Author: Kajoyan Gevork

COUNCIL OF EUROPE’S “CAPITAL CITIES” CONFERENCE KICKS OFF IN YEREVAN

14:08, October 11, 2013

Armenian Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Territorial
Administration Armen Gevorgyan today hosted Andreas Kiefer, Secretary
General of the Council of Europe’s Congress of Local and Regional
Authorities and its Vice President John Warmisham.

Today, an international conference of capital cities of the Council of
Europe member states will be held in Yerevan, Armenia. The conference
is co-organized by the Armenian Chairmanship of the Committee of
Ministers of the Council of Europe and the Congress of Local and
Regional Authorities, in close co-operation with the municipality
of Yerevan.

For more info on the Conference:

The Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of
Europe is a pan-European political assembly, the 636 members of which
hold elective office (they may be regional or municipal councilors,
mayors or presidents of regional authorities) representing over
200,000 authorities in 47 European states.

Opened for signature on 15 October 1985, the European Charter of Local
Self-Government entered into force in 1988. On 10 January 2013 the
Charter has been ratified by 46 out of the 47 Member States of the
Council of Europe.

The Charter requires compliance with a minimum number of principles
that form a European foundation of local democracy. The Congress
makes sure that these principles are observed.

Armenia ratified the Charter in 2002.

Photo: Deputy PM Gevorgyan (left) greets John Warmisham

EXPERT: PUSHING THE ASSOCIATION AGREEMENT WITH THE EU TO THE BACKGROUND, ARMENIA GETS RID OF THREATS TO ITS NATIONAL INTERESTS

by Ashot Safaryan
Friday, October 11, 14:28

Pushing the Association Agreement with the EU to the background,
Armenia gets rid of threats to its national interests i.e. inevitable
abidance by the West’s anti- Iranian sanctions, Armenian expert in
regional issues Sergey Shakaryants said in an interview with Regnum.

He said that the EU became the appendage of US strategic policy yet
long ago, and the West-Iran relations remain doubtful.

“Actually, Armenia is an amazing country, as it has somehow
resisted the efforts of the USA and Western Europe to involve it
into anti-Iranian sanctions for 22 years. Why should we observe the
EU’s general decisions that apply not only the member-states but
also the countries Associated with the EU, like Turkey, now when
Armenia and Iran are enhancing bilateral cooperation in many fields,
such as construction of an oil processing plant, HPP, railway etc? It
is nonsense. Why should we refuse from favorable relations and trade
with our neighbor to display ‘solidarity’ with the West? We do not
live in Europe, we border with Iran,” he said.

Shakaryan believes that Armenia should not think of yielding part
of its sovereign rights to a supra-national structure within any
integration process.

“Such kind of co-existence with the external world is affordable to
a country that has already fulfilled its national tasks and goals
on the political agenda. Unfortunately, I don’t think that Armenia
has achieved that level. The problem of Nagorno Karabakh is a prior
national task of Armenia,” he said. The expert is sure that the issue
of customs area threatens the security of the Karabakh people. “This
threat has not been liquidated as long as the Association with the
EU is on Armenia’s foreign policy agenda. As regards the CIS Customs
Union, we cannot draw any final conclusions on the issue yet. Experts
have been informed that Armenia will be free to decide its customs
territory and borders in line with its national interests. I think,
this conceals some understatements on the Karabakh issue, but they
are of positive nature,” Shakaryants said.

LOCKING UP FREE EXPRESSION: AZERBAIJAN SILENCES CRITICAL VOICES

Intimidation, violence and media clampdown – free expression in
Azerbaijan is under siege. The country’s record on free expression
has undergone a marked deterioration in the run up to its presidential
election.

By Index on Censorship

Friday, October 11, 2013

Narimanov Park, Baku, 15 May 2010. Police forcibly detain a political
activist during an unsanctioned protest. Photograph by Abbas Atilay

This report is also available in a PDF format.

As expected Azerbaijan’s autocratic president Ilham Aliyev was elected
to a third term on 9 Oct.

This report addresses violations against freedom of expression on
the eve of Azerbaijan’s presidential elections. It is based on field
research conducted between 16 and 21 September 2013 in Baku. In
2012, international and national civil society groups denounced
attempts by the Azerbaijani government to silence critical voices
through fabricated charges, barring protests and blackmail. In 2013,
the government has introduced a new set of repressive laws, curbs
on media and arrests of journalists, political activists and human
rights defenders.

Laws passed in May 2013 extend existing draconian penalties
for criminal defamation and insult to online content and public
demonstrations. Intimidation, harassment and violence against
journalists continue with impunity. Civil society organisations have
raised concerns about the deterioration of the media environment and
the number of imprisoned journalists through the intensification of
the practice of unjustified criminal prosecution.

It is important to note that country is due to assume the chairmanship
of the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers in 2014, while it
fails to comply with its obligations under the European Convention
on Human Rights.

IMPUNITY

Impunity for physical and moral attacks against journalists and
activists continues unabated. There have been attacks on journalists
during the period of the presidential elections. Those responsible
for the murders of journalists Elmar Huseynov (2005) and Rafiq Tagi
(2011) have yet to be found or tried. No suspects have been named or
charged with the violent attack on Idrak Abbasov in 2012, weeks after
he received an Index Award. Independent journalists receive threats
and are subject to blackmail.

