Questions Remain Unanswered for the Fate of Confessed Killer of Gyum

Questions Remain Unanswered for the Fate of Confessed Killer of Gyumri Family

By Christian Garbis on January 20, 2015
Special for the Armenian Weekly

YEREVAN–Tensions run high and sorrow besets the Armenian nation one
week after the senseless killings of now seven victims in Armenia’s
second largest city of Gyumri. Valery Permyakov, who confessed to
murdering the Avetisyan family, remains under arrest on the Russian
military base where he was serving. Just where he will finally be
tried and by what tribunal–Armenian or Russian–are still being
deliberated upon at this hour.

A scene from the funeral service of six members of the Avetisyan
family. Jan. 15, 2015. (Photo: Photolur)

In a phone conversation with President Serge Sarkisian on Jan. 18,
Russian President Vladimir Putin gave his assurances that a proper
investigation and subsequent outcome would be realized. He also
offered his condolences to the survivors of the deceased and the
entire Armenian nation.

That same day the presidential press service issued a statement from
Sarkisian reiterating that all the investigative bodies were devoting
their utmost attention to uncovering the motive for the killings.

The president of Russia’s Investigative Committee, Alexandr Bastrikin,
flew to Yerevan on Jan. 19 to meet Aghvan Hovsepyan, chairman of the
Investigative Committee of Armenia, to discuss matters related to
legal jurisdiction for prosecuting Permyakov.

Preliminary investigations revealed that 18-year-old Permyakov
apparently entered the home by breaking the glass window in the front
door before killing six members of the Avetisyan family and harming
six-month-old boy Seryozha, who suffered stab wounds to the chest that
led to his death a week later. Another report stated that Permyakov
told interrogators he randomly picked the Avetisyan home in search of
water. Those slain included a married couple, their daughter, son,
daughter in law, and a granddaughter–only two years old.

Seryozha died on Jan. 19 from organ failure, despite hopeful signs and
a successful surgery performed in Yerevan. Putin had conveyed that if
necessary a special aircraft would be dispatched to send Seryozha, who
was the sole survivor of the attack, to Moscow for additional medical
treatment.

Permyakov is from Siberia and only began serving as an enlisted
soldier on the Gyumri military base two months ago.

On Jan. 10, he left the Russian base to go for a stroll through
Gyumri, according to his own testimony, with an assault rifle and two
loaded magazines. He claimed to have entered the Avetisyan residence
located just two kilometers from the base without knowing whether
anyone was home. Bizarrely, purportedly none of the neighbors heard
gunshots. According to Raffi Aslanian, the chief prosecutor of
Armenia’s Shirak province, the victims were found in their beds.

Permyakov was captured by law enforcement officers after trying to
cross the Turkish border 12 hours after the murders were committed.
Speaking to the newspaper 168 Zham, Tamara Yayloyan, a defense
attorney who was assigned to defend Permyakov but resigned shortly
after hearing his initial testimony, stated that the gunman could not
explain why he committed the murders.

According to Yayloyan, after Permyakov was asked why he opened fire,
“He said, ‘I don’t know, they made noise, one of them reached for a
mobile phone and I opened fire.’ When asked why he stabbed the babies
he said, ‘I don’t know.’ He responded to almost every question with ‘I
don’t know’ or ‘I can’t explain.'”

The Avetisyan family funeral, which was held on Jan. 15, was attended
by hundreds of people. Colonel Alexey Polyukhovich, a deputy commander
of the Gyumri military base, National Assembly President Galust
Sahakian, and many Armenian officials were also present.

Prosecutor-general Gevorg Kostanian revealed in a press conference on
Jan. 15 that although Permyakov will not be extradited, both Russian
and Armenian special criminal investigative teams will work hand in
hand to carry out the investigation.

As of Jan. 19 a final decision on extradition has yet to be made,
despite the fact that Russian soldiers serving on the military base
who commit crimes are subject to Armenian law-enforcement and judicial
bodies, per a bilateral treaty signed in 1997 between Armenia and
Russia.

Permyakov will be kept under custody on the Russian military base
until the trial venue has been determined. It remains unclear as to
whether Permyakov will be prosecuted by a Russian military tribunal in
Yerevan or by an Armenian court.

Protesters in Gyumri and Yerevan have been making several demands,
including having the Russian military base closed and insisting that
Permyakov be turned over to Armenian law enforcement.

Two thousand protesters reportedly assembled during the afternoon on
Jan. 15 in Gyumri, while several hundred people clashed with police
there near the Russian consulate that same evening, resulting in 14
people being wounded, including 5 policemen, and 13 detained,
according to Public Radio of Armenia. Later RFE/RL reported those
wounded included 18 officers and 10 citizens, while 21 mostly male
protesters were detained. All of them were released the next day. A
small protest was also held in front of the Russian Embassy in Yerevan
on Jan. 15.

After Seryozha’s death was announced, Armenian police dispatched
numerous officers to Gyumri to secure government buildings and Russian
sites in anticipation of renewed protests.

Adding insult to injury, a Russian social media group known as
“Anti-Maidan: Armenia,” started an online pro-Permyakov campaign
calling for the perpetrator to be brought under Russian protection and
encouraging violence on all Armenians who demand a trial on Armenian
soil. The group has purportedly proclaimed Permyakov a “prisoner of
conscience.”

International vigils for the Avetisyan family have been held as far
away as Los Angeles and as close by as Tbilisi. Social media outlets
like Facebook and Twitter have served as grieving forums where peers
share their outrage, frustration, and sadness for the tragic events of
the past week.

