Business People From Russian Tomsk Looking Into Prospects Of Importi

BUSINESS PEOPLE FROM RUSSIAN TOMSK LOOKING INTO PROSPECTS OF IMPORTING ARMENIAN FOODS AND ARMENIAN JEWELRY

YEREVAN, September 10. / ARKA /. A delegation of business people from
Russian Tomsk province has arrived in Armenia to look into prospects
of importing Armenian foods and Armenian jewelry.

The Russian delegation will be having a series of meetings with
Armenian peers in Yerevan and the third largest town of Vanadzor
through September 13. The visit was preceded by a video conference
held in July between Yerevan and Tomsk on Armenia’s and Russia’s
investment climates and their trade and investment potentials.

Alexander Gumilevsky, head of entrepreneurial development center
of the Tomsk Chamber of Commerce and Industry, told ARKA his region
could sell to Armenia industrial products, while Armenia could sell
its foods as well as jewelry in the Russian province.

“Representatives of ten Tomsk companies have arrived in Armenia,
including a representative of the largest travel agency to study
Armenia as a tourist destination for residents of Tomsk,” said
Gumilevsky.

According to Karen Martirosyan, head of Yerevan Chamber of Commerce
and Industry, some 60 Armenian business people discussed with Russian
colleagues today ways to establish mutually beneficial cooperation.

According to the National Statistical Service of Armenia, the country’s
trade with Russia in January- July 2013 amounted to $709.5 million,
22.2% of its total foreign trade. -0-

– See more at:

http://arka.am/en/news/economy/business_people_from_russian_tomsk_looking_into_prospects_of_importing_armenian_foods_and_armenian_j/#sthash.k799kaLN.dpuf

Aravot: Aram Sargsyan Promises To Start Relentless Opposition Strugg

ARAVOT: ARAM SARGSYAN PROMISES TO START RELENTLESS OPPOSITION STRUGGLE

Tuesday,
September
10

‘Aravot’ says that the chairman of Republic Party Aram Sargsyan
has recently conducted active consultations with various parties
and political figures with the aim of organizing a wave of protests
against Armenia’s decision to join the Customs Union.

During a talk with the newspaper’s correspondent, Aram Sargsyan
explained the purpose of those consultations in the following way:
“I am going to put up a relentless opposition struggle”.

TODAY, 12:00

Aysor.am

President Al-Assad’s Interview With American CBS News

PRESIDENT AL-ASSAD’S INTERVIEW WITH AMERICAN CBS NEWS

[ Part 2.2: “Attached Text” ]

Sep 10, 2013

[20130910-064620_h501729.jpg]

Damascus, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to
American CBS news. 

Following is the full text of the interview:

Charlie Rose:  Mr. President thank you very much for this opportunity
to talk to you at a very important moment because the President of
the United States will address the nation this week and, as you know
an important conversation is taking place in Washington and important
things are happening here in your country.  Do you expect an airstrike?

President al-Assad:  As long as the United States doesn’t obey the
international law and trample over the Charter of the United Nations
we have to worry that any administration – not only this one – would
do anything.  According to the lies that we’ve been hearing for the
last two weeks from high-ranking officials in the US administration
we have to expect the worst.

Charlie Rose:  Are you prepared?

President al-Assad:  We’ve been living in difficult circumstances
for the last two years and a half, and we prepare ourselves for every
possibility.  But that doesn’t mean if you’re prepared things will be
better; it’s going to get worse with any foolish strike or stupid war.

Charlie Rose: What do you mean worse?

President al-Assad: Worse because of the repercussions because nobody
can tell you the repercussions of the first strike. We’re talking about
one region, bigger regions, not only about Syria.  This interlinked
region, this intermingled, interlocked, whatever you want to call it;
if you strike somewhere, you have to expect the repercussions somewhere
else in different forms in ways you don’t expect.

Charlie Rose: Are you suggesting that if in fact there is a strike;
there will be repercussions against the United States from your
friends in other countries like Iran or Hezbollah or others?

President al-Assad:  As I said, this may take different forms: direct
and indirect.  Direct when people want to retaliate, or governments. 
Indirect when you’re going to have instability and the spread of
terrorism all over the region that will influence the west directly.

Charlie Rose:  Have you had conversations with Russia, with Iran or
with Hezbollah about how to retaliate?

President al-Assad:  We don’t discuss this issue as a government,
but we discuss the repercussions, which is more important because
sometimes repercussions could be more destroying than the strike
itself.  Any American strike will not destroy as much as the terrorists
have already destroyed in Syria; sometimes the repercussions could
be many doubles the strike itself.

Charlie Rose:  But some have suggested that it might tip the balance in
the favor of the rebels and lead to the overthrow of your government.

Any strike will be as direct support to Al-Qaeda

President al-Assad:  Exactly.  Any strike will be as direct support
to Al-Qaeda offshoot that’s called Jabhat al-Nusra and the Islamic
State of Iraq and Syria.  You’re right about this.  It’s going to be
direct support.

Charlie Rose:  This is about chemical warfare.  Let’s talk about
that.  Do you approve of the use of chemical warfare, the use of
deadly chemicals?  Do you think that it is an appropriate tool of war,
to use chemicals?

President al-Assad: We are against any WMD, any weapons of mass
destruction, whether chemical or nuclear.

Charlie Rose:  So you’re against the use of chemical warfare?

20130910-065004.jpg

President al-Assad:  Yes, not only me. As a state, as a government,
in 2001 we proposed to the United Nations to empty or to get rid of
every WMD in the Middle East, and the United States stood against
that proposal.  This is our conviction and policy.

Charlie Rose: But you’re not a signatory to the chemical warfare
agreement.

President al-Assad:  Not yet.

Charlie Rose:  Why not?

President al-Assad:  Because Israel has WMD, and it has to sign, and
Israel is occupying our land, so that’s we talked about the Middle
East, not Syria, not Israel; it should be comprehensive.

Charlie Rose:  Do you consider chemical warfare equivalent to nuclear
warfare?

President al-Assad:  I don’t know. We haven’t tried either.

Charlie Rose: But you know, you’re a head of state, and you understand
the consequences of weapons that don’t discriminate.

President al-Assad:  Technically, they’re not the same.  But morally,
it’s the same.

Charlie Rose:  Morally, they are the same.

President al-Assad:  They are the same, but at the end, killing is
killing.  Massacring is massacring.  Sometimes you may kill tens of
thousands or hundreds of thousands with very primitive armaments.

Charlie Rose:  Then why do you have such a stockpile of chemical
weapons?

President al-Assad:  We don’t discuss this issue in public because
we never said that we have it, and we never said that we don’t have
it.  It’s a Syrian issue; it’s a military issue we never discuss in
public with anyone.

Charlie Rose:  This is from the New York Times this morning:
Syria’s leaders amassed one of the world’s largest stockpiles of
chemical weapons with help from the Soviet Union and Iran as well as
Western European suppliers, and even a handful of American companies. 
According to American diplomatic cables and declassified intelligence
records, you have amassed one of the largest supplies of chemical
weapons in the world.

President al-Assad:  To have or not to have is a possibility, but
to depend on what media says is nonsense, or to depend on some of
the reports of the intelligence is nonsense and that was proven when
they invaded Iraq ten years ago and they said “Iraq has stockpiles
of WMD” and it was proven after the invasion that this was false;
it was fraud.  So, we can’t depend on what one magazine wrote.  But
at the end, I said it’s something not to be discussed with anyone.

Charlie Rose:  You accept that the world believes that you have a
stockpile of chemical weapons?

President al-Assad:  Who?

Charlie Rose:  The world.  The United States and other powers who
also said that you have chemical weapons.

President al-Assad:  It isn’t about what they believe in, it’s about
the reality that we have, and this reality, we own it, we don’t have
to discuss it.

Charlie Rose:  Speaking of reality, what was the reality on August
21st? What happened in your judgment?

President al-Assad:  We’re not in the area where the alleged chemical
attack happened.  I said alleged.  We’re not sure that anything
happened.

Charlie Rose:  Even at this date, you’re not sure that chemical weapons
– even though you have seen the video tape, even though you’ve seen
the bodies, even though your own officials have been there.

President al-Assad:  I haven’t finished.  Our soldiers in another area
were attacked chemically.  Our soldiers – they went to the hospital
as casualties because of chemical weapons, but in the area where they
said the government used chemical weapons, we only had video and we
only have pictures and allegations.  We’re not there; our forces,
our police, our institutions don’t exist there.  How can you talk
about what happened if you don’t have evidence?  We’re not like the
American administration, we’re not social media administration or
government.  We are a government that deals with reality.  When we
have evidence, we’ll announce it.

Charlie Rose:  Well, as you know, Secretary Kerry has said there is
evidence and that they saw rockets that fired from a region controlled
by your forces into a region controlled by the rebels.

They have evidence from satellite photographs of that.  They have
evidence of a message that was intercepted about chemical weapons,
and soon thereafter there were other intercepted messages, so Secretary
Kerry has presented what he views as conclusive evidence.