On a daily basis, journalists, who receive physical and psychological
threats and make reports to the authorities, are denied justice
or protection.

In September 2013, Index met with Ramin Deko, a journalist at Azadliq
newspaper. In addition to regular intimidation and threats, Deko has
been harassed financially, with prosecutions and fines obstructing
his investigative journalism (see section on the economic squeeze
on independent or critical media). Deko alleges he was abducted and
beaten up on 3 and 4 April 2011 by law enforcement bodies. While he
was illegally detained, he said he was told to stop critical articles
and to change his workplace to a pro-government newspaper.[1] On
4 October 2013, Deko was part of a group of journalists attacked
by a pro-government mob while covering a sanctioned opposition
rally the central Azerbaijan town of Sabirabad. Tural Mustafayev,
who was also among the journalists, said that they were assaulted,
and their equipment was damaged by the mob while police officers
stood by and made no effort to disperse the attackers. No measure
has yet been taken to investigate the beating and harassment of the
attacked journalists. On the contrary, the Interior Ministry released
a statementjustifying the action of the police and Bakunews internet
television reporter, Ilham Rasulzadeh, was detained and taken to the
Sabirabad police department.

Another journalist, Yafez Akramoghlu, told Index that the range of
“tools” to intimidate journalists has widened. [2]

Akramoghlu is a journalist at Radio Liberty/Azadliq radiosu and
correspondent for the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic, which he calls
“the North Korea of Azerbaijan”. Akramoghlu claims that in April 2013,
his family received an envelope containing a CD and several photos.

They depicted intimate pictures and a fake Facebook profile with
fabricated Facebook chats between Akramoghlu and a woman (the same
woman appearing in intimate positions in the photos). Shortly after
receiving the envelope, Akramoghlu says he received a phone call
from someone who identified himself as an employee of the Nakhchivan
national security forces. This individual reportedly threatened to
damage the journalist’s reputation by circulating the images if he
did not stop his investigative work. Following his refusal to give
in to blackmail, Akramoghlu claims he received assassination threats
directed at himself and his family.

Investigative journalist Khadija Ismayilova has also been the target
of a smear campaign. On 7 March 2012, she received an envelope from an
anonymous sender containing explicit photos of her and her boyfriend
with a note warning her, “Whore, behave. Or you will be disgraced.”

Ismayilova published the threat letter and continued her investigative
work. On 14 March 2012, a secretly-recorded video of Ismayilova having
sex with her boyfriend was posted on the internet. The previous day,
a pro-government newspaper ran a long article attacking her and
criticizing her personal life. In August 2013,11 international NGOs
sent a joint letter to President Ilham Aliyev and Prosecutor-General
Zakir Garalov urging them to take concrete steps to ensure that the
repeated harassment and intimidation of Khadiya Ismayilova is properly
investigated. This was after Ismayilova sent at least four letters
to the prosecutor’s office requesting updates on the investigation.

According to Ismayilova, in its replies, the prosecutor’s office
has merely stated that the investigation was ongoing, without giving
any details.

Imprisoned journalists and activists also face intimidation and
violence. In May 2013, one NIDA board member – Turgut Gambar – and
two other youth activists – Abulfaz Gurbanli and Ilkin Rustemzade –
were arrested on misdemeanour charges and had their heads were shaved
while they served administrative detention.

Since his arrest in June 2012, Hilal Mammadov, editor-in-chief for
Tolisho Sedo newspaper, has reported ill-treatment and torture. On
Friday 27 September 2013, two weeks before the presidential elections,
Mammadov was sentenced to five years in prison on charges of treason,
inciting ethnic hatred and drug trafficking.

REPRESSIVE LEGISLATION

In the run up to the presidential elections, the framework for freedom
of expression became tighter. Recent amendments to laws have further
restricted freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and the work
of civil society, by increasing sanctions for public order offences,
including organising and participating in unauthorised demonstrations.

Minor public-order offences now carry maximum jail sentences of 60
days, instead of 45. Adopted on 2 November 2012, new amendments to
the law “On freedom of assembly” and to the Criminal Code saw fines
for protesters who violate the law raised from 300 manat (USD 385)
to 8,000 manat (USD 10,200) and introduced a prison sentence of two
years. Criminalising the organisation and participation in peaceful
protests has an increasingly chilling effect on freedom of expression
in Azerbaijan.

Amendments to legislation regulating non-governmental organisations
(NGOs), signed into law by the president on 11 March 2013, further
stifle civil society in Azerbaijan, with NGOs now facing additional
registration hurdles and stricter funding requirements. The new
law bans cash donations above USD 200, and increased fines for
non-compliance. In addition, NGOs that do not register under the
law are unable to open or maintain bank accounts. This legislation
further interferes with freedom of association already undermined
in 2009 and 2011, after the introduction of overly complicated NGO
registration requirements. The International Center for Not-for-Profit
Law (ICNL) identified a number of issues relating to NGO legislation
in Azerbaijan, including the lack of transparency in the process of
government authorities’ decision-making on whether to register an NGO.