“There is a saying in Armenian, ‘tsavet tanem,’ but now more than ever
and in their most literal sense, those words ring in my heart,” wrote
one Facebook poster, Alina Aghajanian of Los Angeles, who was a
Birthright Armenia volunteer working in Gyumri in 2014. “I wish I
could take your pain away. Though 2015 started with tragedy and
uncertainty, your voices are clear for all those listening to and
supporting Gyumri,” she wrote.

http://armenianweekly.com/2015/01/20/questions-unanswered-gyumri/

The Artsakh people are shocked by the tragedy in Gyumri

The Artsakh people are shocked by the tragedy in Gyumri

January 20, 2015 12:31

On 20 January Artsakh Republic President Bako Sahakyan partook in an
event dedicated to the Day of the Judicial System Worker.

STEPANAKERT, JANUARY 20, ARTSAKHPRESS: At the beginning of the event
the President and the attendees honored the memory of Seryozha
Avetisyan with a minute of silence. The President noted that the
Artsakh people were shocked by the tragedy in Gyumri and together with
whole Armenians mourn for the Avetisyan’s death.

President Sahakyan underlined the necessity of unity and cohesion in
this trying hour that is one of the most important guarantees to
overcome any ordeal.

Touching upon the Day of the Judicial System Worker, Bako Sahakyan
noted that the established and fully functioning judicial bodies were
among the most significant institutions of democratic state and civil
society, adding that public confidence towards the protection of
justice and the authorities was also largely conditioned by the
judges’ unbiased work, their high moral and professional qualities.

http://artsakhpress.am/eng/news/10739/the-artsakh-people-are-shocked-by-the-tragedy-in-gyumri.html

Russian chief investigator to coordinate forensic procedures in Gyum

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Jan 19 2015

Russian chief investigator to coordinate forensic procedures in Gyumri

19 January 2015 – 8:03pm

Alexander Bastrykin, the head of the Russian Investigative Committee,
has arrived in Yerevan to coordinate the investigation into the Gyumri
murders, his spokesman Vladimir Markin said, RIA Novosti reports.

Valery Permyakov, a soldier of the 102nd Russian military base located
in Gyumri, murdered a family of six in Gyumri on January 12. A
6-month-old baby who had survived the tragedy has died in hospital
today. Permyakov has already admitted his guilt.

The soldier may get a life sentence for mass murder, and deserting
with a weapon.

L’Arménie s’ancre à l’Est

CourrierInternational.com
Mercredi 14 Janvier 2015

L’Arménie s’ancre à l’Est

par Guevorg Mirzaïan, Expert (Moscou)

Depuis le 1er janvier, l’Arménie est membre de l’Union économique
eurasiatique, sous la houlette de Moscou. Elle n’avait pas le choix,
estime le journal économique moscovite Expert, car la survie de cette
république du Caucase dépend de la Russie.

Personne ne doute que le niveau d’attractivité des structures
d’intégration euro-atlantiques est nettement supérieur à leurs
équivalents eurasiatiques. La maestria occidentale en matière de
communication, par le biais des médias ou de ses relais sympathisants
dans les pays ex-soviétiques, dépeint l’Union européenne comme le
phare de la démocratie, de la liberté et du progrès, tandis que tout
ce qui se rapporte à la Russie est présenté comme un retour à
l’héritage soviétique au sens le plus péjoratif. C’est pourquoi une
partie de l’élite politique et académique arménienne a critiqué la
démarche du président Serge Sargsian, qui a renoncé à signer l’accord
d’association avec l’UE [contrairement à la Géorgie, à la Moldavie et
à l’Ukraine] et préféré rejoindre l’Union eurasiatique [qui inclut la
Russie, le Kazakhstan, la Biélorussie et bientôt le Kirghizistan].
Deux arguments sont principalement avancés par ces opposants : la voie
russe ne peut assurer à l’Arménie ni la sécurité ni le développement
économique. A Erevan, beaucoup de gens sont choqués par les
relations qu’entretient la Russie avec l’Azerbaïdjan [en conflit avec
l’Arménie depuis la guerre du Haut-Karabakh] et considèrent qu’en
vendant des armes à Bakou Moscou montre son peu de respect pour les
intérêts arméniens. Certains assurent que Bruxelles serait un bien
meilleur garant de leur sécurité. “La sécurité peut être garantie si
tu es autonome et indépendant.