Kerry reminds about the big lie that Collin Powell said in front of
the world on satellites about the WMD in Iraq

President al-Assad:  No, he presented his confidence and his
convictions. It’s not about confidence, it’s about evidence.  The
Russians have completely opposite evidence that the missiles were
thrown from an area where the rebels control.  This reminds me – what
Kerry said –  about the big lie that Collin Powell said in front of
the world on satellites about the WMD in Iraq before going to war. 
He said “this is our evidence.”  Actually, he gave false evidence. 
In this case, Kerry didn’t even present any evidence.  He talked “we
have evidence” and he didn’t present anything.  Not yet, nothing so
far; not a single shred of evidence.

Charlie Rose:  Do you have some remorse for those bodies, those people,
it is said to be up to at least a thousand or perhaps 1400, who were
in Eastern Ghouta, who died?

President al-Assad:  We feel pain for every Syrian victim.

Charlie Rose:  What about the victims of this assault from chemical
warfare?

President al-Assad:  Dead is dead, killing is killing, crime is
crime.  When you feel pain, you feel pain about their family, about
the loss that you have in your country, whether one person was killed
or a hundred or a thousand.  It’s a loss, it’s a crime, it’s a moral
issue.  We have family that we sit with, family that loved their dear
ones.  It’s not about how they are killed, it’s about that they are
dead now; this is the bad thing.

Charlie Rose: But has there been any remorse or sadness on behalf of
the Syrian people for what happened?

President al-Assad:  I think sadness prevails in Syria now.  We don’t
feel anything else but sadness because we have this killing every day,
whether with chemical or any other kind.  It’s not about how. We feel
with it every day.

Charlie Rose:  But this was indiscriminate, and children were killed,
and people who said goodbye to their children in the morning didn’t
see them and will never see them again, in Ghouta.

President al-Assad:  That is the case every day in Syria, that’s why
you have to stop the killing. That’s why we have to stop the killing. 
But what do you mean by “indiscriminate” that you are talking about?

Charlie Rose:  Well, the fact that chemical warfare is indiscriminate
in who it kills, innocents as well as combatants.

20130910-065057.jpg

President al-Assad:  Yeah, but you’re not talking about evidence,
you’re not talking about facts, we are talking about allegations.  So,
we’re not sure that if there’s chemical weapon used and who used it. 
We can’t talk about virtual things, we have to talk about facts.

Charlie Rose:  It is said that your government delayed the United
Nations observers from getting to Ghouta and that you denied and
delayed the Red Cross then the Red Crescent from getting there to
make observations and to help.

President al-Assad:  The opposite happened, your government delayed
because we asked for a delegation in March 2013 when the first attack
happened in Aleppo in the north of Syria; they delayed it till just
a few days before al-Ghouta when they sent those team, and the team
itself said in its report that he did everything as he wanted.  There
was not a single obstacle.

Charlie Rose:  But they said they were delayed in getting there,
that they wanted to be there earlier.

President al-Assad:  No, no, no; there was a conflict, there was
fighting, they were shooting. That’s it.  We didn’t prevent them from
going anywhere.  We asked them to come; why to delay them?  Even if
you want to take the American story, they say we used chemical weapons
the same day the team or the investigation team came to Syria; is it
logical?  It’s not logical.  Even if a country or army wanted to use
such weapon, they should have waited a few days till the investigation
finished its work.  It’s not logical, the whole story doesn’t even
hold together.

Charlie Rose:  We’ll come back to it. If your government did not do
it, despite the evidence, who did it?

President al-Assad:  We have to be there to get the evidence like
what happened in Aleppo when we had evidence.  And because the United
States didn’t send the team, we sent the evidence to the Russians.

Charlie Rose:  But don’t you want to know the answer, if you don’t
accept the evidence so far, as to who did this?

President al-Assad:  The question is who threw chemicals on the same
day on our soldiers.  That’s the same question.  Technically, not the
soldiers.  Soldiers don’t throw missiles on themselves.  So, either the
rebels, the terrorists, or a third party.  We don’t have any clue yet. 
We have to be there to collect the evidences then we can give answer.

Charlie Rose:  Well, the argument is made that the rebels don’t have
their capability of using chemical weapons, they do not have the
rockets and they do not have the supply of chemical weapons that you
have, so therefore they could not have done it.

President al-Assad:  First of all, they have rockets, and they’ve
been throwing rockets on Damascus for months.

Charlie Rose: That carry chemical weapons?

President al-Assad:  Rockets in general.  They have the means –
first.  Second, the sarin gas that they’ve been talking about for
the last weeks is a very primitive gas.  You can have it done in
the backyard of a house; it’s a very primitive gas.  So, it’s not
something complicated.

Charlie Rose:  But this was not primitive.  This was a terrible use
of chemical weapons.

President al-Assad:  Third, they used it in Aleppo in the north
of Syria.  Fourth, there’s a video on YouTube where the terrorists
clearly make trials on a rabbit and kill the rabbit and said “this
is how we’re going to kill the Syrian people.”  Fifth, there’s a new
video about one of those women who they consider as rebel or fighter
who worked with those terrorists and she said “they didn’t tell us
how to use the chemical weapons” and one of those weapons exploded in
one of the tunnels and killed twelve.  That’s what she said.  Those
are the evidence that we have.  Anyway, the party who accused is the
one who has to bring evidences.  The United States accused Syria,
and because you accused you have to bring evidence, this first of
all. We have to find evidences when we are there.

Charlie Rose: What evidence would be sufficient for you?

President al-Assad:  For example, in Aleppo we had the missile itself,
and the material, and the sample from the sand, from the soil, and
samples from the blood.

Charlie Rose:  But the argument is made that your forces bombarded
Ghouta soon thereafter with the intent of covering up evidence.

President al-Assad:  How could bombardment cover the evidence?

Technically, it doesn’t work. How? This is stupid to be frank, this
is very stupid.

Charlie Rose: But you acknowledge the bombardment?

President al-Assad:  Of course, there was a fight.  That happens every
day; now you can have it. But, let’s talk… we have indications,
let me just finish this point, because how can use WMD while your
troops are only 100 meters away from it?  Is it logical?  It doesn’t
happen.  It cannot be used like this.  Anyone who’s not military knows
this fact.  Why do you use chemical weapons while you’re advancing? 
Last year was much more difficult than this year, and we didn’t use it.

Charlie Rose:  There is this question too; if it was not you, does
that mean that you don’t have control of your own chemical weapons
and that perhaps they have fallen into the hands of other people who
might want to use them?

President al-Assad:  That implies that we have chemical weapons,
first.  That implies that it’s being used, second.  So we cannot
answer this question until we answer the first part and the second
part.  Third, let’s presume that a country or army has this weapon;
this kind of armaments cannot be used by infantry for example or by
anyone.  This kind of armament should be used by specialized units,
so it cannot be in the hand of anyone.

Charlie Rose: Well, exactly, that’s the point.

President al-Assad:  Which is controlled centrally.

Charlie Rose:  Ah, so you are saying that if in fact, your government
did it, you would know about it and you would have approved it.

President al-Assad:  I’m talking about a general case.

Charlie Rose:  In general, you say if in fact it happened, I would
have known about it and approved it.  That’s the nature of centralized
power.

President al-Assad:  Generally, in every country, yes. I’m talking
about the general rules, because I cannot discuss this point with you
in detail unless I’m telling you what we have and what we don’t have,
something I’m not going to discuss as I said at the very beginning,
because this is a military issue that could not be discussed.

Charlie Rose:  Do you question the New York Times article I read
to you, saying you had a stockpile of chemical weapons?  You’re not
denying that.

President al-Assad:  No, we don’t say yes, we don’t say no, because
as long as this is classified, it shouldn’t be discussed.

Charlie Rose:  The United States is prepared to launch a strike against
your country because they believe chemical weapons are so abhorrent,
that anybody who uses them crosses a red line, and that therefore,
if they do that, they have to be taught a lesson so that they will
not do it again.

President al-Assad:  What red line? Who drew it?

Charlie Rose: The President says that it’s not just him, that the world
has drawn it in their revulsion against the use of chemical weapons,
that the world has drawn this red line.

We have our red lines: our sovereignty, our independence

President al-Assad:  Not the world, because Obama drew that line,
and Obama can draw lines for himself and his country, not for
other countries.  We have our red lines, like our sovereignty,
our independence, while if you want to talk about world red lines,
the United States used depleted uranium in Iraq, Israel used white
phosphorus in Gaza, and nobody said anything.  What about the red
lines?  We don’t see red lines.  It’s political red lines.

Charlie Rose: The President is prepared to strike, and perhaps he’ll
get the authorization of Congress or not.  The question then is would
you give up chemical weapons if it would prevent the President from
authorizing a strike?  Is that a deal you would accept?

President al-Assad:  Again, you always imply that we have chemical
weapons.

Charlie Rose: I have to, because that is the assumption of the
President. That is his assumption, and he is the one that will order
the strike.

President al-Assad:  It’s his problem if he has an assumption, but
for us in Syria, we have principles.  We’d do anything to prevent
the region from another crazy war.  It’s not only Syria because it
will start in Syria.

Charlie Rose: You’d do anything to prevent the region from having
another crazy war?

President al-Assad:  The region, yes.

Charlie Rose:  You realize the consequences for you if there is
a strike?

