Le Parti Arménie prospère en voie d’éclatement ?

ARMENIE
Le Parti Arménie prospère en voie d’éclatement ?

Selon certaines rumeurs, le Parti Arménie prospère (BHK dirigé par
l’homme d’affaires arménien Gagik Tsarukyan serait sur le point de de
scinder en deux ailes, dont l’une intégrerait le giron du Parti
républicain (HHK) au pouvoir. Le BHK est théoriquement toujours allié
du HHK, auquel il est d’ailleurs associé au sein de la coalition
gouvernementale, mais cette alliance semble mal résister à l’épreuve
des législatives du 6 mai.

L’aile dissidente se rapprocherait de l’ancien président Robert
Kotcharian, qui pourrait briguer un autre mandat lors des
présidentielles de 2013.

L’annonce en 2011 du retour de R. Kotcharian avait d’ailleurs alimenté
les spéculations dans la presse sur un retournement d’alliance de M.
Tsaroukyan, qui avait laissé entendre qu’il pourrait remettre en cause
son soutien déclaré à la candidature du président Serge Sarkissian en
2013, pour se rallier à l’ancien président.

La position de l’un des nouveaux responsables du BHK, l’ancien
ministre des affaires étrangères Vardan Oskanian, rallié depuis peu au
parti de M. Tsaroukyan, est nettement moins ambigüe.

M. Oskanian, qui a été le chef de la diplomatie de M. Kotcharian, n’a
guère ménagé ses critiques à l’encontre du HHK du président Sarkissian
tout au long de la campagne pour les législatives. Il serait, selon la
rumeur, le mieux à même de diriger l’aile dissidente du BHK.

dimanche 29 avril 2012,
Gari ©armenews.com

Les Arméniens d’Australie ont commémoré le 97e anniversaire du génoc

GENOCIDE ARMENIEN-AUSTRALIE
Les Arméniens d’Australie ont commémoré le 97e anniversaire du génocide arménien

Plus de 2 500 Arméniens ont participé en Australie aux diverses
manifestations commémorant le 97e anniversaire du génocide arménien.
Des manifestations organisées par les sections locales de « Hay Tad »
(Cause Arménienne) se déroulèrent à Sydney, Melbourne et Adelaïde où
vit la majeure partie de la communauté arménienne d’Australie évaluée
à près de 40 000 membres. Lors d’un de ces meetings, Varant
Mekertdchian, le responsable de « Hay Tad » a évoqué les
reconnaissances du génocide arménien à travers le monde et a appelé
l’Australie à faire le pas et reconnaitre le génocide arménien à son
tour.

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 29 avril 2012,
Krikor Amirzayan ©armenews.com

500 violations du cessez-le-feu la semaine écoulée dont 220 le 23 et

ARMEE
500 violations du cessez-le-feu la semaine écoulée dont 220 le 23 et 24 avril

La semaine écoulée, sur le front du Haut Karabagh, les troupes de
Bakou ont violé à 500 reprises le cessez-le-feu avec plus de 2 600
projectiles tirés en direction des positions arméniennes.
L’Azerbaïdjan désirant sans doute perturber le sérénité des cérémonies
marquant le 97e anniversaire du génocide arménien, ces tirs sont
devenus plus intenses le 23 et 24 avril avec 220 violations et 1 300
projectiles. Les spécialistes estiment que l’intensité des tirs le 24
avril était pour Bakou une forme de soutien à son allié Ankara dans
son entreprise de négation du génocide arménien. Signalons enfin que
la semaine dernière l’Armée arménienne a enregistré la perte de 4
soldats tués sur les positions frontalières.

Krikor Amirzayan

dimanche 29 avril 2012,
Krikor Amirzayan ©armenews.com

Armenia vows retribution after soldiers’ deaths

Agence France Presse
April 27, 2012 Friday 3:44 PM GMT

Armenia vows retribution after soldiers’ deaths

YEREVAN, April 27 2012

Armenian President Serzh Sarkisian vowed retribution against enemy
Azerbaijan on Friday after the deaths of three soldiers near the
border between the ex-Soviet states.

“I do not think that anyone in our country doubts that an appropriate
reaction is inevitable,” Sarkisian said in comments released by his
press service.

“I do not think that anyone has doubts about the strengths of our
defence forces.”