Dans le cas présent, la Russie et ses partenaires ne se soucient guère
de notre sécurité. L’Union économique eurasiatique ne pourra pas
fonctionner avec l’économie et le régime qui prévalent actuellement à
Moscou, et elle ne peut qu’être préjudiciable à un pays comme
l’Arménie”, estime le député de l’opposition Zaroui Postandjan. Un
modèle économique criminalo-oligarchique Cependant, l’Arménie, dans
les conditions actuelles, ne peut être ni autonome ni indépendante,
voilà le problème. Depuis la guerre du Haut-Karabakh, elle se trouve
en effet en situation de blocus du côté de la Turquie et de
l’Azerbaïdjan, c’est pourquoi son économie est totalement liée à la
Russie. Quant à la question militaire, la position de Moscou est
justement l’un des deux éléments clés qui empêchent l’Azerbaïdjan de
relancer la guerre (l’autre étant la position de l’Occident, qui
craint qu’une reprise du conflit ne menace le transit des ressources
azéries vers la Turquie et l’Europe). Par ailleurs, le renforcement
des relations russo-azerbaïdjanaises n’a aucun impact négatif sur le
niveau et l’ensemble des garanties assurées à Erevan par Moscou.
Concernant la question économique, certains politologues arméniens
jugent que se lier à Moscou dans les circonstances actuelles sera
lourd de conséquences. Le dram arménien est rendu fébrile par la
situation du rouble [qui ne cesse de perdre de sa valeur par rapport
au dollar et à l’euro, notamment à cause de la baisse du prix du
pétrole]. Certes, mais la crise économique en Russie ne durera pas
éternellement. Après la stabilisation des relations avec l’Occident et
une fois enrayée la chute du prix du pétrole, la situation se
normalisera. Même alors, Moscou continuera d’avoir une influence
négative sur l’économie arménienne, insistent les voix critiques. Le
fait que l’Arménie ait besoin de manière urgente de profondes réformes
de son modèle économique criminalo-oligarchique n’est un secret pour
personne. Et de nombreux experts arméniens estiment que la position
russe empêche justement la réforme de ce modèle. Moscou ferme les
yeuxCette analyse est en partie vraie. A Moscou, on soutient sans
réserve le pouvoir arménien actuel et on ferme les yeux sur toutes ses
manigances, car on craint de lui voir succéder une élite beaucoup
moins bien disposée à l’égard de la Russie. Cependant, on ne peut
faire porter à la Russie toute la culpabilité pour l’état actuel de
l’économie et de la société arméniennes. Ce sont tout de même les
citoyens arméniens, et non russes, qui ont élu Sargsian. Par
ailleurs, les critiques de la Russie semblent oublier que
l’intégration à l’Union eurasiatique apportera quelques bénéfices à
l’économie arménienne. Non seulement Erevan touchera plus de 1 % de
toutes les taxes douanières sur les marchandises importées dans les
pays de l’Union, mais la situation des travailleurs émigrés arméniens
s’améliorera. Les citoyens arméniens pourront désormais sans limites
et sans autorisation travailler dans les pays de l’Union et bénéficier
des prestations sociales. Or cela est d’une extrême importance quand
on sait que le chômage atteint 18 % en Arménie et que les travailleurs
émigrés en Russie envoient plus de 1 milliard de dollars par an chez
eux, ce qui représente 10 % du PIB et 40 % du budget de leur pays. Si
Moscou parvient à trouver un accord avec la Géorgie sur le
rétablissement de la communication ferroviaire avec l’Arménie (à
travers la Tchétchénie ou l’Abkhazie, région séparatiste géorgienne
reconnue par Moscou), l’économie arménienne aura une chance véritable
de renaissance. Rapprochement arméno-iranien Concernant les intérêts
de la Russie, ils sont avant tout politiques. Premièrement, Moscou
avait besoin d’un succès retentissant. La situation ukrainienne est
déjà suffisamment critique pour la politique russe dans l’espace
postsoviétique. L’intégration de l’Arménie est pour elle une victoire
en termes d’image. Deuxièmement, la Russie a besoin de consolider la
place de l’Arménie dans sa sphère d’influence. Certes, pour l’instant
c’est un pays qui n’a nulle part où aller. Mais qui peut nous garantir
que sa situation n’évolue pas à moyen terme ? Par exemple, quand le
blocus international contre l’Iran sera levé ? Les Iraniens nous
assurent de leur partenariat stratégique, mais ils pourraient très
bien essayer de renforcer leurs positions stratégiques en
Transcaucasie. Et si l’on tient compte du fait que Téhéran et Erevan
ont le même ennemi, à savoir Bakou, un rapprochement arméno-iranien
est de l’ordre du possible. Or si cela se produit, en cas de conflit
avec l’Iran, les positions de Moscou dans le Caucase seront menacées.
C’est pourquoi il vaut mieux prévenir toute éventualité d’une sortie
de l’Arménie de la sphère d’influence russe plutôt que de devoir gérer
les conséquences d’un tel processus, comme c’est actuellement le cas
pour Moscou en Ukraine.

Survivre à un génocide

Paris-Normandie
mercredi 14 janvier 2015

Survivre à un génocide

Drame. En faisant un film sur fond de génocide arménien, le
réalisateur germano-turc Fatih Akin affirme son droit à la liberté
d’expression. « The Cut », un lien entre les peuples.

Le génocide arménien qui s’est déroulé entre 1915 et 1917 est toujours
un sujet sensible en Turquie, une raison de plus pour Fatih Akin de
s’en emparer : « Ce sujet me hantait et très vite j’ai ressenti le
besoin d’en faire un film. Je me suis dit que j’en ferais un film dont
l’histoire entrerait dans le cadre de ces événements, à la fois pour
que le peuple turc et les autres en prennent connaissance, mais aussi
pour permettre une réflexion sur ce sujet et ouvrir un espace consacré
à la liberté d’expression, un des plus beaux accomplissements des
sociétés démocratiques. »

Le réalisateur germano-turc en profite pour conclure une trilogie sur
l’Amour, la Mort et le Diable, entamée en 2004 avec Head on (Ours d’or
à Berlin), poursuivie en 2007 avec De l’autre côté. Aujourd’hui, voici
The Cut où ceux qui infligent délibérément des blessures aux autres
représentent le diable.