It is feared that the arbitrary application of the law directly
undermines freedoms of expression and association. On 19 October 2011,
the Council of Europe Venice Commission referred to NGO regulations
in Azerbaijan as “a breach of international standards.”

In May 2013, the Azerbaijani Parliament adopted amendments to the
Code of Administrative Offences, resulting in the extension of the
permitted length of administrative detention. The maximum period
of administrative detention sanctioning offences for “violation
of the rules of organising and conducting rallies, demonstrations,
processions, etc.” has been increased from 15 to 60 days.[3] This new
legislation allows the arrest, for example, of people who distribute
leaflets in the streets. On 19 September 2013, the police reportedly
arrested and detained for a few hours 20 young people distributing
leaflets for an authorised protest.[4]

In addition, Azerbaijan’s defamation legislation was extended on 3
June 2013 and now also applies to internet-based content and opinions
expressed online, including in social media (see section on internet
censorship). The new defamation law imposes hefty fines and prison
sentences for anyone convicted of online slander or insults. This
constituted a severe step back for Azerbaijani government that had
committed to decriminalise defamation in its National Action Programme
in 2011. In August 2013, a court prosecuted a former bank employee
who had criticised the bank on Facebook. The court found him guilty
of libel and sentenced him to 1-year public work, also withholding 20%
of his monthly salary (see section in internet censorship).

MEDIA DIVERSITY, OWNERSHIP AND THE SQUEEZE ON THE OPPOSITION PRESS

The clampdown on independent and critical media continues, while
nearly all broadcast media remain owned by the state or controlled
by the authorities.[5] The independent press has faced economic
discrimination, with editors claiming the authorities regularly
pressure advertisers not to place ads in critical papers.[6] Meanwhile,
Azerbaijani public officials have used criminal and civil defamation
to stifle critical journalists.

Most of the nine national TV channels are either directly owned by
the state or controlled by the authorities. The regulatory authority,
Azerbaijan’s National Television and Radio Council – also charged
with delivering broadcast licenses – is fully funded from the state
budget and the president directly appoints all of its nine members.

Journalists Index spoke to believe audiences are inundated with state
propaganda, even through channels that offer no direct coverage of
current events or political news.

Critical newspapers are barred from press distribution networks,
which are controlled by state officials. Over 70 % of the distribution
has fallen under government control and 42% of the population has no
access to press kiosks with, on average, one retail stand for 11,250
inhabitants. Journalists and editors interviewed by Index expressed
concerns over the election code that makes no provisions for balanced
coverage of candidates and political parties in news and current
affairs programs, including for public newspapers and broadcasters.

The first interim report of the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission
reported that there were some concerns over the shortening of the
official campaign period, which limits opposition candidates’ access
to media and gives the incumbent president a disproportional advantage.

Along with the state’s control over the main media channels, the
Azerbaijani regime keeps suppressing dissent or critical voices through
defamation legal actions. According to Rashid Hajili from the Media
Rights Institute, in the first six months of 2013, 36 defamation
suits were brought against media outlets or journalists, four of
which were criminal defamation suits. While courts have rejected all
four criminal defamation suits, they have ordered media outlets and
journalists to pay hefty fines in civil defamation cases. For example
in June 2012, a court ordered Azadliq newspaper to pay 30,000 manat
(USD 36,000) to the head of the Baku Metro Service, for an article
published on 8 April 2012 about an increase in metro fares. In May
2012, a court fined Ramin Deko, investigative journalist at Azadliq,
3,000 manat (USD 3,800) for allegedly defaming Novruzali Aslanov,
a pro-government member of parliament. Ramin Deko says: “Because of
the fines, investigative journalism is at risk. There is an allergy
to free expression in this country. In April 2011, I was abducted and
beaten up, but defamation fines are equally chilling. It is another
intimidation tactic and it interferes with my personal life.”[7]

INTERNET CENSORSHIP

Several activists have been arrested for their protest activities
on social networks. In public statements, high-ranking officials
aggressively attack social media, calling it a “harmful phenomenon.”

Fazail Agamaly, an Azerbaijani MP, publicly called for access to social
networking websites in Azerbaijan to be blocked during a speech in the
country’s parliament, calling Facebook and social networks “a threat
to Azerbaijan’s statehood.” The “war declared by the regime on social
media” became more serious after street protests – organised by young
people through Facebook – on 10 March 2013. On 16 March, president
Ilham Aliyev allocated 5 million Azerbaijani manats (about USD 6.7
million) to fund activities of pro-government youth organisations on
social networks. At the same time, seven members of the NIDA movement
– a youth movement calling for more democracy in Azerbaijan – were
arrested on charges of drug possession and inciting hatred. In May,
the parliament adopted repressive legislation to extend criminal
defamation laws to online content.

Rashid Hajili from the Media Rights Institute said: “Internet is
growing and offers opportunities as well as challenges. The first
steps toward prosecution for criminal defamation on Facebook last
August [2013] are concerning.”[8] In August, Astara District Court
convicted Mikail Talibov for sharing critical information on Facebook.