The servicemen died of their wounds after their car came under fire in
the early hours of Friday morning in the Tavush region of Armenia
close to the border with Azerbaijan where two other soldiers were
reportedly killed last month, the defence ministry in Yerevan said in
a statement.

Sarkisian also accused Azerbaijani forces of firing on an Armenian
kindergarten and an ambulance in recent days.

Azerbaijan’s foreign ministry rejected the claims, accusing Armenia of
being the “aggressor.”

“The Yerevan authorities are trying to mislead the international
community,” ministry spokesman Elman Abdullayev told news agency
Interfax-Azerbaijan.

Yerevan and Baku are locked in a bitter dispute over the region of
Nagorny Karabakh, which Armenian separatists backed by Yerevan seized
from Azerbaijan in a war in the 1990s that left some 30,000 people
dead.

Despite years of negotiations since the 1994 ceasefire, the two sides
have not yet signed a final peace deal, and there are still frequent
exchanges of gunfire between the opposing armies.

In a separate incident, Azerbaijan on Friday accused Armenian forces
of killing one of its army officers on the front line near Karabakh.

“On the evening of April 26, 24-year-old Azerbaijani army officer
Vagif Abdullayev was fatally wounded as a result of a violation of the
ceasefire regime in (the town of) Aghdam,” defence ministry spokesman
Teymur Abdullayev told AFP.

It was the third reported death so far this year on the Karabakh front line.

The Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, which
mediates in negotiations over the Karabakh conflict, said it was
“deeply concerned” by the reported violence.

“Such senseless acts violate the commitment of the parties to refrain
from the use of force and to seek a peaceful settlement,” the OSCE’s
Minsk Group said in a statement.

Baku has threatened to use force to win back Karabakh if peace talks
fail to yield satisfactory results, but Yerevan has warned of
large-scale retaliation against any military action.

mkh-eg-emc/gd

Pres Ahmadinejad Urges Facilitated Trade Ties between Iran, Armenia

Fars News Agency, Iran
April 29 2012

President Ahmadinejad Urges Facilitated Trade Ties between Iran, Armenia

TEHRAN (FNA)- Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on Sunday stressed
the necessity of preparing proper conditions for free trade activities
along Iran-Armenia borders in a bid to facilitate trade interactions
and exchanges between the two neighboring nations.

“Preparing conditions for free trade activities at the two countries’
borders will remarkably aid in facilitating trade exchanges and
traders’ visits,” Ahmadinejad said in a meeting with visiting Armenian
Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian here in Tehran today.

“Consultations and expansion of cooperation between Iranian and
Armenian officials will facilitate implementation of agreements and
daily development of the two countries’ relations,” Ahmadinejad
stated.

He further described as much important the two countries’ joint
projects, including construction of a gas pipeline, electricity
transmission line, railroad, a pipeline to transfer oil products and
two hydro-electric plants.

Nalbandian, for his part, called for Iran’s support and the transfer
of Iran’s experiences to Armenia in different fields.

He also submitted a written message from Armenian President Serzh
Sargsyan to President Ahmadinejad.

In recent years, Iran and its Northern neighbor Armenia have signed
agreements on energy cooperation and agreed to cooperate in technology
and research and to enhance ties in commerce and economy.

A peek into the mystery of history: Auction of Islamic art shines ..

The International Herald Tribune, France
April 28, 2012 Saturday

A peek into the mystery of history

Auction of Islamic art shines a light on rare glories of the Middle East

by SOUREN MELIKIAN
LONDON

ABSTRACT
Islamic-art auction at Sotheby’s shines a light on some rare glories
of the Middle East.

FULL TEXT
The accelerating surge of interest in history came out spectacularly
at the auction scene on Wednesday. It was reflected in the three
highest prices at Sotheby’s, where the subject was art from the
Islamic world.

The ultimate rarity of the session was a 13th-century bronze basin
with a beautiful shape but only remains of its erstwhile silver and
gold inlay, which sold for £361,250, about $584,000.

The importance of the Arab vessel lay in the monumental inscription
that runs around the sides and two tiny inscriptions engraved on the
rim more than 100 years after the piece was made.