Pour parler de ce sujet grave, Fatih Akin n’a cédé sur rien. Résultat
: une fresque de plus de deux heures pendant laquelle le spectateur
suit l’odyssée d’un forgeron arménien séparé de sa femme et de ses
deux filles. Enrôlé de force dans l’armée ottomane, comme ses
compagnons d’infortune, il n’est pas envoyé au front mais doit casser
des cailloux jusqu’à ce que mort s’en suive. Lui survivra, comme il
survivra au génocide. Pour mémoire, en 1914, l’empire ottoman a
rejoint l’Allemagne et la Triple Alliance. Les Arméniens accusés
d’avoir pactisé avec les Russes deviennent l’ennemi à abattre.

Un héros muet

Certains reprocheront à Fatih Akin d’avoir esquivé les massacres, la
déportation, l’enlèvement des femmes, c’est que le réalisateur a
préféré distiller ces atrocités à travers le parcours hors du commun
de son personnage, un héros de la vie quotidienne qui s’accroche à la
vie pour rechercher les siens : une quête sur plus de dix ans qui le
mène à La Havane puis en Floride. « Cet homme n’a pas existé. Il est
né de mes recherches. J’ai lu une centaine d’ouvrages sur le sujet,
recueillis des témoignages de survivants, lu des documents sur les
orphelinats, des récits sur les maisons closes d’Alep… Il est le
produit unique de toutes ces histoires authentiques. »

Cet homme est incarné par Tahar Rahim qui porte le film de bout en
bout. Il donne la douceur du Père Noël à ce père de famille, et la
force du Prophète à cet Arménien qui traverse toutes les épreuves avec
détermination. Ce Nazaret Manoogian, héros fragile qui perd la parole
suite à une blessure infligée à la gorge, « est un symbole de la
liberté d’expression qui est menacée et que nous devons défendre »
affirme le réalisateur lors de l’avant-première au cinéma Le César à
Marseille. C’était le mercredi 7 janvier, quelques heures à peine
après l’attentat à Charlie Hebdo.

Geneviève Cheval

The Cut

De Fatih Akin (Allemagne/France) avec Tahar Rahim, Simon Abkarian,
Makram Khoury…

ISTANBUL: For Hrant, and for justice…

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Jan 19 2015

For Hrant, and for justice¦

by CAFER SOLGUN
January 19, 2015, Monday

A full eight years have passed since journalist Hrant Dink was
murdered on the sidewalk in front of the newspaper that he had
founded, and of which he was the editor-in-chief. Yes, a full eight
years¦ and we are still waiting for justice.

It would be difficult to find another murder that had announced itself
so openly in advance, the way the murder of Dink’s did.

We all remember: A legal case was brought against Dink on the charges
that he had `insulted Turkishness.’ The case was based on the racist
Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code (TCK). It would also be
difficult to find an example of a court case as clearly unfair as this
one was because, the truth is, `insulting Turkishness’ was something
that would have never even occurred to Hrant Dink. But in the end, he
was targeted by dark forces.

Court hearings on his case turned into stages for racist shows by
Ergenekon-type forces. In the end, Hrant was sentenced by the court
for `insulting Turkishness,’ and he said he was truly embarrassed of
being sentenced on such an accusation. For, after all, Dink was from
Turkey. He was a Turkish intellectual and journalist. He had nothing
to do with racism, with nationalism, with ignorance or with fanatical
thinking. He believed in the brotherhood of all peoples.

When the French Parliament accepted a law making it a crime not to
recognize the Armenian genocide, Hrant said, `I’m going to go to Paris
and yell in the city squares, `There was no Armenian genocide!” He
was a democrat. And in the kind of democracy in which he believed,
there was no place for `buts,’ for bans, for limitations.

But he was under threat. Instead of offering him protection, the state
made sure he was called into the İstanbul Governor’s Office, where he
was `officially’ threatened; at this meeting, Hrant was told, `Watch
yourself.’

Hrant sensed that he was going to be killed. The final column he wrote
before his murder was titled `My state is like that of a nervous
pigeon.’ And like a pigeon, he was in a constant state of jumpiness.
He didn’t trust the state, but he trusted in society, in the prudence
and conscience of the Muslim majority of Turkey.

Here is some of what he said in his final published words, just nine
days before his death: `Yes, I can see that my state is one of the
kind of nervous jumpiness that pigeons have, but at the same time I
know that the people of the country never harm pigeons. Pigeons are
able to carry on with their lives right in the middle of the city, in
the midst of crowds. Yes, they are a bit jumpy and scared, but they
are also completely free.’

And then, on Jan. 19, 2007, at 3:05 p.m., Hrant Dink was shot and
killed in front of his newspaper’s building.

The murderer and those who had encouraged him were captured. And the
triggerman, Ogün Samast, was treated like a hero at the local police
station, where his photo was even taken in front of the Turkish flag.

The courts sentenced the suspects in this crime, but the court also
ruled that this was no organized crime. When objections started to
come in, the justice process was restarted. From the very start of the
process, intelligence sources and public officials were protected,
with the court decision rendered that there had been no negligence on
this front.

But last year, the stance taken by the government in this all, as well
as the stance of the investigation itself, suddenly changed. And
permission was finally granted for police officers connected to this
case to be investigated. In fact, some intelligence agent police
officers were even arrested, and now, the investigation continues.