Previously, Talibov worked at AccessBank, a bank with headquarters
in Baku. Following his dismissal, he created a Facebook page where
he harshly criticized the bank’s activity. The bank considered the
Facebook page libelous and demanded the court to bring Talibov to
justice for libel. The court considered the former bank employee
guilty and charged him to 1-year public work, also withholding 20%
of his monthly salary. The court also ruled Talibov to refute his
criticism on Facebook. Many Azerbaijani civil organisations have
condemned this ruling, with the Media Rights Institute calling it a
“harsh punishment for expressions on internet forums”.

Defamation laws and monitoring of social media content are particularly
chilling free expression online in Azerbaijan. Turgut Gambar, youth
activist and member of NIDA, told Index that an increased number
of young people refrain from expressing their opinion online due to
the monitoring of social media and punishment of those who criticize
the regime.[9] However, Gambar counts on the internet to empower the
youth and complement traditional action for the democratisation of the
country. “In March [2013], NIDA was able to mobilize and attract people
who usually are not politicised thanks to social media”, says Gambar,
“Internet is complementary to other forms of action such as graffiti,
songs, or distribution of stickers”. The seven NIDA members arrested
in March and April 2013 were particularly active on social media and
known for their criticism of the authorities. The repression offree
speech online is seen as an attempt to suppress activism on the last
remaining haven for independent expression.

AZERBAIJAN AND THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE

In the run up to the elections, on 26 January 2013, the Parliamentary
Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) failed to pass a resolution
on political prisoners. The inaction of PACE has made Azerbaijan
confident and since that failure at the PACE, Azerbaijan has felt
emboldened to arrest more journalists and activists. On 1 October 2013,
the Baku-based Human Rights Club released a new list of political
prisoners counting 142 persons currently in detention or imprisoned
for politically motivated reasons. The Human Rights Club notes that
the number of politically motivated detentions and imprisonments has
increased sharply since the defeat on 26 January 2013 of the key PACE
resolution on “The follow-up to the issue of political prisoners
in Azerbaijan.” At the time of the vote, there were 60 cases of
alleged political prisoners included in then-rapporteur Christoph
Strasser’s list.

It is of concern that the PACE has failed to hold Azerbaijan
accountable for its Council of Europe obligations. According to
interviewees, the resolution’s defeat has tarnished the Council of
Europe’s credibility in Azerbaijan as an institution supposed to
protect, promote and ensure human rights.

The government of Azerbaijan works particularly hard to influence
opinion at the PACE, or to paralyse its action.[10] Christoph Strasser,
a German PACE delegate who was the Special Rapporteur tasked with
examining the situation of political prisoners in Azerbaijan, has
been refused a visa to conduct a fact-finding mission to Azerbaijan.

This refusal has angered German parliamentarians to the extent that the
Bundestag’s Committee on Human Rights and Humanitarian Aid drafted a
resolution demanding Strasser be granted a visa. Such is the influence
of the government of Azerbaijan in Germany that the draft resolution
was leaked to the country’s ambassador.

Azerbaijan pursues its lobbying at the Council of Europe (COE) and
at national government level to persuade parliamentarians that the
lack of a free media or its political prisoners are not worthy of
special attention – or can be justified in the context of the ongoing
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. This distortion of the truth makes the
work of human rights defenders all the more difficult, especially as
space to express critical views in Azerbaijan has been gradually and
progressively curtailed since Azerbaijan joined the COE in 2001. While
Azerbaijan is preparing to assume the Chairmanship of the COE, it is
of paramount importance for the Council of Europe to take tougher line
against Azerbaijan’s crackdown on fundamental rights and freedoms.[11]

“In eight moths, Azerbaijan will run Europe’s official human rights
organisation. The Council of Europe must take care about who speaks
on its behalf. We are not saying that the council should prevent
Azerbaijan from taking the chair, but it should take a tougher line
vis-a-vis implementation of human rights commitments. If member states
are allowed to get away with blatant violations and fail to comply
with the Council of Europe rules and treaties, human rights become
a dead letter”, says Emin Huseynov, Chair and CEO of the Institute
for Reporters’ Freedom and Safety (IRFS).[12]

Recommendations

In the run-up to the 2013 presidential elections in Azerbaijan,
the situation for freedom of expression has deteriorated. Index on
Censorship makes the following recommendations:

– Ensure the immediate release of all persons imprisoned for
exercising their right to freedom of expression

– Promptly investigate and prosecute all cases of violence, threats
of violence, and blackmail against journalists, political activists
and human rights defenders

– Respect and protect the right to freedom of expression offline
and online, including by ceasing the practice of targeting social
media users involved in organising protests

– Promote the development of public service broadcasting that is
independent of government interests and acts in the public interest,
with particular attention paid to the regions outside of Baku

– Cease the practice of pressuring and interfering with the work
of NGOs, human rights defenders and lawyers

– Reform the law to protect the freedom of association

This report was originally published on 10 Oct 2013 at
indexoncensorship.org

[1] Index on Censorship interview, Baku, 18 September 2013

[2] Index on Censorship interview, Baku, 18 September 2013

[3] Article 298.11 and 298.22 of the Administrative Offences Code

[4] Index on Censorship interview with a young political activist,
Baku, 20 September 2013