President al-Assad:  It’s not about me. It’s about the region.

Charlie Rose: It’s about your country, it’s about your people.

President al-Assad:  Of course, my country and me, we are part of this
region, we’re not separated.  We cannot discuss it as Syria or as me;
it should be as part, as a whole, as comprehensive.  That’s how we
have to look at it.

Charlie Rose:  Some ask why would you do it? It’s a stupid thing to do
if you’re going to bring a strike down on your head by using chemical
weapons.  Others say you’d do it because A: you’re desperate, or the
alternative, you do it because you want other people to fear you,
because these are such fearful weapons that if the world knows you
have them, and specifically your opponents in Syria, the rebels,
then you have gotten away with it and they will live in fear, and
that therefore, the President has to do something.

President al-Assad:  You cannot be desperate when the army is making
advances.  That should have happened – if we take into consideration
that this presumption is correct and this is reality – you use it
when you’re in a desperate situation.  So, our position is much better
than before. So, this is not correct.

Charlie Rose: You think you’re winning the war.

President al-Assad:  “Winning” is a subjective word, but we are
making advancement.  This is the correct word, because winning for
some people is when you finish completely.

Charlie Rose: Then the argument is made that if you’re winning, it is
because of the recent help you have got from Iran and from Hezbollah
and additional supplies that have come to your side.  People from
outside Syria supporting you in the effort against the rebels.

President al-Assad:  Iran doesn’t have any soldier in Syria, so how
could Iran help me?

Charlie Rose:  Supplies, weaponry?

President al-Assad:  That’s all before the crisis. We always have
this kind of cooperation.

Charlie Rose:  Hezbollah, Hezbollah fighters have been here.

President al-Assad:  Hezbollah fighters are on the borders with Lebanon
where the terrorists attacked them.  On the borders with Lebanon, this
is where Hezbollah retaliated, and this is where we have cooperation,
and that’s good.

Charlie Rose:  Hezbollah forces are in Syria today?

President al-Assad:  On the border area with Lebanon where they want
to protect themselves and cooperate with us, but they don’t exist
all over Syria.  They cannot exist all over Syria anyway, for many
reasons, but they exist on the borders.

Charlie Rose:  What advice are you getting from the Russians?

President al-Assad:  About?

Charlie Rose:  About this war, about how to end this war.

Every friend of Syria is looking for peaceful solution

President al-Assad: Every friend of Syria is looking for peaceful
solution, and we are convinced about that.  We have this advice,
and without this advice we are convinced about it.

Charlie Rose:  Do you have a plan to end the war?

President al-Assad:  Of course.

Charlie Rose: Which is?

President al-Assad:  At the very beginning, it was fully political. 
When you have these terrorists, the first part of the same plan
which is political should start with stopping the smuggling of
terrorists coming from abroad, stopping the logistic support, the
money, all kinds of support coming to these terrorists.  This is the
first part.  Second, we can have national dialogue where different
Syrian parties sit and discuss the future of Syria.  Third, you can
have interim government or transitional government.  Then you have
final elections, parliamentary elections, and you’re going to have
presidential elections.

Charlie Rose: But the question is: would you meet with rebels today
to discuss a negotiated settlement?

President al-Assad:  In the initiative that we issued at the beginning
of this year we said every party with no exceptions as long as they
give up their armaments.

Charlie Rose: But you’ll meet with the rebels and anybody who’s
fighting against you if they give up their weapons?

President al-Assad: We don’t have a problem.

Charlie Rose: Then they will say “you are not giving up your weapons,
why should we give up our weapons?”

President al-Assad:  Does a government give up its weapons?  Have
you heard about that before?

Charlie Rose:  No, but rebels don’t normally give up their weapons
either during the negotiations; they do that after a successful…

President al-Assad:  The armament of the government is legal armament. 
Any other armament is not legal.  So how can you compare?  It’s
completely different.

Charlie Rose:  There’s an intense discussion going on about all the
things we’re talking about in Washington, where if there’s a strike,
it will emanate from the United States’ decision to do this.  What
do you want to say, in this very important week, in America, and in
Washington, to the American people, the members of Congress, to the
President of the United States?

President al-Assad:  I think the most important part of this now is,
let’s say the American people, but the polls show that the majority now
don’t want a war, anywhere, not only against Syria, but the Congress
is going to vote about this in a few days, and I think the Congress
is elected by people, it represents the people, and works for their
interest.  The first question that they should ask themselves: what
do wars give America, since Vietnam till now?

Nothing. No political gain, no economic gain, no good reputation.  The
United States’ credibility is is at an all-time low.  So, this war is
against the interest of the Untied States.  Why?  First, this war is
going to support Al-Qaeda and the same people that killed Americans
in the 11th of September.  The second thing that we want to tell
Congress, that they should ask and that what we expect them to ask
this administration about the evidence that they have regarding the
chemical story and allegations that they presented.

I wouldn’t tell the President or any other official, because we are
disappointed by their behavior recently, because we expected this
administration to be different from Bush’s administration. They are
adopting the same doctrine with different accessories.  That’s it. 
So if we want to expect something from this administration, it is not
to be weak, to be strong to say that “we don’t have evidence,” that
“we have to obey the international law”, that “we have to go back to
the Security Council and the United Nations”.

Charlie Rose:  The question remains; what can you say to the President
who believes chemical weapons were used by your government; that this
will not happen again.

President al-Assad:  I will tell him very simply: present what you
have as evidence to the public, be transparent.

Charlie Rose: And if he does? If he presents that evidence?

President al-Assad:  This is where we can discuss the evidence, but
he doesn’t have it.  He didn’t present it because he doesn’t have it,
Kerry doesn’t have it.  No one in your administration has it.  If
they had it, they would have presented it to you as media from the
first day.

Charlie Rose:  They have presented it to the Congress.

President al-Assad:  Nothing. Nothing was presented.

20130910-065134.jpg

Charlie Rose: They’ve shown the Congress what they have, and the
evidence they have, from satellite intercepted messages and the like.

President al-Assad: Nothing has been presented so far.

Charlie Rose: They have presented it to the Congress, sir.

President al-Assad:  You are a reporter. Get this evidence and show
it to the public in your country.

Charlie Rose:  They’re presenting it to the public representative. 
You don’t show your evidence and what you’re doing and your plans to
people within your own council.  They’re showing it to the people’s
representative who have to vote on an authorization to strike, and
if they don’t find the evidence sufficient…

President al-Assad:  First of all, we have the precedent of Collin
Powell ten years ago, when he showed the evidence, it was false,
and it was forged.  This is first.  Second, you want me to believe
American evidence and don’t want me to believe the indications that
we have.  We live here, this is our reality.

Charlie Rose:  Your indications are what?

President al-Assad:  That the rebels or the terrorists used the
chemical weapons in northern Aleppo five months ago.

Charlie Rose: And on August 21st?

President al-Assad:  No, no, no.  That was before.  On the 21st, again
they used it against our soldiers in our area where we control it,
and our soldiers went to the hospital, you can see them if you want.

Charlie Rose:  But Ghouta is not controlled by your forces, it’s
controlled by the rebel forces. The area where that attack took place
is controlled by rebel forces.

President al-Assad:  What if they have stockpiles and they exploded
because of the bombardment?  What if they used the missile by mistake
and attacked themselves by mistake?

Charlie Rose:  Let me move to the question of whether a strike happens,
and I touched on this before.  You have had fair warning.  Have you
prepared by moving possible targets, are you moving targets within
civilian populations, all the things that you might have done if you
have time to do that and you have had clear warning that this might
be coming?

President al-Assad:  Syria is in a state of war since its land was
occupied for more than four decades, and the nature of the frontier in
Syria implies that most of the army is in inhabited areas, most of the
centers are in inhabited areas.  You hardly find any military base in
distant areas from the cities unless it’s an airport or something like
this, but most of the military bases or centers within inhabited areas.

Charlie Rose:  Will there be attacks against American bases in the
Middle East if there’s an airstrike?

President al-Assad:  You should expect everything.  Not necessarily
through the government, the governments are not the only player in
this region.  You have different parties, different factions, you have
different ideologies; you have everything in this region now.  So,
you have to expect that.

Charlie Rose: Tell me what you mean by “expect everything.”

President al-Assad: Expect every action.

Charlie Rose: Including chemical warfare?

President al-Assad:  That depends. If the rebels or the terrorists
in this region or any other group have it, this could happen, I don’t
know.  I’m not a fortuneteller to tell you what’s going to happen.

Charlie Rose: But we’d like to know more, I think the President would
like to know, the American people would like to know.  If there is
an attack, what might be the repercussions and who might be engaged
in those repercussions?

President al-Assad:  Okay, before the 11th of September, in my
discussions with many officials of the United States, some of them
are Congressmen, I used to say that “don’t deal with terrorists as
playing games.”  It’s a different story.  You’re going to pay the
price if you’re not wise in dealing with terrorists.  We said you’re
going to be repercussions of the mistaken way of dealing with it, of
treating the terrorism, but nobody expected 11th of September.  So,
you cannot expect.  It is difficult for anyone to tell you what is
going to happen.  It’s an area where everything is on the brink of
explosion.  You have to expect everything.