But even with these latest developments in mind, there is no sense
that this renewed justice process is actually going to bring about
results, and more importantly, justice. Those who just yesterday saw
Hrant’s murder as the result of a `sudden and unpredictable’ action of
a young person are the same who today clamor to prove that it was a
job done by the `parallel state.’ And so, just as they failed to tell
the truth in the past, they are not telling the truth now either. The
only real interest the ruling party has in this case is political.
There is no real effort, no interest, no worry about seeing justice
served.

It was the widow of Hrant Dink, Rakel Dink, who reminded us all of the
dimension in this murder that calls for real questioning, when,
referring to murderer Samast — who was not even 18 years old when he
pulled the trigger — she noted, `Without investigating the darkness
that turned this child into a murderer, nothing can be done.’

In dying, Hrant Dink turned into a symbol of Turkey’s quest for
justice. Without illuminating the darkness, we cannot look to our
future with any sense of trust.

http://www.todayszaman.com/columnist/cafer-solgun/for-hrant-and-for-justice-_370242.html

A Wish for Aladdin and the Future of Atonement

A Wish for Aladdin and the Future of Atonement

By Eric Nazarian on January 19, 2015

The following is the text of the speech given by Eric Nazarian in
Ankara, Turkey, on Jan. 17, 2015, for the conference, ‘1915, Hrant and
Justice.’ Henry Theriault, chair of the Philosophy Department at
Worcester State College, also participated at the conference.

Thank you for being here today and for inviting me. When I was a kid I
loved the Aladdin fairy tale. What child doesn’t want a genie in a
bottle to grant three wishes? I remember my conversations with the
imaginary genie walking home from school. I had a wish list that I
would write down in my secret notebook. My wishes would vary from “I
wish I could grow wings and fly” to, as I got slightly older, kiss
Sophia Loren and sing like Charles Aznavour. Since 2007, my wish to
the genie has remained the same around this time of year: I wish all
of us today were celebrating Hrant’s Nobel Peace Prize with him and
not commemorating the 8th year of his assassination.

Eric Nazarian stands in front of posters for the conference, ‘1915,
Hrant and Justice,’ in Ankara.

A lot has changed since those childhood days under the spell of
Aladdin, Tom Sawyer, and Hovhannes Toumanian. Fairy tales, classic
Hollywood movies, poems, and paintings all came to life on the dinner
table of my parents’ and grandparents’ home in Los Angeles. My parents
were born in Tehran, I was born in Armenia, my brother was born in
Hollywood. As we say in Armenian:Vorteghits vortegh–from where to
where–did we land? That is the eternal story of the Armenians.

Following in my father’s footsteps, I fell in love with the movies and
books of his youth and grew up to become a filmmaker and writer.
Black-and-white images were everywhere in our home. Marlon Brando,
Stanley Kubrick, Simone Signoret, Albert Camus. These legends became
windows into the world away from our working-class apartment, yet at
the same time, they seemed so close and relative. They were inspiring,
beautiful, and “harazat,” which means familial.

One of my earliest memories is of a wall in my family home with
Charlie Chaplin next to a painting of Mount Ararat and Little Ararat.
Laughter and majesty were side by side. The other image I remember
wasn’t a painting or a film; it was one word in a poem by the
magnificent Yeghishe Charents that my relatives would recite. The word
was “arevaham.” Literally translated, it means “taste of the sun,” but
it’s honestly lost in translation. I will never forget that word
because it evoked the taste of sun-dried apricots. That’s what Armenia
was to me–a sun-drenched ancient paradise where we came from. Charents
taught me that poems, like images, could also make us see and feel
things just like in the movies and music. As a child, this word and
the images of my father’s favorite artists, including Martiros Saryan,
Hakop Hakopian, Gabriel Garcia-Marquez, Federico Fellini, and Hovannes
Aivazovsky, illuminated our daily lives. Before homework, after
dinner, and during coffee and cigarettes, stories of these mythical
artists, pictures, and movies on VHS continued to enrich our little
apartment in Glendale. Art was the world and music was a universal tie
that bound all cultures. These were the lessons I was taught as a
child. To love culture, art, knowledge, creativity and to go beyond
borders as a global citizen.

Then I learned of the Armenian troubadour and ashugh Sayat Nova, who
composed and sang in all the languages of the Caucasus. Kani Vor
Janim, Yar Ki Ghurbanim…

The voice, timbre, lament, and deep soul of those songs always evoked
goose bumps and a teenage melancholia in my heart that I could not
name. There was a warmth in that sadness wrapped inside Sayat Nova and
Komitas’s blanket of music, and the images of the magnificent image
makers that my father taught me about, among them Henri Cartier
Bresson, Ara Guler, and the great photojournalists of the world.

Black and white photographs from the Armenian Genocide lined the
hallways leading to the conference in Ankara. (Photo by Eric Nazarian)

The honeymoon period during my “Arevaham” childhood in America
inevitably came to an end in my teenage years when I discovered a
different kind of image that was far from the well-composed glamour
shots of Elizabeth Taylor, the vibrant oil on canvases of Martiros
Saryan, and the sweet Parisian fragments of Cartier-Bresson. The image
of my teenage years was a faded and scratched black-and-white
photograph of eight beheaded Armenians piled on top of one another.
This was when I learned of the Armenian Genocide and what had happened
on April 24, 1915. This image opened a Pandora’s Box in my
consciousness. Never again would I be able to look at images in the
same way.

The photographer of this image was not Ara Guler or Yousuf Karsh or
Cartier-Bresson. It was an anonymous person who clicked the shutter
and, without realizing it, immortalized one fragment of unimaginable
horror that has traveled 100 years, and will travel well into the
future long after we are gone.