[5] State control and the media in Running scared. Azerbaijan’s
Silenced Voices, International Partnership Group for Azerbaijan
report, 2012

[6] Index on Censorship interview with Rahim Ajiyev, acting
editor-in-chief of Azadliq newspaper, Baku, 18 September 2013

[7] Index on Censorship interview, Baku, 18 September 2013

[8] Index on Censorship interview, Baku, 19 September 2013

[9] Index on Censorship interview, Baku, 20 September 2013

[10] Azerbaijan’s image problem, in Running Scared. Azerbaijan’s
Silenced Voices, International Partnership Group for Azerbaijan
report, 2012

[11] Azerbaijan will assume the chairmanship of the COE’s Committee
of Ministers from July 2014

[12] Index on Censorship interview, Baku, 18 September 2013

DOUG ARGUE’S “CHICKEN PAINTINGS” EXHIBITION TO OPEN AT THE CAFESJIAN CENTER FOR THE ARTS

17:50 11.10.2013

Doug Argue: Chicken Paintings exhibition opens at Eagle Gallery of
the Cafesjian Center for the Arts on October 12, . The exhibition
presents four monumental works by the renowned contemporary American
artist Doug Argue, including his famous Untitled chicken painting.

Doug Argue explores “infinity in finite space” creating grandiose scale
works, where ordinary objects are monumentalized and reconceptualized
within the vortex of contemporary society.

“Before arriving in Armenia the Chicken Painting was a major public
attraction at the Weisman Art Museum, after Gerard Cafesjian lent the
work to the University of Minnesota in 1995. We are convinced that Doug
Argue and his paintings will become a new revelation of American art
in our society”, said Vahagn Marabyan, the Acting Executive Director
of the Cafesjian Center for the Arts.

Doug Argue was born in 1962 in Saint Paul, Minnesota. His works
are included in numerous public collections, including the Walker
Art Center, the Minnesota Museum of American Art, the Minneapolis
Institute of Arts, and the Frederick R. Weisman Art Foundation. In
2009, he was awarded with the Artist of the Year by the London Creative
Competition. Argue has been the recipient of a National Endowment for
the Arts Fellowship, the Prix De Rome, a Bush Foundation Fellowship,
and a Pollock-Krasner Foundation Grant. Doug Argue currently resides
in New York City.

The exhibition Doug Argue: Chicken Paintings will be free of charge
on October 13 and will last till December 29, 2013.

PRESIDENT SAHAKYAN MET IN LYON WITH MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL COORDINATING ARMENIAN UNIONS

Friday, 11 October 2013 14:35

On 10 October Artsakh Republic President Bako Sahakyan arrived in
France with a working visit.

On the same day the President met in Lyon with a group of members of
the council coordinating the local Armenian unions.

Issues related to strengthening the Artsakh-Diaspora mutual cooperation
were discussed during the meeting.

The Head of the State considered important establishing firm ties with
the Diaspora organizations and implementing coordinated activities,
adding that there were all the necessary preconditions for that.

NKR vice-premier Arthur Aghabekyan, NKR foreign minister Karen
Mirzoyan, ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the Republic
of Armenia to France Vigen Chitechyan, NKR permanent representative to
France Hovhannes Gevorgyan and other officials partook in the meeting.

SOLDIERS AFFECTED BY ROAD ACCIDENT IN KARABAKH

October 11, 2013 | 13:25

STEPANAKERT. – A traffic accident occurred, on Friday at around 9:30am,
in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR).

The incident took place at the protection area of an NKR Defense Army
unit that is stationed toward the eastern direction.

There are affected as a result of the accident.

An investigation is conducted to find out the details of the incident,
informs the press service of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic Ministry
of Defense.

News from Armenia – NEWS.am

Armenia’s President receives heads of delegations partook in session
of Council of Ministers of Justice

18:22, 11 October, 2013

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 11, ARMENPRESS. Today, the President of the Republic
of Armenia, Serzh Sargsyan, by the chairmanship of the Ministry of
Justice of the Republic of Armenia, received the heads of the
delegations of those countries which partook in the 8th session of the
Council of the Ministers of Justice of CIS participant countries on
October 10-11 in Yerevan.

As Armenpress was reported from Information and Public Relations
Department of President Staff of the Republic of Armenia, the
President welcomed the guests in our country and stressed the
importance of the session of the council of the Ministers of Justice
held in Yerevan, the close cooperation and exchange of experiments
among the responsible bodies in the field, the joint activity towards
the solution of general modern issues for the participating countries
in the field of justice.

© 2009 ARMENPRESS.am

Friday Times
October 11, 2013 Friday

A piece of Multan in Baku

KARACHI

It is an unsettling feeling I have – a feeling of embarking on a new
mental journey, a feeling of re-understanding history. But I cannot
find the right vehicle that will take me where I want to go. Where do
the roots of this feeling lie? In Baku.