Charlie Rose:  Let’s talk about the war today.  A hundred thousand
people dead.  A million refugees.  A country being destroyed.  Do
you take some responsibility for that?

President al-Assad:  That depends on the decision that I took.  From
the first day I took the decision as President to defend my country.

So, who killed? That’s another question.  Actually, the terrorists
have been killing our people since the beginning of this crisis two
years and a half ago, and the Syrian people wanted the government and
the state institutions and the army and the police to defend them,
and that’s what happened.  So we’re talking about the responsibility,
my responsibility according to the Syrian constitution that said we
have to defend ourselves.

Charlie Rose:  Mr. President, you constantly say “it’s terrorists.” 
Most people look at the rebels and they say that Al-Qaeda and other
forces from outside Syria are no more than 15 or 20 percent of the
forces on the ground.  The other 80% are Syrians, are defectors from
your government, and defectors from your military.  They are people
who are Syrians who believe that their country should not be run
by a dictator, should not be run by one family, and that they want
a different government in their country.  That’s 80% of the people
fighting against you, not terrorists.

President al-Assad:  We didn’t say that 80%, for example, or the
majority or the vast majority, are foreigners.  We said the vast
majority are Al-Qaeda or Al-Qaeda offshoot organizations in this
region.  When you talk about Al-Qaeda it doesn’t matter if he’s Syrian
or American or from Europe or from Asia or Africa.  Al-Qaeda has one
ideology and they go back to the same leadership in Afghanistan or in
Syria or in Iraq.  That’s the question.  You have tens of thousands
of foreigners, that’s definitely correct.  We are fighting them on
the ground and we know this.

Charlie Rose:  But that’s 15 or 20% of this.  That’s a realistic look
at how many.

President al-Assad:  Nobody knows because when they are dead and
they are killed, they don’t have any ID.  You look at their faces,
they look foreigners, but where are they coming from?  How precise
this estimate is difficult to tell, but definitely the majority are
Al-Qaeda.  This is what concerns us, not the nationality.  If you have
Syrian Al-Qaeda, or Pakistani Al-Qaeda or Saudi Al-Qaeda, what’s the
difference?  What does it matter?  The most important thing is that
the majority are Al-Qaeda.  We never said that the majority are not
Syrians, but we said that the minority is what they call “free Syrian
army.”  That’s what we said.

Charlie Rose:  Do you believe this is becoming a religious war?

President al-Assad:  It started partly as a sectarian war in some
areas, but now it’s not, because when you talk about sectarian war
or religious war, you should have a very clear line between the sects
and religions in Syria according to the geography and the demography
in Syria, something we don’t have.  So, it’s not religious war, but
Al-Qaeda always use religions, Islam – actually, as a pretext and
as a cover and as a mantle for their war and for their terrorism and
for their killing and beheading and so on.

Charlie Rose:  Why has this war lasted two and a half years?

President al-Assad:  Because of the external interference, because
there is an external agenda supported by, or let’s say led by the
United States, the West, the petrodollar countries, mainly Saudi
Arabia, and before was Qatar, and Turkey.  That’s why it lasted two
years and a half.

Charlie Rose:  But what are they doing, those countries you cited?

The West wanted to undermine the Syrian positions

President al-Assad:  They have different agendas.  For the West,
they wanted to undermine the Syrian positions.  For the petrodollar
countries like Saudi Arabia, they’re thinking undermining Syria will
undermine Iran on sectarian basis.  For Turkey, they think that if
the Muslim Brotherhood take over the rest of the region, they will
be very comfortable, they will be very happy, they will make sure
that their political future is guaranteed.  So they have different
agendas and different goals.

Charlie Rose:  But at the same time, as I said, you used Hezbollah
and got support from Iran, from Russia. So, what is happening here.

Is this a kind of war that exists because of support from outside
Syria on both sides?

President al-Assad:  This is cooperation, I don’t know what you mean
by support.  We have cooperation with countries for decades.  Why
talk about this cooperation now?

Charlie Rose:  Then you tell me, what are you receiving from Iran?

President al-Assad:  Political support.  We have agreements with
many countries including Iran, including Russia, including other
countries that are about different things including armament. It’s
cooperation like any cooperation between any two countries, which is
normal.  It’s not related to the crisis.  You don’t call it support,
because you pay money for what you get.  So, you don’t call it support,
it’s cooperation, call it whatever you want, but the word “support”
is not precise. From Russia for example, we have political support,
which is different from the cooperation.  We have cooperation for 60
years now, but now we have political support.

Charlie Rose:  Well, the Russians said they have ongoing support for
you, but beyond just political cooperation.  I mean they have treaties
that existed with Syria.

President al-Assad:  Exactly.

Charlie Rose:  And they provide all kinds of defensive weapons.

President al-Assad:  You said treaties, and a Russian official said;
we have not agreement… contracts, that we have to fulfill, and those
contracts are like any country; you buy armaments, you buy anything
you want.

Charlie Rose:  But do you believe this has become a conflict of Sunni
vs. Shia’a?

President al-Assad:  No, not yet.  This is in the mind of the Saudis,
and this is in the minds of the Wahabists.

Charlie Rose:  And in the minds of the Iranians?

President al-Assad:  No, no, actually what they are doing is the
opposite.  They tried to open channels with the Saudi, with many other
Islamic entities in the region in order to talk about Islamic society,
not Sunni and Shi’ite societies.

Charlie Rose:  Was there a moment for you, when you saw the Arab spring
approaching Syria, that you said “I’ve seen what happened in Libya,
I’ve seen what happened in Tunisia, I’ve seen what happened in Egypt,
it’s not gonna happen to Bashar al-al-Assad. I will fight anybody
that tries to overthrow my regime with everything I have.”

President al-Assad:  No, for one reason; because the first question
that I ask: do I have public support or not.  That is the first
question that I asked as President.  If I don’t have the public
support, whether there’s the so-called “Arab spring” – it’s not spring,
anyway – but whether we have this or we don’t, if you don’t have
public support, you have to quit, you have to leave.  If you have
public support, in any circumstances you have to stay.  That’s your
mission, you have to help the people, you have to serve the people.

Charlie Rose:  When you say “public support” people point to Syria and
say a minority sect, Alawites, control a majority Sunni population,
and they say “dictatorship” and they do it because it because of
the force of their own instruments of power.  That’s what you have,
not public support, for this war against other Syrians.

President al-Assad:  Now, it’s been two years and a half, ok? Two years
and a half and Syria is still withstanding against the United States,
the West, Saudi Arabia, the richest countries in this area, including
Turkey, and, taking into consideration what your question implies,
that even the big part or the bigger part of the Syrian population
is against me, how can I withstand till today?  Am I the superhuman
or Superman, which is not the case!

Charlie Rose:  Or you have a powerful army.

President al-Assad:  The army is made of the people; it cannot be
made of robots.  It’s made of people.

Charlie Rose:  Surely you’re not suggesting that this army is not at
your will and the will of your family.

President al-Assad:  What do you mean by “will of the family?”

Charlie Rose:  The will of your family. Your brother is in the
military. The military has been… every observer of Syria believes
that this is a country controlled by your family and controlled by
the Alawites who are your allies.  That’s the control.

President al-Assad:  If that situation was correct – what you’re
mentioning – we wouldn’t have withstood for two years and a half.  We
would have disintegration of the army, disintegration of the whole
institution in the state; we would have disintegration of Syria if
that was the case.  It can’t be tolerated in Syria.  I’m talking about
the normal reaction of the people.  If it’s not a national army, it
cannot have the support, and if it doesn’t have the public support of
every sect, it cannot do its job and advance recently.  It cannot. 
The army of the family doesn’t make national war.

Charlie Rose:  Some will argue that you didn’t have this support
because in fact the rebels were winning before you got the support of
Hezbollah and an enlarged support from the Iranians, that you were
losing and then they came in and gave you support so that you were
able to at least start winning and produce at least a stalemate.

President al-Assad:  No, the context is wrong, because talking about
winning and losing is like if you’re talking about two armies fighting
on two territories, which is not the case.  Those are gangs, coming
from abroad, infiltrate inhabited areas, kill the people, take their
houses, and shoot at the army.  The army cannot do the same, and the
army doesn’t exist everywhere.

Charlie Rose:  But they control a large part of your country.

President al-Assad:  No, they went to every part there’s no army
in it, and the army went to clean and get rid of them.  They don’t
go to attack the army in an area where the army occupied that area
and took it from it.  It’s completely different, it’s not correct,
or it’s not precise what you’re talking about.  So, it’s completely
different.  What the army is doing is cleaning those areas, and the
indication that the army is strong is that it’s making advancement
in that area.  It never went to one area and couldn’t enter to it –
that’s an indication.  How could that army do that if it’s a family
army or a sect army?  What about the rest of the country who support
the government?  It’s not realistic, it doesn’t happen.  Otherwise,
the whole country will collapse.

