President Bashar Al-Assad’s Interview With Agence France Presse

PRESIDENT BASHAR AL-ASSAD’S INTERVIEW WITH AGENCE FRANCE PRESSE

January 20, 2014

AFP: Mr. President, what do you expect from the Geneva conference?

President Assad: The most basic element, which we continuously
refer too, is that the Geneva Conference should produce clear
results with regard to the fight against terrorism in Syria. In
particular, it needs to put pressure on countries that are exporting
terrorism, â?” by sending terrorists, money and weapons to terrorist
organisations, â?” especially Saudi Arabia and Turkey, and of course
the Western countries that provide political cover for these terrorist
organisations. This is the most important decision or result that
the Geneva Conference could produce. Any political solution that
is reached without fighting terrorism has no value. There can be
no political action when there is terrorism everywhere, not only in
Syria but in neighbouring countries as well. From the political side,
it is possible for Geneva to contribute to a process of dialogue
between Syrians. There has to be a Syrian process within Syria and
whilst Geneva could support this, it cannot be a substitute for it.

AFP: After nearly three years of devastating war and the big challenge
of reconstruction in the country, is it likely that you will not be
a candidate for the presidency?

President Assad: This depends on two things: It depends on personal
aspirations or a personal decision, on the one hand, and on public
opinion in Syria, on the other. As far as I am concerned, I see no
reason why I shouldn’t stand; as for Syrian public opinion, there is
still around four months before the election date is announced. If in
that time, there is public desire and a public opinion in favour of
my candidacy, I will not hesitate for a second to run for election. In
short, we can say that the chances for my candidacy are significant.

AFP: In these past years, have you thought for a moment about losing
the battle, and have you thought of an alternative scenario for you
and your family?

President Assad: In any battle, there is always the possibility of
winning and losing; but when you’re defending your country, it’s
obvious that the only choice is to win. Should Syria lose this battle
that would mean the spread of chaos throughout the Middle East. This
battle is not confined to Syria and is not, as Western propaganda
portrays, a popular uprising against a regime suppressing its people
and a revolution calling for democracy and freedom. These lies have
now become clear to people. A popular revolution doesn’t last for
three years only to fail; moreover, a national revolution cannot
have a foreign agenda. As for the scenarios that I have considered,
of course these types of battles will have numerous scenarios â?”
1st, 2nd, 3rd��tenth, but they are all focused on defending the
country not on running away from it. Fleeing is not an option in
these circumstances. I must be at the forefront of those defending
this country and this has been the case from day one.

AFP: Do you think you are winning this war?

President Assad: This war is not mine to win; it’s our war as
Syrians. I think this war has, if you will, two phases. The first
phase, which took the form of plans drawn up at the beginning, was
the overthrow of the Syrian state in a matter of weeks or months. Now,
three years on, we can safely say that this has failed, and that the
Syrian people have won. There were countries that not only wanted to
overthrow the state, but that also wanted to partition the country
into several ‘mini-states;’ of course this phase failed, and hence
the win for the Syrian people. The other phase of the battle is the
fight against terrorism, which we are living on a daily basis. As you
know, this phase isn’t over yet, so we can’t talk about having won
before we eliminate the terrorists. What we can say is that we are
making progress and moving forward. This doesn’t mean that victory
is near at hand; these kinds of battles are complicated, difficult
and they need a lot of time. However, as I said, and I reiterate,
we are making progress, but have not yet achieved a victory.

AFP: Returning to Geneva, do you support a call from the conference
for all foreign fighters to leave Syria, including Hezbollah?

President Assad: Clearly the job of defending Syria is responsibility
of the Syrian people, the Syrian institutions, and in particular
the Syrian Army. So, there would be no reason for any non-Syrian
fighters to get involved had there not been foreign fighters from
dozens of countries attacking civilians and Hezbollah especially
on the Syrian-Lebanese border. When we talk about fighters leaving
Syria, this would need to be part of a larger package that would see
all the foreign fighters leave, and for all armed men â?” including
Syrians â?” to hand over their weapons to the Syrian state, which
would consequently achieve stability. So naturally, yes, one element
of the solution in Syria â?” I wouldn’t say the objective â?” is for
all non-Syrian fighters to leave Syria.

AFP: In addition to the prisoner exchange and a ceasefire in Aleppo,
what initiatives are you ready to present at Geneva II?

President Assad: The Syrian initiative was put forward exactly a year
ago, in January of last year. It’s a complete initiative that covers
both political and security aspects and other dimensions that would
lead to stability. All of these details are part of the initiative
that Syria previously put forward. However, any initiative, whether
this one or any other, must be the result of a dialogue between
Syrians. The essence of anything that is proposed, whether it’s the
crisis itself, fighting terrorism, or the future political vision
and political system for Syria, requires the approval of Syrians. Our
initiative was based on a process to facilitate this dialogue rather
than a process to express the government’s point of view. It has always
been our view that any initiative must be collective and produced by
both the political actors in Syria and the Syrian people in general.

AFP: The opposition that will participate in Geneva is divided and
many factions on the ground don’t believe it represents them. If an
agreement is reached, how can it be implemented on the ground?