See, Baku was supposed to be just another historical city I would
visit. A place to put down my backpack for a few days, discover ways
to reach points of interest, find places to eat, visit a few
historical sites and then move on to the next destination. Even though
I did leave Baku after staying there for three days, Baku refuses to
leave my imagination.

Azerbaijan does not make it easy for the tourists to visit her.
Besides the exorbitant visa fees, the bureaucratic hurdles you need to
overcome to get a tourist visa include confirming your hotel stay in
Azerbaijan, with particular hotels the Azerbaijani bureaucracy likes.
Facing these challenges, many tourists just give up the idea of
travelling to the only Muslim country of Caucasus. Yet, how can your
trip to Caucasus be complete without visiting Azerbaijan, the largest
country of the region?

Our trip of Caucasus had started out in Turkey. After visiting Armenia
we were in Tbilisi; we decided to apply for the Azerbaijani visas.
When you visit that region and you are travelling overland you have to
understand who is not getting along with whom.

Armenia has a long border with Turkey but the border is sealed – going
from Turkey to Armenia, you have to first go to Georgia that gets
along well with the other two neighbours. Armenian genocide in Ottoman
Turkey is fresh in the minds of Armenians, but Turkey refuses to call
Armenian mass killings in the Ottoman period genocide. Acrimonious
relations exist between Azerbaijan and Armenia as well; once again
Georgia (or Iran in south) is the neutral country to go through in
order to travel between the other two.

To us visiting Caucasus was important in many ways: people associating
themselves with that geographical region – calling themselves
Caucasians – have defined the concept of races.

Caucasus is important for northern South Asia because our folklore has
many references to Koh-e-Qaf, the legendary place of `beautiful’ women
and tall men. Those stories came to South Asia, along with invaders
from the north – story-tellers of Iran had made Caucasus such a
mythological region.

After giving our passports to the Azerbaijan embassy in Tbilisi, we
travelled to Kazbegi (also known as Stepantsminda), a town near the
Georgia-Russia border. Kazbegi with its small population is trying to
redefine itself from a small pastoral town to now a tourist attraction
where foreigners come to climb mountains, and visit glaciers and
waterfalls. Kazbegi is laid back, with regular shows of farmers
herding their cows through the town – a gentle smell of cow manure
permeates the air.

A visit to the museum in Kazbegi makes one realise how strongly people
in the Old World associate themselves with the region they live in;
even a small country modernly defined in the nation-state narrative
can be teeming with ethnically diverse people.

Kazbegi Museum featured historical documents, and arts and crafts of
the Kazbegi area, as the area existed fairly independent of its
surroundings for hundreds of years.

By the time we came back to Tbilisi, our passports were ready with
Azerbaijani visas. Hooray! We already had the Iranian visas. Now with
the Azerbaijani visas in our passports we could take a circuitous
route to Istanbul travelling south in Azerbaijan and then entering
Iran.

Next day we left for Azerbaijan.

At the border our passports were checked to see which countries we had
visited earlier and on spotting the Armenian stamp, the Azerbaijani
immigration office said out loud with disappointment, `Ar-me-nia!!’ as
in, `Why the hell did you go to Armenia?’ He then showed the Armenian
stamps in our passports to his colleague who just happened to stop by
his desk.

We did not say a word and kept forced smiles on our faces. We stood
there with patience till we got our passports back with Azerbaijani
entry stamps in them. On reaching Zaqatala, the van driver stopped in
the city centre, pointed to the bus station and said `Sheki’ – that’s
where we needed to go to catch a bus to Sheki.

Our stay at the historical Karvansarayi Hotel in Sheki was a time to
relax. The highlight of our visit was enjoying Sheki’s famous halva
that very much lived up to its fame. Sheki halva is a scrumptious
dessert made of flour, milk, nuts, eggs, and sugary syrup, with
saffron lines on top.

Our travel guidebook said Azerbaijan cannot be firmly placed either in
Europe or Asia. We did not see it that way. Azerbaijan was very much a
Middle Eastern country to us. If you go by the faces you see on the
streets in Azerbaijan, you may think you are in Jordan or Syria. Every
prayer time, the atmosphere is filled with azans. And people eat
roasted seeds like they do in all Middle Eastern countries.

Azerbaijani language was once written in Arabic letters. After
Azerbaijan joined the Soviet Union, the script became Cyrillic. And
now, after the collapse of the Union, Azerbaijani is written in the
same letters used in modern Turkish.

A couple of days later we were in Baku. When in Tbilisi we had met a
German woman who had been to Azerbaijan. She thought Azerbaijan was
putting all its wealth in its capital – she was pointing to the
phenomenon of uneven development in the country.

Travelling from Sheki to Baku, we found that assertion to be true.
Baku not only had better infrastructure, it appeared more modern than
other parts of the country we had visited. Uneven development in a
country sets off internal migration from lesser developed areas to
more privileged places. No wonder Baku is home to more than 20 per
cent of the Azerbaijani population.

The continuing influx also means that Baku is an expensive city to
visit. To find a place that would fit our budget we had to settle for
a hotel some distance away from the Old City; we would take the metro
to reach the tourist attractions.