Charlie Rose:  One small point about American involvement here, the
President’s gotten significant criticism because he has not supported
the rebels more.  As you know, there was an argument within his own
counsels from Secretary of State Clinton, from CIA Director David
Petraeus, from the Defense Department, Leon Penetta, Secretary of
Defense, and others, that they should have helped the rebels two years
ago, and we would be in a very different place, so the President has
not given enough support to the rebels in the view of many people,
and there’s criticism that when he made a recent decision to give
support, it has not gotten to the rebels, because they worry about
the composition.

President al-Assad:  If the American administration want to support
Al-Qaeda – go ahead.  That’s what we have to tell them, go ahead
and support Al-Qaeda, but don’t talk about rebels and free Syrian
army.  The majority of fighters now are Al-Qaeda.  If you want to
support them, you are supporting Al-Qaeda, you are creating havoc in
the region, and if this region is not stable, the whole world cannot
be stable.

Charlie Rose:  With respect, sir, most people don’t believe the
majority of forces are Al-Qaeda.  Yes, there is a number of people
who are Al-Qaeda affiliates and who are here who subscribe to the
principles of Al-Qaeda, but that’s not the majority of the forces as
you know.  You know that the composition differs within the regions
of Syria as to the forces that are fighting against your regime.

The American officials should learn to deal with reality

President al-Assad:  The American officials should learn to deal
with reality.  Why did the United States fail in most of its wars? 
Because it always based its wars on the wrong information.  So,
whether they believe or not, this is not reality.  I have to be very
clear and very honest.  I’m not asking them to believe if they don’t
want to believe.  This is reality, I’m telling you the reality from
our country.  We live here, we know what is happening, and they have
to listen to people here.  They cannot listen only to their media or
to their research centers.  They don’t live here; no one lives here
but us.  So, this is reality.  If they want to believe, that’s good,
that will help them understand the region and be more successful in
their policies.

Charlie Rose:  Many people think this is not a sustainable position
here; that this war cannot continue, because the cost for Syria is
too high. Too many deaths – a hundred thousand and counting, too many
refugees, too much destruction; the soul of a country at risk.  If
it was for the good of the country, would you step down?

President al-Assad:  That depends on the relation of me staying in this
position and the conflict.  We cannot discuss it just to say you have
to step down.  Step down, why, and what is the expected result?  This
is first.  Second, when you’re in the middle of a storm, leaving your
country just because you have to leave without any reasonable reason,
it means you’re quitting your country and this is treason.

Charlie Rose:  You say it would be treason for you to step down right
now because of your obligation to the country?

President al-Assad:  Unless the public wants you to quit.

Charlie Rose:  And how will you determine that?

President al-Assad:  By the two years and a half withstanding.  Without
the public support, we cannot withstand two years and a half.  Look
at the other countries, look what happened in Libya, in Tunisia and
in Egypt.

Charlie Rose:  You worry about that, what happened to Gaddafi?

President al-Assad:  No, we are worried that rebels are taking
control in many countries, and look at the results now.  Are you
satisfied as an American?  What are the results?  Nothing.  Very bad
–  nothing good.

Charlie Rose:  There was a report recently that you had talked about,
or someone representing you had talked about some kind of deal in which
you and your family would leave the country if you were guaranteed
safe passage, if you were guaranteed that there would be no criminal
prosecution.  You’re aware of these reports?

President al-Assad:  We had this guarantee from the first day of
the crisis.

Charlie Rose:  Because of the way you acted?

President al-Assad:  No, because of the agenda that I talked about. 
Some of these agendas wanted me to quit, very simply, so they said
“we have all the guarantees if you want to leave, and all the money
and everything you want.”  Of course, you just ignore that.

Charlie Rose:  So, you’ve been offered that opportunity?

President al-Assad:  Yeah, but it’s not about me, again, this fight
is not my fight, it’s not the fight of the government; it’s the fight
of the country, of the Syrian people.  That’s how we look at it. 
It’s not about me.

Charlie Rose:  It’s not about you?

President al-Assad:  It’s about every Syrian.

Charlie Rose:  How will this war end?  I referred to this question
earlier.  What’s the endgame?

President al-Assad:  It’s very simple; once the Western countries
stop supporting those terrorists and making pressure on their puppet
countries and client states like Saudi Arabia and Turkey and others,
you’ll have no problem in Syria.  It will be solved easily, because
those fighters, the Syrian part that you’re talking about, lost its
natural incubators in the Syrian society – they don’t have incubators
anymore; that’s why they have incubators abroad.  They need money from
abroad, they need moral support and political support from abroad. 
They don’t have any grassroots, any incubator.  So, when you stop
the smuggling, we don’t have problems.

Charlie Rose:  Yeah, but at the same time, as I’ve said before,
you have support from abroad.  There are those who say you will not
be able to survive without the support of Russia and Iran.  Your
government would not be able to survive.

President al-Assad:  No, it’s not me, I don’t have support.  Not me;
all Syria.  Every agreement is between every class and every sector
in Syria; government, people, trade, military, culture, everything;
it’s like the cooperation between your country and any other country
in the world.  It’s the same cooperation.  It’s not about me; it’s
not support for the crisis.

Charlie Rose:  I mean about your government.  You say that the rebels
only survive because they have support from Saudi Arabia and Turkey
and the United States, and Qatar perhaps, and I’m saying you only
survive because you have the support of Russia and Iran and Hezbollah.

External support can never substitute internal support

President al-Assad:  No, the external support can never substitute
internal support, it can never, for sure.  And the example that we have
to look at very well is Egypt and Tunisia; they have all the support
from the West and from the Gulf and from most of the countries of
the world.  When they don’t have support within their country, they
couldn’t continue more than – how many weeks? – three weeks.  So,
the only reason we stand here for two years and a half is because
we have internal support, public support.  So, any external support,
if you want to call it support, let’s use this world, is…

how to say… it’s going to be additional, but it’s not the base to
depend on more than the Syrian support.

Charlie Rose:  You and I talked about this before; we remember Hama and
your father, Hafez al-Assad.  He… ruthlessly… set out to eliminate
the Muslim Brotherhood.  Are you simply being your father’s son here?

President al-Assad:  I don’t know what you mean by ruthlessly, I’ve
never heard of soft war.  Have you heard about soft war?  There’s
no soft war.  War is war.  Any war is ruthless.  When you fight
terrorists, you fight them like any other war.

Charlie Rose:  So, the lessons you have here are the lessons you
learned from your father and what he did in Hama, which, it is said,
influenced you greatly in terms of your understanding of what you
have to do.

President al-Assad:  The question: what would you do as an American
if the terrorists are invading your country from different areas and
started killing tens of thousands of Americans?

Charlie Rose:  You refer to them as terrorists, but in fact it is
a popular revolution, people believe, against you, that was part of
the Arab spring that influenced some of the other countries.

President al-Assad:  Revolution should be Syrian, cannot be revolution
imported from abroad.

Charlie Rose:  It didn’t start from abroad; it started here.

President al-Assad:  These people that started here, they support the
government now against those rebels, that’s what you don’t know. 
What you don’t know as an American you don’t know as a reporter. 
That’s why talking about what happened at the very beginning is
completely different from what is happening now – it’s not the same. 
There’s very high dynamic, things are changing on daily basis.  It’s
a completely different image.  Those people who wanted revolution,
they are cooperating with us.

Charlie Rose:  I’m asking you again, is it in fact you’re being your
father’s son and you believe that the only way to drive out people
is to eliminate them the same way your father did?

President al-Assad:  In being independent?  Yes.  In fighting
terrorists? Yes.  In defending the Syrian people and the country?  Yes.

Charlie Rose:  When I first interviewed you, there was talk of Bashar
al-al-Assad… he’s the hope, he’s the reform. That’s not what they’re
saying anymore.

President al-Assad:  Who?

Charlie Rose:  People who write about you, people who talk about you,
people who analyze Syria and your regime.

President al-Assad:  Exactly, the hope for an American is different
from the hope of a Syrian.  For me, I should be the hope of the Syrian,
not any other one, not American, neither French, nor anyone in the
world.  I’m President to help the Syrian people.  So, this question
should start from the hope of the Syrian people, and if there is
any change regarding that hope, we should ask the Syrian people,
not anyone else in the world.

Charlie Rose:  But now they say – their words – a butcher.  Comparisons
to the worst dictators that ever walked on the face of the Earth,
comparing you to them.  Using weapons that go beyond warfare. 
Everything they could say bad about a dictator, they’re now saying
about you.

President al-Assad:  First of all, when you have a doctor who cut
the leg to prevent the patient from the gangrene if you have to, we
don’t call butcher; you call him a doctor, and thank you for saving
the lives.  When you have terrorism, you have a war.  When you have a
war, you always have innocent lives that could be the victim of any
war, so, we don’t have to discuss what the image in the west before
discussing the image in Syria.  That’s the question.

Charlie Rose:  It’s not just the West.  I mean it’s the East, and
the Middle East, and, I mean, you know, the eyes of the world have
been on Syria.  We have seen atrocities on both sides, but on your
side as well.  They have seen brutality by a dictator that they say
put you in a category with the worst.

President al-Assad:  So we have to allow the terrorists to come and
kill the Syrians and destroy the country much, much more.  This is
where you can be a good President?  That’s what you imply.

