembre, le president de la Republique de l’Artsakh Bako
Sahakian a visite la region de Martakert, dans le nord-est du Haut
Karabagh, où il a pris part a une ceremonie marquant l’inauguration
d’un immeuble nouvellement construit abritant des logements neufs
dans le village de Vardadzor. Le president a aussi visite le complexe
minier de Kashen, dont l’exploitation est assuree par Base Metals
CJSC. A cette occasion, on a presente au president du Karabagh
l’activite de la mine, depuis l’extraction du minerai jusqu’a son
traitement. B. Sahakian a souligne l’importance du complexe minier de
Kashen pour le developpement economique de l’Artsakh, en mettant en
avant la necessite d’ameliorer les conditions sociales des employes
en meme temps que la productivite du complexe.

mardi 30 decembre 2014, Gari (c)armenews.com

THE TOWN WITH THREE CHRISTMAS DAYS

28 December 2014 Last updated at 23:24

By Yolande KnellBBC News, Bethlehem

Christmas comes but once a year – unless you live in Bethlehem,
where three different Christian denominations celebrate on three
different days.

There are no calls of “legs eleven” or “two fat ladies” at the Arab
Women’s Union bingo in Bethlehem.

And there’s another big difference from your standard British game.

Instead of cash, the prizes are household items: washing powder,
toilet rolls or, if you’re lucky, an electric blanket.

Bingo is always popular with housewives here but the idea of the
union’s weekly gathering is to raise funds for charity.

Listen to From Our Own Correspondent for insight and analysis from
BBC journalists, correspondents and writers from around the world

Broadcast on Radio 4 on Saturdays at 11:30 BST and BBC World Service

In the run-up to Christmas, it organises a party for needy children.

Dozens of local kids are entertained with clowns, fed lunch and given
goodies to take home.

Christian members of the women’s union feel a special responsibility
for keeping alive the Christmas message of compassion and hope.

“Christmas is our national feast and the feast of our city,” says
president and great-grandmother, Virginique Canawati.

“It’s not Christmas if you’re happy at home with your family and you
have a neighbour with nothing,” adds the bingo caller, Susie Nasr.

“There’s a lot of poverty in Bethlehem. We have the highest
unemployment in the West Bank and people have to think about every
penny they spend,” she adds.

After a game of bingo earlier this month, I proudly displayed my
winnings – a large bottle of fabric conditioner and a packet of
wet wipes.

Then as we polished off some tasty thyme and cheese pastries,
the women told me about the delicious meals they had planned for
Christmas dinner.

There’s not really a market for turkey and all the trimmings here,
although one year I did surprise my visiting parents – who are used
to oven-ready products – by returning from the butcher’s with a warm,
freshly killed bird in a plastic bag.

The preference of Christians in the Holy Land tends to be Arabic
salads followed by a main course – perhaps lamb stuffed with rice,
or maashi – stuffed vine leaves, aubergines and courgettes.

While there’s an emphasis on having new clothes for the feast,
gift giving is far less excessive than you typically see in Western
countries.

Decorating the Christmas tree in Manger Square Christmas decorations
on sale in Bethlehem

And the celebrations go on for longer than we’re used to. Indeed,
rather than having one Christmas Day, three are marked in Bethlehem.

The Catholics lead processions along the traditional pilgrimage route
from Jerusalem to the Nativity Church ahead of their Christmas on
25 December.

But now attention switches to the Greek Orthodox, who make up the
majority of Palestinian Christians. Their Christmas Day falls on
7 January.

The 13 day difference is explained by calendars. While the Latin
church switched to the Gregorian calendar, devised by Pope Gregory in
the 16th Century, the Eastern Orthodox churches still use the older,
Julian calendar – created during the reign of Julius Caesar in 45 BC.

What makes the situation in the Holy Land really unusual is that
Armenians here wait even longer for Christmas. Their parade isn’t
until 18 January.

On each Christmas Eve, Bethlehem gives a warm welcome to church
patriarchs and priests when they enter Manger Square.

And as waiting crowds of the faithful munch chocolate Santas and
sip at sahlab – a hot Ottoman-era drink made from orchids – it’s the
marching bands that keep them entertained.

The Grotto at Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem where Christians
believe Jesus was born

For weeks now in Beit Jala, the town next to Bethlehem where I live,
there’s been the constant din of drums and bagpipes – as the scout
troops practise their festive routines.

Scouting was introduced to Palestine in British Mandate times –
from 1920 to 1948 – and it remains hugely popular with boys and girls.

The head of the Arab Orthodox Scout Group, Khaled Qassis, looks more
than a little stressed as he organises a Christmas bazaar and street
clean-ups while the pipers play on.

But he can’t disguise his pride at his scouts’ place in the Christmas
line-ups.

“As scouts, the last thing we’re interested in is showing off,”
he tells me. “But we are very famous for playing well.”

Many Palestinian Christians see themselves as custodians of Christmas
and its colourful traditions.

The dwindling number of Christians in the Holy Land adds a sense of
urgency to their celebrations. Nowadays many young people in the West
Bank choose to emigrate because of the difficult economic and social
conditions created by Israel’s occupation.

In the quiet of Beit Jala’s Virgin Mary church, where the air’s thick
with incense, Father George reflects that this time of year carries
spiritual and political significance.

“When we celebrate we show the world that Bethlehem’s a peaceful,
safe city,” he says.

“This is the birthplace of Christ and we’re the oldest congregation
in the world. If we don’t light our trees and hang decorations here,
then we’ll die out.”

How to listen to From Our Own Correspondent:

BBC Radio 4: Saturdays at 11:30

Listen online or download the podcast.

BBC World Service: at weekends – see World Service programme schedule.

L’ARMENIE ET L’OTAN S’ACCORDENT SUR LE PLAN D’ACTION 2015

ARMENIE

Les responsables militaires de l’OTAN et de l’Armenie ont dresse
un plan d’actions communes pour l’annee prochaine en soulignant
l’intention d’Erevan de continuer a intensifier la cooperation avec
l’alliance occidentale.

Les fonctionnaires representant le ministère armenien de la Defense
et le centre de Commandement des Operations des allies de l’OTAN en
Belgique ont passe en revue leurs relations au cours de deux jours de
“negociations” qui se sont tenues a Erevan. En particulier, ils se
sont penches sur les “besoins educatifs de l’armee armenienne visant
a ameliorer l’interoperabilite avec les forces de l’OTAN”, selon un
communique du ministère publie a l’issue des pourparlers.

La declaration dit qu’ils “ont trace les grandes orientations de
la cooperation en 2015-2016.” Ils ont aussi travaille sur une > pour les activites conjointes prevues pour l’annee
prochaine. Aucun autre detail n’a ete rendu public immediatement.

Ces activites decoulent du partenariat avec l’OTAN qui a ete lance
il y a dix ans et a ete a plusieurs reprises mis a jour depuis. Les
fonctionnaires armeniens ont dit au debut de cette annee qu’une
nouvelle version du cadre de cooperation sera convenu a la fin de 2014.

mardi 30 decembre 2014, Stephane (c)armenews.com