President Assad: This is the same question that we are asking as
a government: when I negotiate, who am I negotiating with? There
are expected to be many sides at Geneva, we don’t know yet who
will come, but there will be various parties, including the Syrian
government. It is clear to everyone that some of the groups, which
might attend the conference, didn’t exist until very recently; in
fact they were created during the crisis by foreign intelligence
agencies whether in Qatar, Saudi Arabia, France, the United States
or other countries. So when we sit down with these groups, we are in
fact negotiating with those countries. So, is it logical that France
should be a part of the Syrian solution? Or Qatar, or America, or
Saudi Arabia, or Turkey? This doesn’t make any sense. Therefore,
when we negotiate with these parties, we’re in fact negotiating
with the countries that are behind them and that support terrorism
in Syria. There are other opposition forces in Syria that have a
national agenda; these are parties that we can negotiate with. On the
issue of the vision for Syria’s future, we are open for these parties
to participate in governing the Syrian state, in the government and
in other institutions. But as I mentioned earlier, anything that is
agreed with any party, whether in Geneva or in Syria, must be subject
to people’s endorsement, through a referendum put to Syrian citizens.

AFP: In this context, could the ceasefire agreements that have been
started in Moadimiya and Barzeh be an alternative to Geneva?

President Assad: The truth is that these initiatives may be more
important than Geneva, because the majority of those fighting and
carrying out terrorist operations on the ground have no political
agenda. Some of them have become professional armed robbers,
and others, as you know, are takfiri organisations fighting for
an extremist Islamic emirate and things of that kind. Geneva means
nothing for these groups. For this reason, the direct action and the
models that have been achieved in Moadamiyeh, in Barzeh and other
places in Syria has proven to be very effective. But this is separate
from the political process, which is about the political future of
Syria. These reconciliations have helped stability and have eased the
bloodshed in Syria, both of which help pave the way for the political
dialogue I mentioned earlier.

AFP: Are you prepared to have a prime minister from the opposition
in a future government?

President Assad: That depends on who this opposition represents. When
it represents a majority, let’s say in parliament, naturally it
should lead the government. But to appoint a prime minister from
the opposition without having a majority doesn’t make any political
sense in any country in the world. In your country, for example,
or in Britain or elsewhere, you can’t have a prime minister from a
parliamentary minority. This will all depend on the next elections,
which we discussed in the Syrian initiative; they will reveal the real
size of support for the various opposition forces. As to participation
as a principle, we support it, of course it is a good thing.

AFP: Are you prepared to have, for example, Ahmed Jarba or Moaz Khatib,
be your next prime minister?

President Assad: This takes us back to the previous question. Do any
of these people represent the Syrian people, or even a portion of the
Syrian people? Do they even represent themselves, or are they just
representatives of the states that created them? This brings us back
to what I mentioned earlier: every one of these groups represents
the country that created them. The participation of each of these
individuals means the participation of each of those states in the
Syrian government! This is the first point. Second, let’s assume
that we agreed to the participation of these individuals in the
government. Do you think that they would dare to come to Syria to
take part in the government? Of course they wouldn’t. Last year, they
claimed that they had control of 70% of Syria, yet they didn’t even
dare to come to the areas that they had supposed control of. They did
come to the border for a 30-minute photo opportunity and then they
fled. How can they be ministers in the government? Can a foreigner
become a Syrian minister? That’s why these propositions are totally
unrealistic, but they do make a good joke!

AFP: Mr. President, you said that it depends on the results of the
elections, but how can you hold these kinds of elections if part of
Syria’s territory is in the hands of insurgents?

President Assad: During this crisis, and after the unrest started
in Syria, we have conducted elections twice: the first was municipal
elections and the second was parliamentary elections. Of course, the
elections cannot be conducted in the same way they are conducted
in normal circumstances, but the roads between Syrian regions
are open, and people area able to move freely between different
regions. Those who live in difficult areas can go to neighbouring
areas and participate in the elections. There will be difficulties,
but it is not an impossible process.

AFP: Now that opposition fighters are battling jihadists, do you see
any difference between the two?

President Assad: The answer I would have given you at the beginning
of the events or during its various phases, is completely different to
the answer today. Today, there are no longer two opposition groups. We
all know that during the past few months the extremist terrorist
groups fighting in Syria have wiped out the last remaining positions
that were held by the forces the West portrays as moderates, calling
them the moderate or secular forces, or the Free Syrian Army. These
forces no longer exist. We are now dealing with one extremist group
made up of various factions. As to the fighters that used to belong
to what the West calls ‘moderate forces,’ these have mostly joined
these extremist factions, either for fear or voluntarily through
financial incentives. In short, regardless of the labels you read in
the Western media, we are now fighting one extremist terrorist group
comprising of various factions.

AFP: Would it be possible for the army and the opposition to fight
against the jihadists side by side?

President Assad: We cooperate with any party that wants to join the
army in fighting terrorists, and this has happened before. There
are many militants who have left these organisations and joined the
army to fight with it. So this is possible, but these are individual
cases. This is not an alliance between ‘moderate’ forces and the army
against terrorists. That depiction is false and is an illusion that is
used by the West only to justify its support for terrorism in Syria. It
supports terrorism under the pretext that it is backing moderation
against extremist terrorism, and that is both illogical and false.

AFP: The state accuses the rebels of using civilians as human shields
in areas under their control, but when the army shells these areas,
do you not think this kills innocent people?