The large inscription spells out the titles and name of a sultan of
Turkic stock, Abu’l-Harith Qara Arslan ibn Il-Ghazi, descended from
the 12th-century Artuq Shah. Qara Arslan, who from 1261 to 1293 ruled
a large area around the city of Mardin, now in southeast Turkey, had
no mean opinion of his own persona. The titulature, introduced by a
set phrase found on 13th- and 14th-century royal objects, glorifies
the sultan in traditional bombastic eulogies. Qara Arslan is hailed as
”Our Lord, the Sultan, the King, the Pride of the World and Religion,
the Master of Kings and Sultans” and lots more of that ilk.

This wording suggests that the basin was commissioned when the ruler
mounted the throne, which appears to be confirmed by the exclusive
role of the inscription in the decorative scheme, excepting a band of
arabesques at the bottom.

No other vessel to the name of Qara Arslan has been recorded. The
mastery of the execution tells us that Qara Arslan, ”The Black Lion”
in Turkish, was prosperous enough to attract great bronze makers and
calligraphers. That is useful historical information.

But what makes the basin unique is the addition of two inscriptions
engraved on the rim by his descendants.

One names ”Amir” Dawud ibn Malik al-Salih (1368-1376). The title
”amir” that Dawud gives himself instead of ”sultan” proves that
his father, al-Malik al-Salih, who died in 1368, was still alive and
ruling. Al-Malik al-Salih, possibly aware of his nearing end, passed
on to his son Dawud the splendid basin as part of the dynasty’s regal
possessions. This provides tangible evidence of the existence of
dynastic chattels in the Near East.

Eight years later, Dawud’s successor, Majd Ad-Din ‘Isa (1376-1406),
ordered an inscription to be engraved on the rim. His titles ”The
Lord, the King” prove that he had ascended to power.

The verified use of the basin for more than a century explains why so
much of the inlay is gone, as on so many other royal bronzes.

The history of Qara Arslan’s basin does not stop there. In 1406, the
Mardin-centered Artuqid sultanate was overrun by another Turkic
dynasty, the Qara Qoyunlu. It was soon defeated by the Ottoman
sultanate of central Anatolia that kept conquering ever larger swaths
of territory, and with that begins part two of the history of Qara
Arslan’s basin.

Mercury gilding was added inside to cover the loss of inlay in a large
rosette on the bottom, erased by wear. The gilding, typical of
16th-century Ottoman fashion, indicates that the basin was still
treasured. It got worn, in turn.

Part three of the basin’s history begins in 1845. Michelangelo Lanci,
an Italian scholar who collected Arabic texts on monuments and
objects, saw the basin in Rome at the hands of the jeweler and
antiquarian Alessandro Castellani. Lanci published the inscriptions in
Volume 2 of his ”Treatise on Arab Symbolical Representations and
Various Categories of Islamic Inscriptions Wrought on Different
Material Supports.” Written in Italian, it was published in Paris
with a subsidy from King Louis Philippe.

Lanci’s reading included minor mistakes and one huge error. The
inscriptions naming three sultans were merged into one, as if they
concerned a single ruler. The great French Arabist Gaston Wiet
recorded the inscriptions in his 1934 general repertory of Arabic
inscriptions, amending them as best he could without having seen the
actual object.

Part four of the object’s history resumes in 1965 when the basin
surfaced at the Hôtel Drouot, the Paris auction house. I was able to
study it briefly and publish the exact text of the inscriptions in the
1968 volume of the Revue des études islamiques, the French journal of
Islamic studies. The vessel then vanished until its appearance this
year at Sotheby’s.

Perhaps the most telling revelation it provides about the past of
Middle Eastern cultures is the mix of influences that prevailed in the
area where southeast Turkey, northwest Iraq and northeast Syria
converge.

Three Artuqid dynasties ran the area. The Mardin Artuqids were
connected to Syria, as the basin’s calligraphy shows, but also to Iran
as demonstrated by a continuous scroll carrying the stylized animal
heads on the flat edge of the rim, which looks Iranian not Syrian.

The Artuqids of Khartpirt, a city in the southeast of historic
Armenia, Harput in modern Turkey, are represented by one royal piece
now in a Munich museum. This is a bronze mirror to the name of Sultan
Artuq Shah. The seven planets represented by seven busts cast in low
relief, in a Byzantine-derived style, are in turn surrounded by the 12
Zodiac signs depicted according to Iranian convention, but
stylistically unique with their well rounded low relief.