And with the sighting of this image, a psychological and personal
journey began that lasted more than 20 years until this very day of a
painful and endless education about the immensity of the Armenian
Genocide and its immediate and long-term aftereffects globally. I
learned of the name Armin T. Wegner and the images he secretly
photographed of the deportations in the provinces he witnessed. Each
image told a different fragment of a much bigger story about the
people in them, and we have no way of knowing who they were or what
eventually happened to them.

>From Armin Wegner and the anonymous photographers that remain unknown
until today, we have visual documentations of what happened on these
lands 100 years ago. The deeper I went into photographic research, the
mountain of stories got bigger and I found myself in a labyrinth of
countless narratives. Survivors upon survivors. Orphans upon orphans.
Horror upon horror. Similar narratives told by people on opposite
sides of the earth who had managed to escape the inferno of genocide.
I discovered them in books, in the letters and dispatches of American
and European missionaries, in the wrinkled eyes of survivors and
descendants that spoke volumes with their silence in documentaries.
>From Adana to Beirut to Los Angeles…vorteghits vortegh.

Conference goers walk by photographs depicting the horrors of the
Armenian Genocide. (Photo by Eric Nazarian)

Well into my teenage and university years, my consciousness was very
clearly split in half like akarpuz: On the one hand there were the
celluloid heroes of my childhood and the glamour of Hollywood’s dream
factory where everybody was happy and sexy. On the other hand, the
darkness lingered over the ancient paradises of Historic Armenia where
one and a half million of my people were annihilated in the hills,
valleys, and deserts of the Ottoman Empire.

When the subject of Armenians came up in school, my teachers would
tell me nonchalantly, “When I was a child if I didn’t finish my food,
my grandmother always reminded me of the Starving Armenians.” Those
two words, every time I heard them, erupted a burning feeling of
humiliation I tried to keep buried inside. But I couldn’t.

In school, my American teachers didn’t know about Sayat Nova or
Komitas or the word “arevaham.” Everything they knew about Armenians
was relegated to a pop culture phrase that was seeded in America after
World War 1 and well into the 20th century, continuing to this very
day. When the subject of Armenians came up in school, my teachers
would tell me nonchalantly, “When I was a child if I didn’t finish my
food, my grandmother always reminded me of the Starving Armenians.”
Those two words, every time I heard them, erupted a burning feeling of
humiliation I tried to keep buried inside. But I couldn’t. One time I
remember I ran out of class crying. At home, I would stare at the
dinner table stuffed with Dadeeg’s delicious dolma and saffron rice
and ponder the mountains of bones in the Der Zor desert. Why did the
Turks do this to women and children? Who took the photo of the eight
Armenian heads? The buried apparitions and visions eventually
instilled a need to tell the story of my people and hopefully find
catharsis through cinema.

And here we are in 2015, 100 years after the start of the genocide.
Back then the Armenians were atop Musa Dagh fighting for their lives.
And just a few months ago, the Yezidis were forced up Mount Sinjar
fighting to survive. A lot has changed and a lot has stayed the same,
unfortunately. In this quagmire that the Middle East has become in the
past few years, lately I wonder a lot: What is my role as a
storyteller? Why make images of suffering? Do stories and images even
matter when tens of thousands of people are being uprooted, exiled,
and deported just like the Armenians in 1915? What is the significance
of images and stories during this very critical year that marks the
100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide? What images will come
tomorrow that can hopefully heal and help us to face our pain and
anger of being forgotten?

As an Armenian, we tell our stories and make images not to be
forgotten. We build monuments worldwide to commemorate and immortalize
through stone and mortar the martyrs for the nameless travelers of
tomorrow’s generation. We film stories, put ink to paper, and digitize
faded black-and-white photographs by Armin Wegner hoping that the
preservation and knowledge of the genocide’s past atrocities can lead
to the prevention of future ones. We also seek justice for a
monumental crime against humanity that Hitler used as an example on
the eve of invading Poland in 1939. This very same crime against
humanity was an impetus for a young lawyer named Raphael Lemkin to
coin the word “genocide.”

Empires and kingdoms draw lines on the earth that continue to shift
based on impermanent power structures, but the truth remains rooted
and untouchable, regardless of time, ravage, and injustice. The themes
of justice and healing and the threat of erasure have evolved into
themes central to the Armenian psyche worldwide since the genocide. It
informs our art, music, images, poems, and daily yearnings to find
wholesomeness within the broken root of our homeland that has been
restricted to us. One century or several, the stones in Akhtamar,
Palu, Soradir, Sassoon, Bitlis, Kars, Moush, and Diyarbakir continue
to tell our stories and remain standing as a testament that the past
will never fade and the truth is to be found within that past.

Today, I landed in Ankara by way of Los Angeles and Bolis. I first
came to Turkey in 2010 when I was invited to make a film about the
Armenians of Istanbul for an omnibus called Unutma Beni Istanbul (Do
Not Forget Me Istanbul). The title of my film is “Bolis,” the Armenian
word for Istanbul derived from the Greek name “Konstantinopolis.”
Again, as a storyteller I was drawn to themes of memory and not being
forgotten. I wanted to make the film a love letter to Old Bolis, Eski
Bolis, as seen through the eyes of an ambivalent Diaspora Armenian oud
master returning to Kadikoy with only a photo of his grandfather’s oud
shop on a street called Tellalzade.