President Assad: The army does not shell neighbourhoods. The army
strikes areas where there are terrorists. In most cases, terrorists
enter particular areas and force out the civilians. Why do you think
we have so many displaced people? Most of the millions of displaced
people in Syria have fled their homes because terrorists forcefully
entered their neighbourhoods. If there are civilians among these armed
groups, why do we have so many displaced people? The army is fighting
armed terrorists, and in some cases, terrorists have used civilians as
human shields. Civilian casualties are unfortunately the consequences
of any war. There is no such thing as a clean war in which there are
no innocent civilian victims. This is the unfortunate nature of war,
and that is why the only solution is to put an end to it.

AFP: Mr. President, some international organisations have accused
the government and the opposition of committing abuses. After this
war ends, would you be ready for there to be an investigation into
these abuses?

President Assad: There is no logic to this claim made by these
organisations. How can the Syrian state be killing its own people,
and yet it is still standing three year on, despite the fact that there
are dozens of countries working against it. Had the Syrian state been
killing its people, they would have revolted against it long ago. Such
a state could not survive for more than few months; the fact that it
has resisted for three years means that it has popular support. Such
talk is more than illogical: it is unnatural. What these organizations
are saying is either a reflection of their ignorance of the situation
in Syria, or, in some cases, it shows they are following the political
agenda of particular states. The Syrian state has always defended its
civilians; it is well documented, through all the videos and the photos
circulating, that it is the terrorists who are committing massacres
and killing civilians everywhere. From the beginning of this crisis,
up until today, these organizations do not have a single document
to prove that the Syrian government has committed a massacre against
civilians anywhere.

AFP: Mr. President, we know of foreign journalists who were kidnapped
by the terrorist groups. Are there any foreign journalists in state
prisons?

President Assad: It would be best for you to ask the relevant,
specialised agencies on this issue. They would be able to give you
an answer.

AFP: Would a reconciliation be possible, one day, between Syria on
the one hand, and Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey on the other?

President Assad: Politics changes constantly, but this change depends
on two factors: principles and interests. We share no common principles
with the states you mention; these states support terrorism and they
have contributed to the bloodshed in Syria. As for interests, we need
to ask ourselves: will the Syrian people agree to shared interests
with these countries after everything that has happened and all the
bloodshed in Syria? I don’t want to answer on behalf of the Syrian
people. If the people believe they share interests with these states,
and if these states change their policy on supporting terrorism, it is
plausible that the Syrian people might agree to restore relations. I
can’t individually as President, answer on behalf of all the Syrian
people at such a time. This is a decision for the people.

AFP: Mr. President, you were welcomed on the occasion of July 14
(Bastille Day) in the Elysee Palace in Paris. Are you now surprised
by France’s position, and do you think France may one day play some
kind of role in Syria?

President Assad: No, I am not surprised, because when that reception
took place, it was during the period â?” 2008 to 2011 â?” where there
was a attempt to contain Syria’s role and Syria’s policy. France
was charged with this role by the United States when Sarkozy became
president. There was an agreement between France and the Bush
administration over this, since France is an old friend of the Arabs
and of Syria and as such it is better suited to play the role. The
requirement at that time was to use Syria against Iran and Hezbollah,
and to pull it away from supporting resistance organisations in the
region. This French policy failed, because its goal was blatantly
obvious. Then the so-called Arab Spring began, and France turned
against Syria after it had failed to honour the pledge it had made
to the United States. This is the reason behind the French position
during that period why it changed in 2011. As for France’s role in
future, let’s talk frankly. Ever since 2001 and the terrorist attacks
on New York, there has been no European policy-making to speak of
(and that’s if we don’t look back even further to the 1990s). In
the West, there is only an American policy, which is implemented by
some European countries. This has been the case on all the issues in
our region in the past decade. Today, we see the same thing: either
European policy is formulated with American blessing, or American
policy is adopted by the Europeans as their own. So, I don’t believe
that Europe, and particularly France, which used to lead the European
policy in the past, is capable of playing any role in the future of
Syria, or in neighbouring countries. There is another reason too,
and that is that Western officials have lost their credibility. They
no longer have double standards; they have triple and quadruple
standards. They have all kinds of standards for every political
situation. They have lost their credibility; they have sold their
principles in return for interests, and therefore it is impossible
to build a consistent policy with them. Tomorrow, they might do
the exact opposite of what they are doing today. Because of this,
I don’t think that France will play a role in the immediate future,
unless it changes its policy completely and from its core and returns
to the politically independent state it once was.

AFP: How long do you think Syria needs to rid itself completely of
its chemical weapons stockpiles?

President Assad: This depends on the extent to which the Organisation
for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) will provide Syria
with the necessary equipment to carry out the process. So far, the
process of making this equipment available has been quite slow. On
the other hand, as you know dismantling and neutralizing the chemical
materials is not taking place inside Syria nor by the Syrian state. A
number of countries in different parts of the world have accepted
to carry out that process; some have agreed to deal with the less
dangerous materials, whilst others have refused completely. Since,
the timeframe is dependent on these two factors â?” the role of the
OPCW and the countries that accept to neutralize the materials on their
territories â?” it is not for Syria to determine a timeframe on this
issue. Syria has honoured its part by preparing and collecting data
and providing access to inspectors who verified this data and inspected
the chemical agents. The rest, as I said, is up to the other parties.

AFP: Mr. President, what has changed in your and your family’s daily,
personal lives? Do your children understand what has happened? Do
you talk to them about this?