It was another such day of exploration in the Azerbaijani capital. The
hot afternoon in Baku was relenting to a mild evening. Soft lights
from lampposts had started covering the cobblestoned streets and
affluent tourists were taking seats in pimped-up outdoor restaurants.
I was looking at the curious shape of the Maiden Tower when I came
across a sign that pointed to the `Multani Caravanserai’.

Caravanserais – temporary abodes of ancient trade caravans – there
were many in Azerbaijan, but why Multani? What did it have to do with
our Multan? I followed the signs and after passing through a narrow
passageway reached two stone buildings that had restored exteriors:
one was Bukhara Caravanserai, the other one was Multani Caravanserai.
I was told the Multani Caravanserai was built in the 15th century and
was the resting place for traders coming from Multan. Presently, a
restaurant by the name of `Karvansarayi’ occupies both buildings that
face each other.

We were allowed to go down in the Multani Caravanserai to soak in the
history of the place. Multani Caravanserai’s basement with its vaulted
ceilings appeared to be the original construction.

This is where businessmen from Multan stayed during their stay in
Baku. One of the basement walls was adorned with photos of eminent
visitors of the historical building. A photo of Pervez Musharraf with
his entourage was one of them. Also present in a glass display case
were artifacts given as gift by the Pakistani Embassy in Baku.

A floodgate of thoughts opened up in my mind. The trade caravans in
the ancient times must have had to travel around 2,000 miles going
from Multan to Baku. With a maximum speed of 20 miles a day it would
take 100 days to cover that distance. Did the trade caravans leaving
Multan – with stopovers in between – reach Baku in six months? From
Multan did they first travel north to Kabul, then East to Mashhad and
finally reaching the southern point of Caspian; and from there they
just went along the coast to Lankaran and then onwards to Baku?

Trade caravans were the main connections between towns of antiquity.
That is how students reached the centres of learning they wanted to go
to. All the holy men landing in Multan too must have come with those
trade caravans. Ideas and technologies too must have travelled that
way.

Maritime activity over long hauls being a dangerous proposition till
around the 17th century, the ancient trade routes were mostly
overland. South Asia was connected to Central Asia and Eurasia through
these trade routes. The British came to our region through the sea;
their domination of South Asia changed the trade patterns of this
area. Even after the end of the colonial era, our region could not
re-establish its vibrant historic trade connection with the landmass
north of it.

I also nurtured thoughts about the power of ancient trade centres. Why
was Multan so important? Its location by the Chenab River is vital,
but did the Suraj Mandir with its awe-inspiring idols too elevate
Multan’s status?

How were the ancient trade routes formed? Little trade connections
must have merged together to form routes that were thousands of miles
long. And who decided when would a trade caravan leave a place? Who
were those caravan leaders and what were their skillsets? How large
were the caravans? What merchandise would they carry with them? Were
there armed men with each caravan? Coming out of the Multani
Caravanserai I could see silk, spices, grains, and perfumes, all
loaded up on mules present outside the caravanserai.

But my questions needed good, authentic answers.

I searched for books describing the ancient trade routes of our area.
One that would take me on a trade caravan, going from Multan to Baku;
another one that would describe in great detail things that were
traded in those days; a third one about a Multani’s observations along
the way and in Baku. But such books do not exist.

More than sixty years after coming out of the colonial rule, our
historians still look at the West for researching topics that are and
should be of great interest to us.

A New Armenian Holiday: Khachadoor Apovian Mountains Day

Celebrating with Apovian’s book Verk Hayasadanee and Armenian cognac
in the San Gabriel Mountains

BY GAREN YEGPARIAN

Most people know Khachadoor Apovian primarily as the pioneer in using
vernacular Armenian as a written language (for our eastern dialect).
But he also climbed Mount Ararat, first on October 9, 1829 (September
27 on the Julian calendar), then two more times, which fewer people
are conscious of. He was also first to summit Mt. Arakadz in July of
1843.

In recognition of this feat, henceforth, the Sunday closest to October
9 will be recognized as Khachadoor Apovian Mountains Day. All
Armenians will be encouraged to be in the mountains to celebrate
Apovian’s accomplishment and honor the mountains of our homeland.

Robert Assarian (driving force of the Armenian Hikers Association –
AHA!) consulted leaders of the three LA-area groups of Armenian
hikers, and Khachadoor Apovian Mountains Day was born. This idea first
arose in an August discussion between Robert (then on his way to
climbing Ararat as part of a six-man team) and the leadership of the
Armenian Mountaineering and Hiking Federation. The latter is applying
to the Republic of Armenia’s sports authorities to formalize the
holiday there.

You might be thinking `With so many people, Armenians and others,
summiting Ararat, what’s the big deal?’ At the time, Ararat was among
the highest peaks reached by humans, exceeded only in the Andes. Its
tempests can also be quite dangerous. The Himalaya and Tien Shan
(central Asia) ranges were barely even known. Everest was discovered
only in 1847, and not officially recognized as the highest peak on the
planet until 1856. Thus, seen in the proper context, the 1829 climbing
team achieved quite a feat. The team consisted of Apovian, Hovhannes
Aivazian and Moorad Boghossian from the nearby village of Agoree
acting as guides, three Russian soldiers, and Fridrikh Parrot – a
University of Dorpat (now Tartu, Estonia) professor.