A third royal object to the name of an Artuqid ruler from the branch
based in Hisn Kaifa in historic Syria, now Hasankeif in Turkey, is the
great enigma of Middle Eastern art in the 12th century.

The footed cup has an enameled decoration combining the champlevé
technique, typically west European, and the cloisonné technique used
in Byzantium, as in Georgia. The shape is paralleled in French
medieval vessels in champlevé enamels, as is the color scheme. A long
inscription in Persianate Arabic inside the vessel names Suqman
(modern Turkish Sökmen) son of Dawud and gives him a number of Persian
titles alongside Arabic ones. A Persian poem written on the outside
confirms a strain of Persian literary influence, but at that period,
this gives no clue to the regional provenance – Persian was the state
language of the Seljuk Sultanate in Anatolia.

Its highly distinctive decoration is uniquely archaistic. Some
elements are derived from the Hellenistic past, such as Alexander’s
chariot elevated into the sky by winged griffins, others from early
Islamic iconography in Iran, like the scrolls carrying palmettes, or
from Umayyad Syrian iconography in the seventh to eighth century, like
the palm trees appearing inside between some circular medallions.

Years may go by before we begin to understand the ramifications of
artistic currents in the Artuqid domain.

Qara Arslan’s basin, estimated to be worth £300,000 to £500,000 plus
the sale charge, matched the low estimate with the £361,250 telephone
bid, believed by professionals to have been made by the museum at Doha
in Qatar.

For a bronze that has lost so much of its inlay, the price is
considerable if measured by today’s standards. It might soon come to
be seen as a bargain – historic objects from the Middle East are
incomparably rarer than, say, historic objects with imperial marks
from China, now going for millions.

This much is indeed suggested by the first two highest prices paid
Wednesday by the same bidder simply identified as ”L0052.”

One was a page that was torn out of a royal manuscript of the
”Shah-Nameh” (Book of Kings), which was ripped apart in the early
20th century by the French dealer George Demotte. The manuscript was
reputedly commissioned by Shah Isma’il II in 1577 – the pages
providing the information are now missing. Estimated to be worth from
£60,000 to £80,000 plus the sale charge, the page sold for £1.39
million.

The second highest price went to the portrait of a court lady with the
royal aigrette stuck into her head band. It is signed by the famous
artist Mohammed-e Yusof who dated it 1052 (April 1, 1652, to March 21,
1653). At £433,250, the drawing in pen and ink brought six times the
high estimate.

In a session where bidders let 47 percent of the works on offer drop
dead, those phenomenal figures say all about the craze for works
sealed in the concrete of history.

Armenian state debt at 41.7% of GDP at end-2011

Interfax, Russia
April 28 2012

Armenian state debt at 41.7% of GDP at end-2011

YEREVAN. April 28

Total Armenian state debt stood at $4.129 billion at the end of last
year, representing 41.7% of GDP, Deputy Armenian Finance Minister and
treasury chief Atom Dzhandzhugazian told the press on Saturday.

The Finance Ministry had predicted that state debt would amount to
41.3% of GDP at end-2011.

Dzhandzhugazian said that foreign state debt amounted to $3.568
billion, or 36.1% of GDP, at the end of last year. Domestic state debt
was $560 million, or 5.7% of GDP. Of foreign debt, government
obligations accounted for $2.951 billion, or 29.8% of GDP and Central
Bank of Armenia obligations to $617 million.

As of March 31 this year, Dzhandzhugazian said, Armenia’s state debt
was at $4.196 billion, including $3.634 billion in foreign debts ($3.3
billion – government, $631 million – Central Bank), and $562.2 million
in domestic debts.

During the financial crisis, Armenia’s debt burden doubled,
Dzhandzhugazian said, although the country continues to be thought of
as a country with a low debt level. The cost of servicing state debt
will be rising until 2015, and then it will start to go down, he said.

Per its state-debt law, Armenia can increase that debt to 50%-60% of
GDP, while the government is obligated to keep the country’s budget
deficit to no more than 3% of GDP.

Cf

President Gül blames French politicians for escalating Turkophobia

, Turkey
April 28 2012

President Gül blames French politicians for escalating Turkophobia

Gül has blamed French politicians for using the so-called Armenian
genocide as a tool for triggering Turkophobia in France.