President Assad: There are a few things that haven’t changed. I go
to work as usual, and we live in the same house as before, and the
children go to school; these things haven’t changed. On the other hand,
there are things which have affected every Syrian household, including
mine: the sadness which lives with us every day â?” all the time,
because of what we see and experience, because of the pain, because of
the fallen victims everywhere and the destruction of the infrastructure
and the economy. This has affected every family in Syria, including
my own. There is no doubt that children are affected more deeply than
adults in these circumstances. This generation will probably grow up
too early and mature much faster as a result of the crisis. There are
questions put to you by children about the causes of what’s happening,
that you don’t usually deal with in normal circumstances. Why are
there such evil people? Why are there victims? It’s not easy to explain
these things to children, but they remain persistent daily questions
and a subject of discussion in every family, including my own.

AFP: Through these years, what was the most difficult situation you
went through?

President Assad: It’s not necessarily a particular situation but
rather group of elements. There are several things that were hard
to come to terms with, and they are still difficult. The first, I
believe, is terrorism; the degree of savagery and inhumanity that the
terrorists have reached reminds us of what happened in the Middle Ages
in Europe over 500 years ago. In more recent modern times, it reminds
us of the massacres perpetrated by the Ottomans against the Armenians
when they killed a million and a half Armenians and half a million
Orthodox Syriacs in Syria and in Turkish territory. The other aspect
that is difficult to understand is the extent of Western officials’
superficiality in their failure to understand what happened in this
region, and their subsequent inability to have a vision for the
present or for the future. They are always very late in realizing
things, sometimes even after the situation has been overtaken by a
new reality that is completely different. The third thing that is
difficult to understand is the extent of influence of petrodollars
in changing roles on the international arena. For instance, how Qatar
was transformed from a marginal state to a powerful one, while France
has become a proxy state implementing Qatari policies. This is also
what we see happening now between France and Saudi Arabia. How can
petrodollars make western officials, particularly in France, sell
their principles and sell the principles of the French Revolution
in return for a few billion dollars? These are only a few things,
among others, which are difficult for one to understand and accept.

AFP: The trial of those accused of the assassination of former
Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri has begun. Do you think it will
be a fair trial?

President Assad: Nine years have passed since the beginning of this
trial. Has justice been served? Every accusation was made for political
reasons. Even in the past few days, we have not seen any tangible
proof put forward against the parties involved in the case. The real
question should be: why the timing? Why now? This court was set up
nine years ago. Have the things produced in the last few days been
uncovered only now? I believe that the whole thing is politicized
and is intended to put pressure on Hezbollah in Lebanon in the same
way that it aimed at putting pressure on Syria in the beginning,
immediately after al-Hariri’s assassination.

AFP: You have said the war will end when terrorism is eradicated. But
the Syrians and everyone else want to know when this war will
end. Within months? After a year? In years to come?

President Assad: We hope that the Geneva conference will be able
to provide an answer to part of this by exercising pressure on these
countries. This aspect has nothing to do with Syria; otherwise we would
have put pressure on these states from the beginning and prevented
terrorism from entering Syria. From our side, when this terrorism
stops coming in, ending the war will not take more than a few months.

AFP: It appears Western intelligence agencies want to re-open channels
of communication with Damascus, in order to ask you for help fighting
terrorism. Are you ready for that?

President Assad: There have been meetings with several intelligence
agencies from a number of countries. Our response has been that
security cooperation cannot be separated from political cooperation,
and political cooperation cannot be achieved while these states adopt
anti-Syrian policies. This was our answer, brief and clear.

AFP: You have said in the past that the state has made mistakes. In
your view, what were the mistakes that could have been avoided?

President Assad: I have said that mistakes can be made in any
situation. I did not specify what those mistakes were because this
cannot be done objectively until the crisis is behind us and we can
assess our experience. Evaluating them whilst we are in the middle
of the crisis will only yield limited results.

AFP: Mr. President, without Russia, China and Iran’s help, would you
have been able to resist in the face of the wars declared against you?

President Assad: This is a hypothetical question, which I cannot
answer, because we haven’t experienced the alternative. Reality has
shown that Russian, Chinese and Iranian support has been important
and has contributed to Syria’s steadfastness. Without this support,
things probably would have been much more difficult. How? It is
difficult to draw a hypothetical picture at this stage.

AFP: After all that has happened, can you imagine another president
rebuilding Syria?

President Assad: If this is what the Syrian people want, I don’t
have a problem with it. I am not the kind of person who clings
to power. In any case, should the Syrian people not want me to be
president, obviously there will be somebody else. I don’t have a
personal problem with this issue.

AFP: Thank you very much Mr. President.

~

http://syrianfreepress.wordpress.com/2014/01/21/president-bashar-al-assads-interview-with-agence-france-presse-interview-du-president-bachar-al-assad-avec-lagence-france-presse/

Armenia: State Racketeering

ARMENIA: STATE RACKETEERING

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Jan 20 2014

20 January 2014 – 3:04pm

By Susanna Petrosyan, Yerevan. Exclusively for Vestnik Kavkaza

Armenian opposition parties Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian National
Congress, Prosperous Armenia and the Heritage and the ‘I am Against’
civil initiative and young organizations started protests and marches
against the accumulative pensions on January 18. About 6,000 people
took part in the demonstration, police say.

The protesters demanded the Constitutional Court resist political
pressure and make a decision that would favour the population, not
interests of the ruling regime. On December 17, the four parties
addressed the court concerning the pension law. They also requested
obligatory contributions to pension funds to be stopped until the
publication of the court’s decision.

The complainants are confident that the new law violates article 117
of the Constitution. The article states that volume of social support
the government gives it people cannot be reduced on its own accords.