Just before docking in Istanbul, I experienced a silent panic attack
in the plane above the skies of the Bosphorus. My mind suddenly became
raided by images of Komitas, Daniel Varoujan, Siamanto, and Krikor
Zohrab being arrested in the dark April night and driven to the
interior on trains. I thought of Zabel Yesayan fleeing in the night. I
thought of my American teachers uttering the words “Starving
Armenians.” I thought of the ocean of bones in Der Zor…What the hell
was I doing returning to the epicenter of the genocide?

Just before docking in Istanbul, I experienced a silent panic attack
in the plane above the skies of the Bosphorus. My mind suddenly became
raided by images of Komitas, Daniel Varoujan, Siamanto, and Krikor
Zohrab being arrested in the dark April night and driven to the
interior on trains. I thought of Zabel Yesayan fleeing in the night. I
thought of my American teachers uttering the words “Starving
Armenians.” I thought of the ocean of bones in Der Zor…What the hell
was I doing returning to the epicenter of the genocide?

Hrant Dink

The answer, tragically, was simple and current. Hrant Dink. What he
stood for and what he fell for became the third awakening in my life.
I needed to see the city he loved so much. I needed to breathe in the
air of Istanbul, despite my silent panic upon seeing the city for the
first time from a bird’s eye view. We landed but the dread hung over
me as I roamed the streets of Istanbul with a group of filmmakers who
fast became friends–and helped me realize my cinematic mission to make
a film about the long-term effects of the genocide on a Diaspora
Armenian with an oud and a mission to find his grandfather’s music
store in Kadikoy. He searches to find something that no longer exists
and ultimately finds something he did not expect: a brief moment of
friendship and empathy. Perhaps my film reflected my own journey. I
came here to find the echoes of oldBolis. But I was really looking for
empathy. I was looking for Hrant.

In the film, Armenak, the lead character, is asked by another
character if he likes Istanbul. He replies ambivalently that “the
demons of the past will never let me forget what happened here in
1915.” For us Armenians returning to this ancient city, we see the
majesty of the surface geography, but everywhere we turn we are
haunted first by buried apparitions of faces, places, and histories
that have been erased from the collective consciousness and the
history books.

This is why it is important, now more than ever, in the wake of Hrant,
to continue to tell the stories and live to see the stories told.
Through storytelling, we can rectify the lies that have polluted the
truth of the ravaged and buried histories of this region’s minorities:
Kurds, Greeks, Jews, Assyrians, and Armenians.

And in telling our stories, we nurture the need and hopefully fulfill
the first steps of attaining justice. Telling stories is an act of
civic rebellion as much as a protest.

Refusing to be silenced, refusing to be dehumanized, refusing to be
forgotten, singing louder and clearer and more resolute all the truth
that must be told is where I find the courage in men and women in this
region and worldwide still suffering from the plagues of genocide,
injustice, displacement, exile, and racism.

The broken record player of history has been repeating itself in
strange and ugly ways this past year. I hope that through civil
society groups, open hearts, and a refusal to dilute or distort the
suffering of indigenous minorities, there may be a deeper justice and
a new awakening found. With citizens waking up to the nightmare that
was our history on these lands 100 years ago, may they combat
intolerance and the denial of the Armenian, Greek, and Assyrian
Genocides with empathy, open hearts and knowledge that dispels the
lies.

If I could convince myself today that the genie of my childhood would
come alive again on my shoulder and grant another wish for tomorrow, I
would wish for every child in the world to know the story of this
beautiful human being named Hrant Dink, and for his message of peace
and sincerity to be sowed in our hearts to guide us toward a true path
of reconciliation through truth, justice, and empathy. The memories of
the Tigris and the Euphrates are very long and the pen will always be
mightier than the sword.

http://armenianweekly.com/2015/01/19/a-wish-for-aladdin/

Jazz Variations – a Komitas tribute concert performed by Tatevik Hov

Jazz Variations – a Komitas tribute concert performed by Tatevik
Hovanesian and friends in commemoration of the Armenian Genocide

09:58 * 19.01.15

On March 28th at the John Wayne Performring Arts Center in Glendale,
CA, jazz greats will commemorate the 100th year since the Armenian
Genocide with Jazz Variations – a tribute concert to famed
ethnomusicologist and composer Komitas.

The evening will be hosted by Arshalous Darbinyan and feature
performances by Datevik Hovanesian, the Tigran Martikyan Quartet and
Fractal Limit.

Tatevik Hovanesian is one of Armenia’s most renowned musicians. Born
in Yerevan, she comes from a family of musicians and has made a name
for herself as a jazz singer, educator, recording artist and arranger.
Few are more suited to pay tribute to Komitas and the Armenian school
of music as Hovanesian.

“Although I am a jazz singer, I have not forgotten or become detached
from my Armenian roots for one minute. The Armenian folk song has
always been a major influence on me.”

She will be providing her vocals to her band, a troupe of jazz
luminaries in their own right, with Bob Albanese on piano, Joe
Fitzgerald on bass, and David Meade on drums.

The Tigran Martikyan Quartet consists of Shai Golan on saxophone, Gabe
Davis on bass, Lee Spath on drums, and the group’s namesake, Tigran
Martikyan on piano. In addition to being a pianist, Martikyan is a
composer and educator who has created and performed in a wide range.
His work has been hailed as being a unique combination of ethnic folk
tradition and contemporary modern jazz.