World Bulletin/News Desk

President Abdullah Gül has blamed French politicians for using the
so-called Armenian genocide as a tool for triggering Turkophobia in
France.

Speaking on the 97th anniversary of the Battle of Çanakkale, Gül said
that every year Turkey holds a ceremony for commemorating the French
soldiers who died at Çanakkale, but France does not exhibit the same
good intentioned approach towards Turkey.

`After the Republic was established, we avoided reopening old wounds
so future generations would not inherit these pains. Unfortunately,
the Armenian Diaspora has started to use this tragic event as a tool
for preserving their identity and enhancing the feeling of solidarity
between themselves since the 1960s. Some countries have unfairly
ratified laws that criminalize the so-called Armenian genocide.
Politicians who have voted in favor of these laws don’t have any
knowledge of the political conditions of the time; they are chasing
political benefits,’ said Gül.

Reiterating Turkey’s call for the establishment of a non-partisan
commission comprised of respected Turkish and foreign historians for
investigating the 1915 events, Gül noted that neither Armenia nor
France have given a positive response to this call.

`We frequently observe with sorrow today that French politicians are
exploiting the World War I-era deaths of Armenians to gain the support
of the Armenian community living in France and therefore encouraging
Turkophobia in France,’ he added.

The Turkish Foreign Ministry released a written statement on Tuesday
night accusing French presidential rivals Nicolas Sarkozy and Francois
Hollande of exploiting the World War I-era deaths of Armenians during
the Ottoman Empire to garner votes from its sizeable Armenian
community ahead of the second presidential run-off.

The statement said declarations by the French presidential rivals
regarding the 1915 events are `another example of the exploitation of
controversial historical issues for political gain.’

The statement added that it is unfortunate that history is politicized
based on various goals, and that prejudiced behavior won’t help
further justice or create a better understanding of history.

The Turkish government has also urged French politicians to exercise
restraint as statesmen and said it’s impossible to obtain results
through an outside, artificial imposition on a subject where the
involved states should reach a solution. The statement added that
similar statements are detrimental to peace efforts in the region.

www.WorldBulletin.net

139 candidates run for 41 constituency seats in Armenian parliament

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
April 28 2012

139 candidates run for 41 constituency seats in Armenian parliament

139 candidates will run for 41 seats in the Armenian parliament on May
6, according to the majority system, Armenia Today reports.

Gagik Tsarukyan, the leader of Prosperous Armenia, is the only
candidate in electoral district 28, Samvel Balasanyan, Vice Speaker of
Parliament and Deputy Chairman of the party, is the only candidate in
electoral district 34.

Armen Avdalyan of district 28 and Ayk Sultanyan of district 35 quit
the elections.

8 parties and a bloc are running for parliament. They include the
Republican Party, Prosperous Armenia, Orinats Yerkir, Dashnaktsutyun,
Heritage, the Armenian National Congress, the Democratic Party, the
Communist Party and United Armenians.

Reburning L.A. – The literature of 1992: This Angelic Land

Los Angeles Review of Books

D.J. Waldie on This Angelic Land
Reburning L.A. – The Literature of 1992

This Angelic Land
By: Aris Janigian
pp: 234

April 29, 2012

IT’S 20 YEARS SINCE LOS ANGELES LAST BURNED, far worse than in 1965 (the
Watts Riot) and more destructively than in 1943 (the Zoot Suit Riots) or
in 1871 (the Chinese Massacre). L.A. may burn again, even if as many
believe, the igniting brutality of the LAPD has been dampened. Still,
the disparity of prospects for ill-educated youth and the city’s working
poor is greater today than it was in either 1992 or 1965. L.A.’s
permanent social fractures generate enough tinder, and self-immolation
becomes us. It’s one of our hateful characteristics, along with a sick
fascination with apocalypses and self-inflicted amnesia.

Most of us don’t care to remember. But in Watts (even after 47 years),
you can still see places – like faint smudges – where businesses had
been burned out or failed soon after the fires. And in neighborhoods
south of downtown, 20 years after the Rodney King verdicts, lot-size
gaps still hole the streetscape. They hardly get a second glance. In
north Long Beach, where news helicopters rarely hovered in 1992, the
city put up low, three-rail white fences around the emptied lots,
looking like corrals for ponies. Our places remember better than Anglo
L.A. ever will.