Charlie Rose:  But you can’t allow the idea that there’s opposition
to your government from within Syria.  That is not possible for you
to imagine.

President al-Assad:  To have opposition? We have it, and you can go and
meet with them.  We have some of them within the government, we have
some of them outside the government.  They are opposition.  We have it.

Charlie Rose:  But those are the people who have been fighting
against you.

President al-Assad:  Opposition is different from terrorism. 
Opposition is a political movement. Opposition doesn’t mean to
take arms and kill people and destroy everything.  Do you call the
people in Los Angeles in the nineties – do you call them rebels or
opposition?  What did the British call the rebels less than two
years ago in London?  Did they call them opposition or rebels? 
Why should we call them opposition?  They are rebels.  They are not
rebels even, they are beheading.  This opposition, opposing country or
government, by beheading?  By barbecuing heads?  By eating the hearts
of your victim?  Is that opposition?  What do you call the people who
attacked the two towers on the 11th of September?  Opposition?  Even
if they’re not Americans, I know this, but some of them I think have
nationality – I think one of them has American nationality.  Do you
call him opposition or terrorist?  Why should you use a term in the
Untied States and England and maybe other countries and use another
term in Syria?  This is a double standard that we don’t accept.

Charlie Rose:  I once asked you what you fear the most and you said
the end of Syria as a secular state.  Is that end already here?

President al-Assad:  According to what we’ve been seeing recently
in the area where the terrorists control, where they ban people from
going to schools, ban young men from shaving their beards, and women
have to be covered from head to toe, and let’s say in brief they live
the Taliban style in Afghanistan, completely the same style.  With
the time, yes we can be worried, because the secular state should
reflect secular society, and this secular society, with the time,
if you don’t get rid of those terrorists and these extremists and
the Wahabi style, of course it will influence at least the new and
the coming generations.  So, we don’t say that we don’t have it,
we’re still secular in Syria, but with the time, this secularism will
be eroded.

Charlie Rose:  Mr. President, thank you for allowing us to have this
conversation about Syria and the war that is within as well as the
future of the country.  Thank you.

President al-Assad:  Thank you for coming to Syria.

http://sana.sy/eng/21/2013/09/10/501729.htm

Turquie : Les Opinions Laiques Criminalisees

TURQUIE : LES OPINIONS LAIQUES CRIMINALISEES

Publie le : 10-09-2013

Info Collectif VAN – – Sam Nunberg, directeur du
Legal Project, revient sur la decision de la 14e chambre du Tribunal
de police d’Istanbul qui a condamne le 22 mai 2013, l’intellectuel
armenien de Turquie, Sevan Nichanian, a 13 mois et demi de prison
pour avoir, dans l’un de ses articles, “ouvertement insulte les
valeurs religieuses d’une certaine partie de la societe”. Numberg
rappelle que Nichanian, qui est en train de faire appel de la decision
auprès de la Cour de cassation, devra effectuer sa peine de prison
entièrement si le verdict du magistrat n’est pas annule. Il ajoute
: ” Si le gouvernement turc est laïc, le regime Erdogan ne l’est
pas. (…) Aujourd’hui, pendant sa 11ème annee de mandat, M. Erdogan
a abandonne sa facade moderee. ” Le Directeur du Legal Project incite
les organisations des droits de l’homme a deposer un appel au nom de
Sevan Nichanian devant la Cour europeenne des droits de l’homme. ”
Il est imperatif que la communaute internationale s’engage ; sinon,
les opinions continueront a etre criminalisees sous le regime Erdogan
” conclut-il. Le Collectif VAN vous propose la traduction d’un article
en anglais paru sur le sitewashingtontimes.com le 8 août 2013.

washingtontimes.com

NUNBERG : faire taire un laïc en Turquie

Erdogan a abandonne sa facade moderee

Par Sam Nunberg 8 aôut 2013

Les cours penales turques ont ete de plus en plus utilisees pour
faire avancer le programme islamiste du Premier ministre turc Recep
Tayyip Erdogan, sur la base d’accusations de discours de haine. Le
jugement rendu le 22 mai, concernant un Armenien de Turquie, Sevan
Nichanian, perpetue cette tendance perturbante visant a etrangler le
debat politique et social.

M. Nichanian est un homme ayant de nombreux sujets d’interets et
talents. Linguiste, journaliste et entrepreneur dans l’hôtellerie, M.

Nichanian est connu non seulement pour son guide des petits hôtels a
prix raisonnables en Turquie, mais aussi pour le prix qui lui a ete
attribue en 2004, le Freedom of Thought Award (Le prix de la liberte
de pensee), par l’Association des droits de l’homme en Turquie, pour
sa promotion d’une discussion ouverte sur le genocide armenien. En
2008, il a ecrit The Mistaken Republic: 51 Questions about Ataturk
and Kemalism (La fausse Republique: 51 questions sur Ataturk et
le kemalisme) avancant l’argument que le fondateur de la Turquie,
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, a etabli une dictature fasciste sous couvert
de nationalisme. M. Nichanian continue de publier frequemment sur son
blog des messages critiques et ironiques contre les corps autoritaires
du gouvernement turc, contenant souvent des critiques directes du
regime d’Erdogan.

En septembre dernier, suite aux protestations internationales de
musulmans furieux de la diffusion sur YouTube du film satirique
L’innocence des musulmans, M. Nichanian a affirme dans un post du 29
septembre, qu’un tel discours ne devrait pas etre criminalise. S’il se
moque de Mohammed en disant qu’il est ” horrible “, cela ne constitue
pas un ” crime de haine “. Mettant l’accent sur cette distinction, M.

Nichanian a ecrit :

” Se moquer d’un dirigeant arabe qui pretendait, voila des centaines
d’annees, avoir contacte Dieu, et en a recu des compensations
politiques, financières et sexuelles, n’est pas un crime de haine.

C’est un cas d’ecole pour ce que nous appelons la liberte d’expression
“.

M. Nichanian a ensuite explique que son message de 377 mots avait
declenche de vives protestations de la part M. Erdogan concernant ”
ce film bas de gamme sur Mohammed ” et il avait exige que l’Occident
considère ” l’islamophobie comme un crime contre l’humanite. ”

Le message n’a pas seulement engendre 15 plaintes criminelles
distinctes, le Premier ministre adjoint, Bekir Bozdag, un ami proche
d’Erdogan, a appele les juges a lancer une enquete. Violant la
souverainete du pouvoir judiciaire turc, il a declare : ” J’annonce
un crime. C’est un crime de haine typique. C’est un crime de haine,
et c’est un crime qui est defini dans notre code penal. ”

Le 15 octobre, M. Nichanian est passe a l’emission de CNN Turquie,
“Contrary to the Questions” afin de discuter des emeutes dues
a L’innocence des musulmans et de la condamnation du film par le
gouvernement turc. Le Conseil supreme de la radio et de la television a
inflige une amende a la chaîne privee aux motifs que les commentaires
de M. Nichanian ” insultaient le Prophète Mohammed “, ” depassaient
les limites de la liberte d’expression ” et etaient ” insultantes et
injurieuses ” envers la societe.

En avril, un mois avant le procès de M. Nichanian, le pianiste
mondialement connu Fazil Say a ete condamne a 10 mois de prison
avec sursis, selon l’article 216(3), pour des tweets plaisantant sur
l’appel a la prière et le paradis. Le 15 avril, Catherine Ashton, haut
representant de l’Union europeenne pour les affaires etrangères et
la politique de securite, a critique la sentence de M. Say, appelant
la Turquie ” a totalement respecter la liberte d’expression “. Trois
jours plus tard, M. Bozdag a defendu la condamnation, car M. Say ”
injuriait les valeurs d’autrui ” et ” personne ne devrait melanger
liberte de pensee et liberte d’injurier. ”

Etant donne la declaration publique de M. Bozdag sur la culpabilite
de M. Nichanian et son approbation du verdict de Say, et la decision
du Conseil de la radio et de la television, M. Nichanian ne doit pas
s’attendre a un procès impartial. Juge en vertu de l’article 216(3)
du Code criminel turc qui declare : ” Toute personne qui manque
ouvertement de respect a la croyance religieuse d’un groupe est punie
d’une peine d’emprisonnement de six mois a un an, si un tel agissement
cause un risque potentiel pour la paix publique. “, le magistrat a
bien sûr declare M. Nichanian coupable et l’a condamne a 13 mois de
prison, six semaines de plus que la punition statutaire autorisee.

M. Nichanian, qui est en train de faire appel de la decision auprès de
la Cour de cassation, devra effectuer sa peine de prison entièrement
si le verdict du magistrat n’est pas annule. La condamnation viole
l’article 6 (droit a un procès equitable) de la Convention europeenne
des droits de l’homme et l’article 10 (liberte d’expression). La
meilleure suite a donner pour M. Nichanian serait de faire appel
auprès de la Cour europeenne des droits de l’homme.

Reporters sans Frontières a immediatement condamne le verdict comme
etant ” une grave violation de la liberte d’information ” et a appele
a une abrogation immediate de l’article 216(3) ” draconien “, qui ”
n’a aucune place dans un pays laïc tel que la Turquie. ”

Si le gouvernement turc est laïc, le regime Erdogan ne l’est pas.