Even this year, hikes were organized on Sunday October 6, though on
very short notice. Hamlet Kamsar reports from England that a group of
Armenians climbed a summit in Yorkshire. AHA and ASLA-Armenian Hiking
Society in the LA basin hiked to Twin Peaks (San Gabriel Mountains)
and celebrated with a copy of Apovian’s book Verk Hayasadanee and
Armenian cognac on the peak! In Armenia, a group summitted Ararat –
talk about a fitting tribute!

Mark your calendars. Next year, 2014, Sunday October 12, you must head
up to the mountains, wherever you may be! And, the best part is, just
about EVERYONE can find a peak that’s accessible, whether that’s from
a geographical or physical ability perspective

Fresno hosts Armenian Studies Program’s 2013 Fall Lecture Series

October 12, 2013 – 12:00 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – A Fresno State lecture series is putting Armenian
culture front and center, Fresno Bee reports.

The Armenian Studies Program’s 2013 Fall Lecture Series kicked off
Sept 5 and already has covered the Armenians of Bitlis, the seizure of
Armenian property in Aintab, the state of Armenia today, American
Armenian contributions across the nation and the land mine-free
Artsakh campaign.

The lecture series is presented by Fresno State’s Armenian Studies
Program and the Armenian Students Organization. The Armenian Studies
Program began in 1977.

The lectures are designed to provide an opportunity for students and
faculty members to interact with each other and the community over
topics that promote Armenian cultural awareness.

“It’s been a forum to bring people together,” says Barlow Der
Mugrdechian, coordinator of the Armenian Studies Program and director
of the Center for Armenian Studies. “There are a variety of topics –
history, art, film festivals. We do so many things to draw people in.
The topics are ways of approaching things that we can’t always do in
the classroom.”

As part of the series, a new book, “David of Sassoun: Critical Studies
on the Armenian Epic,” is being released this month. Der Mugrdechian
co-edited the book, which was printed through the Armenian Series of
The Press at Fresno State. The Armenian Series is a cooperative effort
between the Armenian Studies Program and the College of Arts and
Humanities.

Der Mugrdechian created the book jacket, which comes from a photo of
the David of Sassoun statue at Courthouse Park in downtown Fresno. He
plans to talk about the book as part of the lecture series in late
November. He is also working on a series talk in early November. On
Sept 27, he talked about a recent visit to Armenia.

The lecture series received a boost last year through a $10,000 grant
by the Leon S. Peters Foundation. The Armenian Studies Program has a
fundraising drive planned in the fall, with this year’s goal $50,000.

The lectures and other activities have received strong community
support over the years, Der Mugrdechian says. Between 50,000 and
60,000 Armenians live in the central San Joaquin Valley. Arnold
Gazarian, who supports Armenian programs at Fresno State as well as
other university departments, says the lecture series has an important
role.

“Historically, the Armenian community has played a great part in the
greater Fresno community, yet its culture is not really well-known by
so many of the citizens of Fresno,” he says. “We’ve had so many new
people move into the area in the last couple of decades. So the
culture has been diluted. This is one way of bringing it to the
forefront again. It has been successful; it is flowing at the
university. The success also has proven with non-Armenian students in
the studies. This program would not have been successful had it not
had the backing of the community and people putting in the time and
effort and throwing money into it.”

Armenian student leaders at Fresno State say they are gaining a better
understanding of Armenian culture by attending the lectures.

Vartush Mesropyan, a senior who is majoring in psychology and serving
as president of the Armenian Students Organization, says she felt a
sense of pride at Stepan Partamian’s lecture Oct. 3 on “American
Armenian Contributions to Humanity After the Armenian Genocide and the
Armenian World: A Photographic Journey.”

Partamian, author of the book, “Yes, We Have,” and a founder of the
Armenian Art Fund in Los Angeles, included a photo presentation
showing how American Armenians have left their marks in many regions
of the United States.

“It can be a tree, a building, a church, anything, and a lot of people
don’t know that Armenians are there,” Mesropyan says, according to
Fresno Bee. “I was actually getting butterflies. I thought, ‘This is
wonderful.’ It just felt great, wonderful to be there.”

On Oct 8, Galinda Danilova talked on “Landmine Free Artsakh Awareness
Campaign,” focusing on how the war in 1992-94 between the Armenians of
Karabakh and Azerbaijan left behind hundreds of mine fields. Danilova
works for the Halo Trust, the world’s largest humanitarian land mine
clearance organization.

Marine Vardanyan, a junior majoring in public health and serving as
vice president of the Armenian Students Organization, says she was
emotionally touched at the lecture as she learned how lives have been
altered through the de-mining process in Karabakh.

“We saw images of those who have been injured – and it was emotional,”
Vardanyan says. “I love the lecture series so much because it involves
not only the students, but also the community. Everyone comes out. We
would not have an opportunity to hear these speakers if it weren’t for
the program. As long as it brings Armenians together, there will be
Armenians there. We are very supportive of each other. We value our
attempts to preserve the Armenian culture.”