For one thing, places don’t get bored. In our distracted recollection of
the events that followed the acquittal of four police officers who
clubbed Rodney King into compliance with the LAPD’s formal modes of
submission, our L.A. is located unhelpfully between the representations
in commission reports and the intensely personal, sudden, and fleeting
sensations of those who stood in and around the flames. As spectacle –
even as a moral spectacle in the monologues of Anna Deavere Smith’s
Twilight: Los Angeles, 1992 – the events of 20 years ago are nothing
but moments. What the words riot, civil disturbance, rebellion, or
uprising should have meant to us we have displaced, partly by the
lingering trauma and partly by forgetfulness. Memory for L.A. is an
empty can to be kicked down the road as we wait again for whatever.

Tomorrow has always been this city’s unreachable destination. As one
civic booster early in the 20th century put it, Los Angeles has
“everything in the future.” True enough in 1992 and today as well:
everything tomorrow and nothing today, where we actually live, and
little of substance from the past, either. For Angelenos, the death of
Kendrec McDade, the random shootings of black residents in Tulsa,
Oklahoma, and the killing of Trayvon Martin in Florida (reminiscent of
the shooting of young Latasha Harlins by a Korean shopkeeper in 1991)
are insufficient as reminders or as sparks. But not for every Angeleno.

In 2002, Jervey Tervalon (in his introduction to Geography of Rage:
Remembering the Los Angeles Riots of 1992) could write that the common
bonfire had made survivors in common:

We lived through it, were scared and furious, considered bailing
on Los Angeles, and feared that this explosion of rage was just
the precursor of more unrest. … We struggled with the fragmented
opinions of hows and whys; the city was too colored, too poor, too
vicious, too divided to pull itself back from the abyss of the
largest civil disturbance in the history of the United States. But
L.A. resurrected itself. We got along well enough for the economy
to blossom once again, and those that fled to greener or whiter
climes were replaced with browner or blacker or yellower faces,
and the city didn’t miss a beat. It was still too large, too
dangerous, too expensive, too smoggy, but we weren’t going
anywhere.

By 2007, black Angelenos no longer wanted perseverance in the ashes of
Peter Ueberroth’s failed Rebuild L.A. (Ueberroth, former president of
the organizing committee of the Los Angeles summer Olympics, sought to
transform the economics of poverty in South Central Los Angeles. He
failed to attract the corporate investment he needed. Rebuild L.A.
lasted until its charter expired in 1997.) That year, Tervalon wrote in
the L.A. Weekly that “Latinos have replaced African-Americans in these
neighborhoods and schools, and I wish them luck. I hope that Los Angeles
is kinder to them than to the black folks I knew in the Los Angeles I
loved.” In 2012, with the ruins of wholesale foreclosure all round, not
even the sprawl of not-quite-middle-class African Americans to the
farther valleys and high desert provides enough relief from their
anxiety. In a recent poll by Loyola Marymount University’s Leavey Center
for the Study of Los Angeles, substantially more African Americans than
white Anglos were certain that little or no progress has been made to
resolve racial and ethnic conflicts.

Ask Father Greg Boyle of Homeboy Industries and you’ll learn that any
kindness found in L.A. today is the result of faith or habit. Any luck
belongs to those who already have it.

2.

Even as black L.A. began a problematic diaspora out of post-riot
neighborhoods to the Inland Empire, the irony of “we weren’t going
anywhere” played out in the vernacular culture that followed the fires.
Ice Cube’s The Predator (1992), a rap cycle of fury and contempt, was
directed at the distant, indifferent shore where privileged Angelenos
live, even if the privileged were thought to include Korean grocers. “We
Had to Tear This Motherfucka Up” was Ice Cube’s explanation, a theme of
tragic necessity remixed by other rap and hip-hop artists. “The Day the
Niggaz Took Over” from Dr. Dre’s The Chronic (1992), with sampled news
reports and riot sound bites, rescripted the burning of L.A. as racial
solidarity of a sort, although that wasn’t true either, as anyone who
watched the looting on television could see. Ice-T in “Disorder” (1993)
sang “Injustice drives you crazy/It drive L.A. insane/In this
generation/hatred is the name” with the chorus repeating “War! LA ’92!”
The target of black rage was already generic, however real were the
reasons, and the politics-by-other-means grotesquely limited. “Gangsta
rap” might sing of Glocks and a stoic acceptance of fate – 2Pac
rapping “I see death around the corner” – but the misogyny, nihilism,
and self-absorption of gangsta poets hustled the memory of “tearing up”
L.A. into mere soliloquy.