Après sa victoire de justesse en 2002, M. Erdogan a declare ” la
laïcite est la protection de toutes les croyances et des religions.

Nous sommes les garants de cette laïcite et notre gouvernance le
prouvera nettement. ” Aujourd’hui, pendant sa 11ème annee de mandat,
M. Erdogan a abandonne sa facade moderee.

Ni le Departement d’Etat ni aucune agence europeenne n’ont fait de
declaration sur la situation difficile de M. Nichanian. À ce tournant
critique, les organisations des droits de l’homme devraient deposer un
appel en son nom devant la Cour europeenne des droits de l’homme. Il
est imperatif que la communaute internationale s’engage ; sinon,
les opinions continueront a etre criminalisees sous le regime Erdogan.

Sam Nunberg est directeur du Legal Project, une activite du Middle
East Forum (Forum du Moyen-Orient).

©Traduction de l’anglais C.Gardon pour le Collectif VAN – 9 septembre
2013 –

En lire plus :

Lire aussi :

Liberte d’expression en Turquie : appel du Collectif VAN

Turquie : condamnation d’un ecrivain armenien

Turquie : Sevan Nisanyan condamne a trois ans de prison

Turquie : le bras de fer d’un Armenien avec les autorites

Harcèlement administratif contre un entrepreneur et universitaire
armenien

Retour a la rubrique

Source/Lien : washingtontimes.com

http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=0&id=75409
http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2013/aug/8/nunberg-silencing-a-secularist-in-turkey/#ixzz2bNvd0lbC
www.collectifvan.org
www.collectifvan.org

Forum D’Issy : " Les Armeniens Ont Le Blues " A L’Affiche En 2015

FORUM D’ISSY : ” LES ARMENIENS ONT LE BLUES ” A L’AFFICHE EN 2015

Publie le : 10-09-2013

Info Collectif VAN – – De nombreux elus
d’Issy-les-Moulineaux, dont le premier d’entre eux, Andre
Santini, Ancien Ministre, Depute des Hauts-de-Seine, Maire
d’Issy-les-Moulineaux, sont venus decouvrir le stand du Collectif
VAN les vendredi 6 et samedi 7 septembre 2013, au Forum de rentree
2013 de la ville. Tous ont felicite le Collectif VAN pour son travail
de sensibilisation aux genocides et a leur deni. Grâce a des liens
d’amitie entretenus avec Michel Bertrand, President du Crossroad
Issy Blues Club, un projet artistique porte depuis de nombreuses
annees par ce dernier, et mene en partenariat avec le Collectif VAN,
se tiendra en avril 2015. Ce concert de blues, qui sera organise avec
le soutien de la municipalite comme nous l’a annonce l’Adjoint au
Maire, Thierry Lefèvre, reunira des musiciens issus de la diaspora
armenienne et marquera le 100e anniversaire du genocide armenien de
1915, sous un titre evocateur : ” Les Armeniens ont le Blues “.

Legende photo : Seta Papazian, la Presidente du Collectif Van sur le
stand de l’association.

De nombreux elus d’Issy-les-Moulineaux, dont le premier d’entre eux,
Andre Santini, Ancien Ministre, Depute des Hauts-de-Seine, Maire
d’Issy-les-Moulineaux, sont venus decouvrir le stand du Collectif VAN
les vendredi 6 et samedi 7 septembre 2013, au Forum de rentree 2013
de la ville. Parmi eux : Paul Subrini, 1er Adjoint (Technologies de
l’Information et de la Communication, Accueil du public, qualite,
archives), Vice-President du Conseil General, Thierry Lefèvre,
Adjoint (Jeunesse, Animation Prevention et Evaluation des politiques
publiques), Alain Levy, Adjoint (Culture, Communaute juive), Martine
Vindix, Adjointe (Vie associative, Quartier “Les Hauts d’Issy –
Les Epinettes – Le Fort”) et Arthur Khandjian, Conseiller Municipal
(Associations sportives, football).

Tous ont felicite le Collectif VAN pour son travail de sensibilisation
aux genocides et a leur deni. L’occasion nous est donnee ici d’adresser
nos remerciements a tout le Conseil municipal pour ses encouragements,
ainsi qu’a l’equipe qui a mene a bien l’organisation du Forum.

Grâce a des liens d’amitie entretenus avec Michel Bertrand, President
du Crossroad Issy Blues Club, un projet artistique porte depuis
de nombreuses annees par ce dernier, et mene en partenariat avec
le Collectif VAN, se tiendra en avril 2015. Ce concert de blues,
qui sera organise avec le soutien de la municipalite comme nous l’a
annonce l’Adjoint au Maire, Thierry Lefèvre, reunira des musiciens
issus de la diaspora armenienne et marquera le 100e anniversaire du
genocide armenien de 1915, sous un titre evocateur : ” Les Armeniens
ont le Blues “.

D’autres projets sont en gestation pour 2015 : le Forum a donne
l’occasion a ceux qui souhaitent travailler aux côtes de notre
association anti-negationniste, de venir s’informer plus precisement
sur nos activites et nos orientations.

Durant deux jours, notre stand a egalement recu la visite d’un public
attentif, sensible a l’ouverture prônee par notre association. Si la
thematique du genocide armenien a bien evidemment ete a l’origine
de la creation de notre structure, nous mettons un point d’honneur
a sortir du cadre armeno-armenien et a nous inscrire dans le monde
actuel : le partage des memoires, la sensibilisation a la negation des
genocides juif, tzigane, tutsi et darfouri, la lutte contre le racisme
et les discriminations, le combat pour la defense des minorites et des
droits de l’homme en Turquie, font partie des axes de travail de notre
association isseenne qui fetera ses 10 annees d’existence en 2014.

Collectif VAN [Vigilance Armenienne contre le Negationnisme] BP 20083 –
92133 Issy-les-Moulineaux – France Boîte vocale : +33 (0)1 77 62 70
77 Email: [email protected]

Visualisez les deux photothèques du Forum 2013 a Issy-les-Moulineaux :

Le Forum d’Issy ouvre ses portes – I

Le Forum d’Issy ouvre ses portes – II

Retour a la rubrique

http://www.collectifvan.org/article.php?r=0&id=75447
www.collectifvan.org
www.collectifvan.org

Deux Militants Armeniens Agresses A Erevan

DEUX MILITANTS ARMENIENS AGRESSES A EREVAN

ARMENIE

Deux activistes armeniens, connus pour leur engagement dans des
organisations civiques, ont ete agresses par des assaillants non
identifies et hospitalises dans la nuit du jeudi 5 au vendredi 6
septembre. Souren Saghatelian and Hayak Arshamian sont les dernières
victimes dans la longue serie d’agressions visant des personnalites
critiques a l’encontre du gouvernement armenien. Ils ont indique avoir
ete attaques alors qu’ils se trouvaient dans la cour de l’immeuble
de la capitale armenienne où reside H. Arshamian, juste après avoir
gare leur vehicule. Dans la description de leurs agresseurs fournie
aux enqueteurs, ils font etat de plusieurs hommes athletiques et de
forte corpulence. “Ils n’ont fourni aucune explication. Nous leur avons
demande qui ils etaient, mais ils nous ont repondu par une pluie de
coups”, a indique M. Saghatelian sur Civilnet.am depuis l’ambulance
qui l’a conduit, avec son compagnon Arshamian, jusqu’a l’hôpital.

“Cela a dure une ou deux minutes”, ajoute l’activiste, qui s’est dit
persuade que leurs agresseurs les “avaient suivis en voiture”. Si
l’agression a ete de courte duree, les visages tumefies des victimes
et leurs vetements macules de sang en trahissent la violence. Les deux
homes, qui ne sont affilies a aucun parti politique, militant depuis
plusieurs annees dans des organisations civiques et ont participe a
plusieurs manifestations contre le gouvernement, qu’ils n’epargnent
pas non plus de leurs critiques sur les reseaux sociaux. M.

Saghatelian a emis l’hypothèse qu’ils aient ete attaques en reponse
a leur participation a un sit-in organise devant l’hôtel de ville de
Erevan, où quelques dizaines de militants marquent leur opposition a la
hausse annoncee des tarifs des transports dans la capitale et exigente
la demission du maire membre du parti republicain au pouvoir, ou du
moins de deux responsables en charge des transports publics. Au moins
six des protestataires ont ete attaques ou agresses verbalement par des
agresseurs non identifies dansune serie d’attaques nocturnes au cours
des deux dernières semaines. Aucun des agresseurs n’a ete identifie
a ce jour. Certains des proches de Saghatelian et Arshamian estiment
qu’ils auraient pu avoir ete attaques du fait de leur participation
a la manifestation organisee la veille a Erevan contre la decision
du president Serge Sarkissian de rallier l’Union douanière dirigee
par la Russie. Cette agression a suscite une ferme condamnation du
principal parti d’opposition, le Congrès national amenien (HAK). Dans
un communique, le HAK montre du doigt les autorites, en les accusant
de continuer a user de “methodes terroristes” contre les personnes
qui osent defier leur pouvoir.

mardi 10 septembre 2013, Gari ©armenews.com

L’accord D’association N’est " Plus Sur La Table "

L’ACCORD D’ASSOCIATION N’EST ” PLUS SUR LA TABLE ”

EUROPE

L’Union europeenne n’a pas l’intention de conclure un accord
d’association avec l’Armenie lors du prochain sommet de l’UE en
Lituanie, a declare lundi Carl Bildt, ministre des Affaires etrangères
suedois.