Artsvik Minasyan of Dashnaktsutyun said that the funds that will be
accumulated by pension funds will be partly allocated for circulation
on foreign markets. Such economic step is very risky because the
pension system would become dependent on foreign markets and any
crisis would pulverize the money instantly.

The Constitutional Court will consider the request to scrap the
law on January 25 and the complaint of the four fractions on March
28. Taking into account that the case provoked a mass public outrage,
the Constitutional Court ordered hearings to be organized in an
oral procedure.

Organizers of the protests confirmed commitment against the new
pension system initiated only for the sake the government that seeks
additional financial resources. Naira Zograbyan, Secretary of the
prosperous Armenia Party, called the law on accumulative pensions
state racketeering.

According to Levon Zurabyan, leader of the Armenian National Congress,
the new law is not a reform, it is a robbery. “In the US and Europe,
there are financial institutions and pension funds that gained the
trust of citizens through many years of honest work. Can we trust
the kleptocratic regime headed by two Sargsyans?” wonders Zurabyan.

The protests were concluded by a big march. It was the first political
event this year and since autumn 2013. It became a reflection of
the social grievance, on the other hand, it was a platform for a
higher-level consolidation of political oppositionist forces and
formation of a form of resistance together with the public.

A combination of a political and a civil struggle was seen at a march
organized by the Armenian National Congress on December 10, the Human
Rights Day. Another one was organized by parliamentary opposition
and civil activists to protest against the unconstitutional law on
accumulative pensions.

In other words, the law did not just become a factor for consolidation
of opposition and civil initiatives into a form of struggle. It became
a real opportunity to fight against adoption of the accumulative
system into a political process.

http://vestnikkavkaza.net/articles/politics/50096.html

Irrespective of the decision of the Constitutional Court, we will fi

Irrespective of the decision of the Constitutional Court, we will
fight till the end – ARF-D MP

16:10 / 18.01.2014

Speaking at a rally today, ARF-D MP Artsvik Minasyan said that till
now the Constitutional Court has been serving and serves the
authorities while today it has an opportunity to prove the opposite.

`We think that it cannot continue in such way, this is the launch of
the joint fight which we can win by our unity.

With such unity we should fight against gas agreement to and forward
our demands to the authorities. Until the January 25 the CC is to
discuss the suspension of the law. Irrespective of the decision of the
Constitutional Court, we will fight till the end and prove that our
will has won,’ Minasyan said.

Nyut.am

Debate: Turkey can no longer play an active role in the Middle East

Asharq Alawsat (English)
January 18, 2014 Saturday

Debate: Turkey can no longer play an active role in the Middle East

Written by : Mohamed Noureddine

Turkey is an example of a country whose regional and international
role skyrocketed in a short time, before collapsing dramatically in
less than three years.

Before the Justice and Development Party (AKP) emerged, Turkey, for
more than 80 years, had turned its back on the Middle-Eastern, Arab
and Islamic countries, content to be a stooge of the Western camp and
its spearhead, Israel.

The AKP’s vision, which is based on a “strategic depth,” was developed
by Ahmet Davutoglu, who has been the country’s foreign minister since
2009. This strategy is based on the country’s openness to its regional
environment, from the Balkans to the Middle East and the Caucasus.
Arab and Muslim countries were at the heart of this strategy. A “Zero
Problems” policy unleashed the Turkish giant, and led to Ankara having
excellent ties with the whole Arab world without exception, as well as
Iran, Armenia, Cyprus and Israel.

On the one hand, Turkey pursued this policy in order to expand its
economic ties with everyone, bringing about economic integration with
Iraq and Syria and mutual investments with the Gulf Cooperation
Council (GCC) countries. On the other, this policy helped Turkey
consolidate its role through various mechanisms, most importantly its
intermediary role in solving problems between countries and even
within individual countries. Turkey, thanks to this policy, gained the
trust and respect of global public opinion and became an example of a
politically and economically successful country. However, the
so-called Arab Spring uprisings, which Turkey welcomed, represented a
turning point in terms of Turkey’s own view of its policies, role and
position.

Turkey abandoned its policy of remaining equidistant from all
countries, and started showing bias towards some countries against
others, as well as towards specific groups within specific countries.
Later, it began to consider itself as part of the internal conflicts
in each of these countries, thus shedding its neutral image.

By supporting the Muslim Brotherhood not only in the countries that
witnessed the Arab Spring but also in other countries within the GCC,
Turkey has given precedence to its ideological tendencies. With this
support, Turkey has provoked the GCC and Jordan and thus weakened its
once-strong ties with them.

What raised suspicions about Turkey’s role is that, by capitalizing on
the tensions in Syria, Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, the AKP believed it
could seize the opportunity to break its regional partnership with
Iran, Saudi Arabia and even Egypt and consequently monopolize power in
the new Middle East, which it would draw up and lead. This is
evidenced by Davutoglu’s famous speech to the Turkish parliament on
April 27, 2012, in which he said that Turkey would “be the owner,
pioneer and the servant of this new Middle East,” and Ankara’s desire
to revive the Ottoman dream, which neither Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdogan nor his top diplomat have tried to conceal. The prospects of
the return of the Ottoman colonisation to the region has touched a
nerve for Arabs and non-Arabs alike.

Turkey has failed in its assessment and interpretation of the events
unfolding. Ankara did not expect Russia and China to continue their
firm position on Syria. It also failed to take into account the
considerations that govern the US stance towards the developments,
particularly its position on Al-Qaeda-linked organizations, Egypt, and
its relationship with Iran.