Fiction and memoir, too, mostly failed to deliver a usable 1992. Los
Angeles Times book critic David Ulin, writing a 20th anniversary
retrospective of the riots and the literature it produced (Los Angeles
Times, 22, April 2012), found only fragments, cacophony, and the city’s
habitual desertion of history. Ulin praised two books as brave
approaches to the “story we have never quite known how to tell”:
Tervalon’s Geography of Rage (a collection long out of print) and Lynell
George’s No Crystal Stair, with its fine portraits of the suffering
compounded with George’s memoir of her own confusion and estrangement as
the events of 1992 unfolded:

For hours I’ve been transfixed, watching childhood landmarks
swallowed up in the surprisingly liquid aspects of billowing smoke
and flames – stores, streets, memories, futures. I’m watching my
old neighborhood blister, turn to embers, rendered entirely
foreign. I hear the fear in the voices of my relatives and friends
who’ve been trying to track the course of the flames, guess the
trajectory of anger.

Ulin also noted Richard Rayner’s motor tour of the burning city in his
essay “Los Angeles” (included in Ulin’s 2001 anthology Another City:
Writing from Los Angeles). The rioting had begun as a matter of black
rage, it seemed to Rayner, but then it had morphed into “property
redistribution” by the poor of all colors. It had ended as a public
entertainment in which at least 58 people were killed.

Ulin (as well as Libros Schmibros proprietor/librarian David Kipen,
commenting recently on KPCC) could recollect only a few post-riot
novels, and in the them, the fires are primarily a lurid backdrop:
Michael Connelly’s Echo Park and Concrete Blond, Héctor Tobar’s The
Tattooed Soldier, Gary Phillips’ Violent Spring, Paula Woods’ Inner City
Blues, and Bebe Moore Campbell’s Brothers and Sisters. Paul Beatty’s
White Boy Shuffle is a satire of male blackness and gangsta posturing.
What Korean American novelists said of their community’s desolation –
2,100 businesses ruined, five Korean merchants killed – I do not know.

“Not knowing” in media-saturated L.A. is our only universally shared
condition. We have a literature about Los Angeles in which a city we
partly recognize is sometimes monstrously, sometimes beautifully
re-imagined, but we have no literature yet of Los Angeles, not even a
shared grid of the stories from which such a literature might arise. And
so, we must begin.

A particularly poignant and relevant starting place for assembling this
necessary grid of stories is Aris Janigian’s unexpected novel This
Angelic Land (which takes its title from a line in William Blake’s
America – A Prophecy). Unexpected, because Janigian’s previous novels –
Bloodvine and Riverbig – have dealt with the Central Valley and
conflicts within the valley’s Armenian community. (Novels that I’ve
enjoyed, and said so in a book jacket blurb for Riverbig. Janigian is a
friend of a friend, which is how I came to be acquainted with his early
career as a writer. I also share a publisher with Janigian – Berkeley’s
wonderful Heyday Books. His latest novel is published by a new,
nonprofit imprint, West of West Books, founded by Janigian and Mark
Arax.) And unexpected, as well, because This Angelic Land reframes the
fires of 1992 not as an uprising against oppressive white institutions
or through the doomed romanticism of gangsta gunmen or in the form of a
metaphor for the tattered loyalties of the black bourgeoisie but as a
historically conditioned collision of dispossessed tribes on a patch of
contested ground. For contested ground is what Los Angeles has been
since its capture by the U.S. Army in 1847.

3.

(N)iggaz start to loot and police start to shoot
Lock it down at seven o’clock, then again it’s like Beirut
Me don’t show no love cuz it’s us against them
– Dr. Dre, “The Day the Niggaz Took Over”

Beirut/Los Angeles; Los Angeles/Beirut: Janigian patrols the lethal
boundary that barely separates gunmen in both cities, carrying with him
the burden of the Armenian genocide and all the lesser genocides that
preceded and followed 1915 in a bloody trail to L.A., where the exiles
halted, unprepared to release their memories into prose. The most
hopeful of the exiles – including Janigian’s memoirist/quasi-narrator
Adam Derderian – sought reinvention in L.A., the global capital of
third and fourth chances. After all, Adam informs his older brother (who
is the storyteller outside Adam’s story), “The power to invent required
the power to ignore and forget.” But invention on L.A.’s terms comes
with a price.