Bildt a ecrit sur son compte Twitter que lui et son homologue slovaque
Miroslav Lajcak en visite en Suède ont convenu lors d’une reunion
a Stockholm que l’accord avec Erevan n’est ” desormais plus sur la
table. ” “Nous travaillons avec l’Ukraine, la Moldavie et la Georgie”,
a-t-il ajoute.

Ce commentaire est un signe supplementaire que l’UE va rejeter
la proposition du gouvernement armenien de parapher une version
considerablement edulcoree de l’accord d’association qui exclurait de
son contenu, la composante la plus importante qui a trait a la creation
d’une ” aire de libre-echange approfondi et complet “, ou Aleac .

Le president Serge Sarkissian a propose cette solution après
l’annonce-surprise du 3 septembre de faire adherer l’Armenie a
l’Union douanière dirigee par la Russie. Les responsables de l’UE
avaient prevenu a plusieurs reprises que l’adhesion a ALEAC n’etait
“pas compatible” avec celle a l’Union.

Le ministre des Affaires Etrangères Edouard Nalbandian s’est rendu a
Bruxelles la semaine dernière dans une ultime tentative de convaincre
les responsables de l’UE d’accepter cette proposition. Le commissaire
a l’Elargissement Stefan Fule avait declare après leurs entretiens,
qu’il etait ” difficile d’imaginer” ce qui se va se passer au sommet
de l’UE a Vilnius en novembre.

Nalbandian etait en Lituanie ce week-end pour discuter de la question
avec son homologue lituanien Linas Linkevicius, actuel detenteur de
la presidence de l’UE. “Nous respectons la volonte de l’Armenie, mais
nous devons souligner que la decision de rejoindre l’Union douanière
diminue ses ambitions d’integrer et de cooperer avec l’UE”, avait
declare Linkevicius ministère lituanien des Affaires etrangères,
selon Nalbandian.

mardi 10 septembre 2013, Ara ©armenews.com

Morality plays

Columbus Ledger-Enquirer
Sept 8 2013

Morality plays

Published: September 8, 2013

By MICHAEL DOYLE – McClatchy Washington Bureau

The United States helped protect the last Middle Eastern tyrant
thought to use chemical weapons.

That dictator was Iraq’s Saddam Hussein. Because he was fighting Iran
in the 1980s, the Reagan administration fed him secret intelligence.
And because his country bought U.S. crops, farm-state politicians
fought off sanctions.

Now, amid allegations of chemical weapons use by Syria, the Obama
administration is preparing a case for military action. Moral
assertions will be paramount, as in Secretary of State John Kerry’s
declaration Monday that “our sense of basic humanity is offended.”

History, though, offers a harsher perspective. From Iraq and Syria, to
Rwanda and Armenia, morality as a motive in U.S. foreign policy is
more contingent than absolute.

“It’s quite selective. The government knew of the fact that Iraq was
using chemical weapons, and did not deter them,” Joyce Battle, an
analyst at the National Security Archive, a nonpartisan research
center, said in an interview Tuesday. “But when it’s thought to be in
U.S. interests, the government will adopt a moralistic stand when it
wants to justify its policies.”

Put another way, foreign policy calculations are invariably
cold-blooded, notwithstanding moral declarations. Stirring words can
be worn like a new cloak during a campaign, then set aside for action.

The perennial Armenian genocide resolution conflict showcases how this works.

Presidential candidates invariably declare to Armenian-American
audiences that they will formally recognize as genocide the slaughter
that took place in the Ottoman Empire between 1915 and 1923.

Samantha Power, a foreign policy adviser to candidate Barack Obama in
2008, made this campaign-season pledge back then on Obama’s behalf.

“He’s a true friend of the Armenian people,” Power assured
Armenian-Americans in an early 2008 video, calling Obama an
“acknowledger of the history” who would have a “willingness as
president to commemorate it.”

Once in office, though, Obama followed the urgings of military and
diplomatic leaders who cautioned against alienating Turkey, a crucial
U.S. ally. Obama has since refused to use the word “genocide” in his
annual Armenian statements. Power now serves as the Obama
administration’s United Nations ambassador.

The inconstant U.S. response to allegations of Middle Eastern chemical
weapons use further underscores how morality comes and goes.

Kerry, in his remarks Monday, asserted it was “undeniable” that the
Syrian military had used chemical weapons on a Damascus suburb. The
Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights and Doctors Without
Borders put the death toll at at least 300 people.

While not publicly endorsing a casualty total other than to say that
it was on a “staggering scale,” Kerry declared with black-and-white
certainty, “There must be accountability for those who would use the
world’s most heinous weapons.”

The United States took a different approach in the 1980s, when the
Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations publicly denounced Iraq’s
chemical weapon use, but stopped short of firmer action.

“They still thought Saddam Hussein was somebody they could work with,”
former California Rep. Howard Berman, a strong advocate of sanctions
against Iraq, recalled in an interview Tuesday. “They still had not
stopped their tilt toward Iraq.”

A Nov. 1, 1983, State Department memo unearthed by Battle of the
National Security Archive noted that “we have recently received
additional information confirming Iraqi use of chemical weapons.”

The 1983 memo also hinted at potential Iraqi motives for using the
widely reviled weapons, observing that “Iraq is at a disadvantage in
its war of attrition with Iran.”

Hoping to constrain Iran, the Reagan administration provided what
Battle called “quite extensive” military intelligence to Iraq during
parts of the 1980-1988 war between the Middle East neighbors. Citing
CIA documents and interviews, Foreign Policy magazine reported this
week that “the Iraqis used mustard gas and sarin prior to four major
offensives in early 1988 that relied on U.S. satellite imagery, maps,
and other intelligence.”

Members of Congress, too, would publicly chide Iraq over chemical
weapons, while fighting against more vigorous action that might
impinge on U.S. businesses, as when farm-state lawmakers in 1990
challenged efforts to stop Iraq’s use of U.S. credit guarantees to buy
U.S. farm products.

“I understand the blood pressure behind this,” Republican Pat Roberts,
now a Kansas senator but then a member of the House of
Representatives, said during one 1990 House debate. But he added, “We
do sell to Iraq about a million tons of wheat and 450,000 tons of
rice, (so) I wonder who we’re hurting here.”

Five days after that House debate, Iraq invaded Kuwait, and Congress
and the White House changed their tune.

The African nation of Rwanda provides one of the most heart-wrenching
examples of cold-blooded national calculations.

More than half a million people were slaughtered in Rwanda during a
three-and-a-half-month bloodbath that started in April 1994. The
Clinton administration remained aloof during the genocide that
targeted the Tutsi.

Politically, officials were wary about additional U.S. casualties in
the year after the deaths of 18 U.S. soldiers in Somalia.
Bureaucratically, they were leery about making a commitment, as when
Defense Department officials in a May 1, 1994, memo cautioned against
use of the word “genocide.”

“Be careful,” stated the memo, obtained under the Freedom of
Information Act by the National Security Archive. “Legal at State was
worried about this yesterday. Genocide finding could commit (U.S.
government) to ‘do something.'”

Four years later, President Bill Clinton traveled to Kigali, Rwanda,
to apologize to the survivors.

http://www.ledger-enquirer.com/2013/09/08/2674726/morality-plays.html

Un parc Erevan à Riga

ARMENIE
Un parc Erevan à Riga

Une délégation conduite par le maire d’Erevan Taron Margaryan a visité
l’église arménienne Saint Grigor Lousavorich dans la capitale lettone
de Riga.

Le Père Khosrov Stepanyan a informé Taron Margaryan sur l’histoire de
l’église consacrée en 2011.

Un site près de l’église sera transformée en un parc nommé Erevan,
capitale de l’Arménie. Le parc sera construit conjointement par la
municipalité de Riga et la communauté arménienne locale.

dimanche 8 septembre 2013,
Stéphane ©armenews.com

La production industrielle en Arménie en hausse de 12,6%

ARMENIE
La production industrielle en Arménie en hausse de 12,6%

La production industrielle en Arménie a augmenté de 12,6% entre
janvier et avril 2013 par rapport à l’année précédente à 373,9
milliards de drams, selon le Service national des statistiques
d’Arménie.

L’industrie de transformation représentait 61,3% de la production soit
une hausse de 19,1% par rapport à l’année précédente. Son volume est
évalué à 229,4 milliards de drams.

L’industrie minière et le développement de mine à ciel ouvert ont
augmenté de 15,2% à près de 62,7 milliards de drams.

La production énergétique a chuté de 4% à 76,2 milliards de drams.

L’approvisionnement en eau, le nettoyage et traitement des déchets, et
la création de matières premières secondaires ont représenté 5,4
milliards de drams soit une hausse de 10,5% par rapport à l’année
précédente.

dimanche 8 septembre 2013,
Stéphane ©armenews.com