Ankara’s regional policies reflected badly on its economy, and created
ethnic, religious and political tensions within the country. As a
result of this, Turkey found itself, three years into the Arab Spring,
an isolated country, no longer friends with all of the countries it
once had cooperative and integrative ties with. On the one hand, it
lost Syria, Iraq and Iran. On the other, it lost Jordan, Saudi Arabia
and the GCC countries, with the exception of Qatar. Most
significantly, with its loss of Cairo, the second strategic pillar of
its Ottoman-Brotherhood project collapsed. Furthermore, Turkey’s ties
with Israel remained tense, with no sign of improvement. Its ties with
Russia reached a record level of tension. This is not to mention the
ongoing tensions between Ankara and Washington over several issues,
particularly the relationship with Israel, Turkey’s support of
fundamentalist groups and Erdogan’s undemocratic handling of the
protests in Taksim Square. In the light of its loss of all of these
friendships, it was normal that Turkey would no longer be able to
perform an influential role in the region.

The variables on the ground in Syria have brought Turkey face-to-face
with emerging unexpected risks to its national security. The
appearance of a Kurdish entity in Syria along a long stretch of the
borders with Turkey comes at the forefront of these challenges.

Moreover, with the fundamentalist groups controlling the remaining
parts of its borders with Syria, Turkey’s political and military
influence has suffered in Syria, its most significant front. Turkey’s
desire to extend bridges to the Kurds in the region, particularly in
Iraqi Kurdistan, may not be enough to compensate for its loss of
influence in the region, given its phobia regarding the future of the
Kurds. With this loss, Turkey has become almost paralysed. Perhaps
Turkey’s most significant loss is that its return to the region after
eight decades of absence has been short-lived, and the trust it built
with everyone during those few years has collapsed and will be
difficult to restore in the foreseeable future.

All Turkey can do today is reduce the losses it has incurred through
its policies. Any maneuver on the part of Turkey to reposition itself
and compensate for what it has missed will take time. In any case, any
future relations between Turkey and its opponents should be based on
pure competition and national interest rather than on sloganeering
along the lines of “the common fate of the region’s people” or “the
brotherhood of Muslims.” Whatever the AKP leaders attempt to do to
patch up relations and change its policies, Turkey’s regional status
cannot be restored unless those who formulated Ankara’s foreign policy
over the past three years-turning Turkey into an isolated and helpless
country-resign.

The counterpoint to this article can be read here:

http://www.aawsat.net/2014/01/article55327346
http://www.aawsat.net/2014/01/article55327353

Justice Wolohojian to Speak at St. James Dinner Meeting

Justice Wolohojian to Speak at St. James Dinner Meeting

By Contributor // January 17, 2014

On Mon., Feb. 3, the Honorable Gabrielle R. Wolohojian, associate
justice of the Massachusetts Appeals Court, will speak at the dinner
meeting of the St. James Armenian Church Men’s Club on `The
Massachusetts Appeals Court: Its Role and Function.’

Justice Gabrielle R. Wolohojian

Wolohojian was appointed to the Massachusetts Appeals Court by
Governor Deval Patrick in 2008. Before being appointed to the bench,
she was a partner in the litigation department of the law firm Hale
and Dorr (later known as WilmerHale). Her practice focused on complex
commercial litigation in state and federal courts, including product
liability cases, consumer class actions, false advertising claims, and
other business and consumer transactions. In 1994, she left the firm
to serve as an associate independent counsel on the Whitewater
investigation, returning to her practice 16 months later. Justice
Wolohojian received a B.A. from Rutgers University in 1982; a D. Phil.
from Oxford University in 1987; and a J.D. from Columbia Law School in
1989, where she was an editor of the Columbia Law Review. She is a
performing member of the Boston Civic Symphony (where she also serves
on the Board of Directors) and is an overseer for the radio show `From
the Top.’

The social hour starts with mezza at 6:15 p.m., following by a
complete losh kebab and kheyma dinner at 7 p.m. (for $14 per person).
The dinner meeting is held at the St. James Armenian Church, Charles
Mosesian Cultural and Youth Center, Keljik Hall, on 465 Mount Auburn
St. in Watertown. Ladies are welcome.

http://www.armenianweekly.com/2014/01/17/justice-wolohojian-to-speak-at-st-james-dinner-meeting/

Kocharyan is winning side in the current debate – opinion

Kocharyan is winning side in the current debate – opinion

12:13 – 18.01.14

Tert.am has talked to Hayk Khanumyan, the leader of the
Nagorno-Karabakh based National Renaissance party, to know his
comments on second President Robert Kocharyan’s recent interviews
which spurred a wide public debate with Prime Minister Tigran
Sargsyan. Asked what reaction Kocharyan’s statements found in the
country and which of the sides is thought to be the favorite in the
current debate, the politician said that the Nagorno-Karabakh
authorities will remain neutral on the process, trying to closely
follow the developments in Armenia. He admitted, nonetheless, that the
country will take sides with ruling authorities of Armenia in case of
any conflict.

Mr Khanumyan, the Kocharyan-prime minister-government debate has
become a number one topic on Armenia’s domestic policy agenda. Some
back Kocharyan, while others consider both sides `wrong’. Who is right
and who is wrong, in your estimation? Particularly, who is to blame
for the imperfections for which the sides are now accusing each other?