Ignorance makes our sunshine perpetual, our paydays always on the come.
And forgetting slides another round into the receiver of the Glock,
slides a sometime porn actress into a booth in the bar Adam has
mysteriously ceased to own, turns the news commentary he hears into
drivel, and turns Angelenos like Adam and the Derderians into targets.

The Derderian family – including an aunt widowed by a sectarian
reprisal – had fled Beirut for the ghetto-as-souk of L.A.’s Little
Armenia when Adam was a boy. There, by the precise calculations of the
schoolyard “brown bag test,” he was too swarthy to be merely white, the
black kids said, and too white to be anything but. In 1992, in crossing
the grid of the city with a Kurdish friend to reassure his parents –
sure that the first evening of burning was Beirut all over again –
Adam passes from white to colored and back again, from businessman to
looter to son, from Anglo to Armenian, and from a witness to the
intolerable present moment to an inheritor of the equally intolerable
past. In each gap through the city’s net, these serial Adams measure a
part of the common longing that barely holds the tribes of L.A.
together. That longing can be lethal (Adam is the survivor of a suicide
attempt), and when longing is answered by nothing more than palm trees
and climate, it’s incendiary. Before Adam arrives at his terminus as a
riot statistic in the hills above fiery Los Angeles, he has questioned
the immunity he sought as an Angeleno, the premises of his city, its
faithlessness and his weak faith, and his reasons for – somehow –
remaining here. He’s sat with neighbors arming themselves, his parents
armed with worry, hipsters and bohos armored with L.A.’s mixture of
cynicism and innocence, and with the wise man Adam names the Wizard,
vastly aloof.

This Angelic Land does not answer the disputed claims of a particular
history although the sufferings of history signify something. Rather,
this is a novel of grace . . . and grace in several dimensions,
including palm trees and climate and all they imply about the sweetness
of the ruined paradise that is our Los Angeles. There’s the grace of
belief, a communal faith that hovers at the novel’s edges. There’s the
grace – rarely consoling – of family. There’s the bitter grace of
memory and the redeeming grace of comrades and the easily misplaced
grace of self-awareness. There’s the grace of America, too, but it’s
hard to discern through the smoke of 1992. And there’s the grace – or
the luck – of survival, although that hardly leaves anyone in the
novel at peace. Each was the survivor of something in getting here, a
survivor of this place in staying, and now the random survivor of 1992’s
tormented carnival of fire and fun. Survivors have their guilt and their
illusionary justifications for surviving, but they have survival in
common. And if that’s not enough on which to build a home for exiles,
it’s something, nonetheless.

Janigian refuses to dissolve L.A. into any combination of its clichés
or to accept hallucination as an explanation or to leave out what he has
the capacity to include (sometimes to the detriment of the narrative).
He has a nice way of sorting the easy graces from the ones that might
break your heart, that might prepare you for the grace to make you whole
again. Being whole could be true of our L.A. too, but Janigian is too
smart – too burned by memory – to deliver wholeness as a conclusion.
No one gets L.A. right except, Janigian suggests, those who stand
slightly detached from it, who are half exiles and homeless still, but
who have the capacity for stories. Perhaps he’s right, and that is a
place from which to start negotiation of the terms of our engagement on
this contested ground.

In “Parker Center,” an essay in Tervalon’s Geography of Rage, Lisa
Alvarez describes a serious young man on the first night of the riots,
carefully pouring gasoline around the base of a palm tree not far from
the LAPD headquarters. Alvarez sees the young man wedge some newspaper
as kindling into the cut fronds that cover part of the trunk. Alvarez,
while realizing her foolish pathos, pleads with the young man to spare
the tree, so harmless, so L.A. He informs her that the tree is fake, as
all of L.A. is fake. And when the young man makes the palm another evil
candle for that first night of rioting, he’s justified. He tells
Alvarez, “If it was real, it wouldn’t burn. What’s real doesn’t burn.”

This Angelic Land makes L.A. more real. It’s not the perfect novel of
1992, but it’s a necessary one.