I think Kocharyan is the winning side in the debate, as the advantage
of truth lies with him. The economic situation was essentially
different under Kocharyan. Two years of his tenure saw even a halt of
migration. Tigran Sargsyan and [incumbent President] Serzh Sargsyan
have no chances to be proud of such records. From what I see from my
communication with the business sector, there were clearly defined
rules under Kocharyan, as opposed to the chaotic situation observed in
Armenia’s business environment today. There were, after all,
large-scale investments in Armenia’s economy, which we don’t see
today.

Are people in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) following the debate too, and
what are the moods and reactions in the government and the society,
particularly with regard to the character and causes of the debate?

Very few public responses have been made. But there are very many
remarks which weren’t voiced in public. It is necessary to bear in
mind that Robert Kocharyan was also the president of Artsakh. Many of
my acquaintances have worked in Kocharyan’s team in Artsakhh or have
sympathy for him; and there are many who are political opponents.
Those people naturally have different opinions on the former
president’s activeness. Most of those opinions are subjective and bear
memories of the past.

Do you think this a bid by Kocharyan for returning to power?

I find, in general, that unhappy is the nation which feels the former
leaders’ need. The logic behind my statement is that leaders
succeeding each other have to be more effective to rule out the need
of looking back. That’s what the elementary formula of development
suggests. But in many countries, especially in Armenia, former leaders
are very popular. And their attempts of returning to politics are
quite successful. The more the failures by the former government and
the weaker the opposition to the former leaders, the higher are the
chances of their return.

http://www.tert.am/en/news/2014/01/18/qocharyan/

Drug smuggling attempt stopped at Meghri checkpoint

Drug smuggling attempt stopped at Meghri checkpoint

15:35 18/01/2014 » LAW

On January 17, while inspecting a truck traveling from Iran to Georgia
via Meghri checkpoint in Armenia the employees of the checkpoint found
927 kg of heroin in a secret compartment of the truck to stop the
first drug smuggling attempt of such scale in the region, the press
service of Armenian National Security Service (NSS) reported.

A criminal case was opened under Article 215 part 2 of the Criminal
Code ( smuggling of narcotic drugs).

The truck driver, Georgian citizen Avtandil Martiashvili, 61, was detained.

A search is on for other individuals involved in the crime.

Source: Panorama.am

The Police Finally Confirmed The Visit Of The Former Gyumri Mayor To

THE POLICE FINALLY CONFIRMED THE VISIT OF THE FORMER GYUMRI MAYOR TO DISTRICT 3 DAYS AGO

January 17 2014

As we have informed, on January 13, the staff of Department #6 of
RA Police combating crime, visited the former Gyumri Mayor Vardan
Ghukasyan’s district, Slabodka. The police, including the Police chief
of Shirak marz, Karen Babakekhyan, who, in fact, was on vacation at
the time, flatly denied through all media the fact of searching the
house of former mayor of Gyumri. Today, one of local police officials
(after so noisy denial of the police, we do not consider appropriate
to announce his name to avoid him getting into problems), conveyed
certain details to Aravot.am about the visit of the police. As said by
the official, the police visited the Slabodka district for the fact of
beating up the former police chief of Ani district, Samvel Sargsyan,
by Vardan Ghukasyan’s teammates, in the hallway of Shirak marz Court
of General Jurisdiction, on July 2013. Recall that Harutyun Sargsyan,
son of former police chief of Ani district, is accused of murdering
27-year-old Karen Yesayan, fiancee of Vardan Ghukasyan’s daughter. The
former police chief of Ani district was beaten up the day when Vardan
Ghukasyan was invited to the court as a witness. In this respect, a
criminal case was instituted. The police as a suspect in this case,
as a person beating up Samvel Sargsyan, tried to apprehend Gagik
Ghukasyan’s son, the late uncle of former Mayor of Gyumri, Vardan
Ghukasyan. He also lives in Slabodka district. Upon hearing this
news, Vardan Ghukasyan, almost returning home for from his owned
“Alexsandrapol” hotel, has got angry and has advised the police to
find “their murderers” with the same responsiveness. Shortly before,
Ashot Aharonyan, head of RA media and PR department, in the phone
conversation with Aravot.am, did not deny this information by providing
no other details. In fact, our question of whether there is a person
detained for beating up Samvel Sargsyan, remained unanswered.

Nune AREVSHATYAN

Read more at:

http://en.aravot.am/2014/01/17/163382/

‘Sister’ Battle Continues

‘SISTER’ BATTLE CONTINUES

Highland Community News , CA
Jan 17 2014

By Charles Roberts

Published: Thursday, January 16, 2014 8:05 PM PST The controversy
over Highland’s choice for a sister city was raised again Tuesday
night when Councilwoman Jody Scott presented a three-page letter to
the Council asking for reconsideration of its choice.

The breakaway republic of Nagorno Karabakh and its capitol, Berdzor,
got special recognition from the city Council in November with the
naming of Berdzor as a sister city.

This is recognition that even the U.S. government has not given.

In her letter, Scott notes the sister city resolution states that the
city of Highland “… encourages and supports the Nagorno Karabakh
Republic’s continuing efforts to develop as a free and independent
nation …”

The minutes say the vote was unanimous, but Scott says the vote was
3-1 with one absent.

She adds that the city received a letter on Dec. 3 from the Consul
General of Azerbaijan stating that the U.S. “supports the U.S.

supports the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan and does not recognize
Nagorno-Karabakh as an independent state.”

The small republic was a part of Azerbaijan before declaring
independence and getting support from next-door Armenia.

Scott’s previous attempt to bring up the subject of reconsideration
was unsuccessful with support only from Councilwoman Penny Lilburn.

Scott contends there has been no discussion of the issue, and want
it put on the agenda for reconsideration. She also complains that she
did not even see the resolution until after the initial vote was taken.

Initially, Mayor Sam Racadio rejected Scott’s reconsideration
suggestion.

“Why not at least have a discussion about it?” asked Lilburn, who
was absent for the initial vote.

The issue lay dormant through the rest of the City council meeting
until the end, about two hours later, after City Manager Joe Hughes
conferred with the city attorney and Racadio, and announced that the
issue will be on the agenda for the net City Council meeting.

The City Council also considered an increase in development impact
fees, the money paid to offset impacts of development. The 9.8 percent
increase in Regional Circulation System fees were postponed to January,
2015 to encourage contractors to get in on the lower fees before they
go up, a move suggested by Carlos Rodriguez, CEO of the Baldy View
Chapter of the Building Industry association.

Fees were actually reduced through the recession years of 2010-2015,
so developers could get a real bargain with building in 2014.

City Manager Joe Hughes warned that postponing the increase could
mean a major increase next January, but the City Council unanimously
endorsed the postponement.

The City Council discussed a new sign for the police department.

People have complained that the small monument sign does not show
up enough.

Scott suggested larger letters on the rotunda, and that suggestion
was endorsed by Police chief Captain Rod Torres. The issue will be
brought back to the City Council with new examples.

http://www.highlandnews.net/articles/2014/01/17/news/doc52d87934d182e661119602.txt

Iraq Vows To Punish Turkey, Kurds Over ‘Smuggled’ Oil

IRAQ VOWS TO PUNISH TURKEY, KURDS OVER ‘SMUGGLED’ OIL

January 17, 2014 – 20:51 AMT

PanARMENIAN.Net – Iraq will seek legal redress and take other measures
to punish Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan, as well as foreign companies,
for any involvement in Kurdish exports of “smuggled” oil without
Baghdad’s consent, Iraq’s oil minister said on Friday, Jan 17,
according to Reuters.

Abdul Kareem Luaibi told reporters the government was preparing legal
action against Ankara and would blacklist any companies dealing with
oil piped to Turkey from Iraq’s autonomous northern region without
permission from Baghdad.

The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) said last week that crude
had begun to flow through the pipeline, and exports were on track to
start at the end of January. It invited bidders to register with the
Kurdistan Oil Marketing Organization.

Luaibi said it was not in Turkey’s interest to jeopardize bilateral
trade worth $12 billion (7.2 billion pounds) a year, saying Baghdad
would consider boycotting all Turkish companies and cancelling all
contracts with Turkish firms if the oil exports went ahead.

“Turkey must consider its commercial ties and its interests in Iraq,”
he said. “Turkey should know this issue is dangerous. It touches the
independence and unity of Iraq. If Turkey allows the export of oil
from the region, it is meddling in the division of Iraq, and this is
a red line.”

Baghdad has already blacklisted some companies for signing contracts
with the KRG and last year threatened to sue Anglo-Turkish energy
company Genel, the first firm to export oil directly from Kurdistan.

That threat has not yet materialized.

Luaibi said the Finance Ministry had been told to calculate how
much should be deducted from Iraqi Kurdistan’s 17 percent share of
the federal budget if the region failed to meet a government-set
target for authorised crude exports via Iraq’s State Oil Marketing
Organization this year of 400,000 barrels per day.

This target is well beyond Kurdistan’s current export capacity of
around 255,000 bpd. Kurdish ministers walked out of a federal cabinet
session on Wednesday in protest at the draft state 2014 budget,
which contains the target.

Industry sources do not expect Kurdistan’s oil exports to reach
400,000 bpd until the end of this year or early 2015, Reuters says.

Luaibi said preparations are under way to sue the Turkish government
for allowing Kurdistan to pump oil through the export pipeline without
the approval of Baghdad.

He called this “a clear violation of the agreement signed between the
two countries … governing the export of Iraqi oil through Turkey.”

“All companies…were notified not to deal with the (Kurdish) region
to buy any quantity of oil which is considered as smuggled,” he said.

Any firms which did so risked legal action and an Iraqi government
boycott.

“The Ministry of Oil will never deal with them at all,” he said,
according to Reuters.

Luaibi reiterated Baghdad’s stance that it has sole rights to manage
energy resources, saying this was vital to Iraq’s stability and that
any breach would have “dire ramifications”.

Kurdish Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani had been due to visit Baghdad
for talks on the dispute, rooted in disagreement over how to exploit
Iraq’s vast oil resources and share the proceeds. It was not clear
whether his visit would go ahead.

Kurdistan used to export crude to Turkey through a pipeline
controlled by Baghdad, but stopped the flow a year ago after the
central government withheld payments to oil companies operating in
the northern enclave. Baghdad said it would not pay as the KRG had
not met its previous export target of 250,000 bpd.

Since then, the Kurds have been trucking smaller quantities of crude
to Turkey and collecting the revenues directly, while laying their
own pipeline, which was completed late last year.

Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki said that Kurdistan’s missed export
targets had cost Iraq $9 billion in lost revenue in recent years.

http://www.panarmenian.net/eng/news/175018/