Fractal Limit is the musical duo of Tatiana Parra on vocals and Vardan
Ovsepian on piano. Parra is a Sao Paulo born musician who has been
involved in the music world since she was just five years old,
collaborating with a variety of famed artists. Ovsepian, the Armenian
half of the pair, has both educated and performed throughout the world
and is presently involved in VOCE and the Peter Erskine New Trio, in
addition to Fractal Limit. Together, the two have made refreshing and
innovative ventures in the art of jazz.

http://www.tert.am/en/news/2015/01/19/jazz-variations/1563216

Downgrading of Armenia’s rating to make foreign loans more expensive

Downgrading of Armenia’s rating to make foreign loans more expensive

by Gayane Isahakyan
Monday, January 19, 17:08

The downgrading of Armenia’s rating by Moody’s Investors Service will
make foreign loans a bit more expensive, Chairman of the Board of
Director s of Anelik Bank Nerses Karamanyan told journalists on
Monday.

He said that as a result some banks will increase the rates of their
loans. “I think this will be the only negative effect on Armenia’s
banking system,” Karamanukyan said.

Moody’s Investors Service downgraded Armenia’s issuer and government
bond rating to Ba3 from Ba2, and changed the outlook to negative from
stable. Moody’s reports that the key drivers for the downgrade are
the following: 1) Armenia’s increased external vulnerability due to
declining remittances from Russia, an uncertain outlook for foreign
direct investment (FDI), an elevated susceptibility to exchange rate
volatility, and expected pressure on foreign exchange (FX) reserves;
2) The country’s impaired growth outlook, compounded by negative
growth spillovers from Russia, weak investment activity, and
constraints on trade with countries outside the Eurasian Economic
Union (EEU) that are expected from Armenia’s recent EEU accession. In
a related action, Moody’s has also lowered the local-currency bond and
deposit ceilings to Ba1 from Baa3, the foreign-currency bond ceiling
to Ba2 from Ba1, as well as the foreign-currency deposit ceiling to B1
from Ba3. The short-term foreign-currency bond ceiling and the
foreign-currency deposit ceiling remain at NP.

According to Moody’s, the first driver of the downgrade is Armenia’s
increased external vulnerability driven by declining remittances from
Russia and risks to expected FDI inflows. Remittances represent about
15% of GDP, with over 90% of the total stemming from Russia. Given the
sharp recession expected in Russia, the adverse impact of reduced
remittance inflows on the country’s balance of payments will
potentially put pressure on Armenia’s FX reserves, which were at 4.5
months of import cover at the end of 2014. Moreover, Armenia’s
position as a significant net international borrower exposes the
currency to elevated depreciation risk. Approximately 83% of Armenia’s
government debt is denominated in foreign currency, mostly in Special
Drawing Rights (SDR) and US dollars. The Armenian dram’s depreciation
of over 15% since November 2014 has the potential to put additional
pressure on Armenia’s FX reserves, which remain subject to
intervention by the Central Bank of Armenia to counteract excessive
volatility.

The second driver of the downgrade is pressure on Armenia’s economic
growth prospects, which is compounded by the negative growth
spillovers from Russia’s economic downturn. Moody’s expects that
Russia’s GDP will contract by 5.5% in 2015, weakening Armenia’s
economic activity given its historically strong correlation with
Russia’s growth cycle via remittances and trade channels, with Russia
accounting for 23% of total Armenian exports. Further exacerbating the
slowing dynamics for potential growth — excepting some more active
sectors such as the information technology industry — are Armenia’s
weak investment activity and its slow productivity growth since the
global financial crisis, in addition to its adverse net migration
dynamics. In addition, trade constraints with respect to non-EEU
countries likely as a result from Armenia’s EEU accession in January
2015 also affect the country’s medium-term growth outlook. In this
context, Moody’s expects Armenia’s integration process into the EEU to
be more challenging than for Belarus, Kazakhstan or Russia, owing to
(1) the lack of a common border to establish trade routes without
customs checkpoints, even as “pass-through” rules with Georgia as
Armenia’s main transit route are being negotiated; and (2) the
imposition of higher tariffs for non-EEU country imports, taking into
account that temporary exemptions have been negotiated for a series of
products, such as cars, medicines, basic food items, and agricultural
and industrial inputs for a total of about 800 exemptions for the next
five years.

ª3B7260-9FE4-11E4-A6D20EB7C0D21663

http://www.arminfo.am/index.cfm?objectid

Russian expert: Azeri propaganda machine uses dirtiest tricks in ord

Russian expert: Azeri propaganda machine uses dirtiest tricks in order
to spoil Armenian-Russian relations

by David Stepanyan
Monday, January 19, 17:07

The goal of the Azeri propaganda machine is known: to use all possible
– even dirtiest – tricks in order to spoil Armenian-Russian relations,
Russian political expert Alexander Krylova told ArmInfo on Monday.

Krylov regrets that the Gyumri tragedy has given rise to active
political speculations.

“Many people in Baku hope that this will result in the withdrawal of
Russian troops from Armenia and will give them a chance to revenge on
the Armenians. Though immoral, this game is logical: they are trying
to use this situation for achieving their goals,” Krylov said.

He wonders what will happen if the wish of some Armenian activists to
see the Russian military base withdrawn from Armenia comes true: “If
this happens, will Armenia find itself protected by NATO or will it
face a situation similar to the one they faced some 100 years ago?”

In this light, Krylov wonders if those throwing stones at the Russian
consulate and using this tragedy for kindling passions can be called
patriots. “I hope that their ideas will not prevail in Armenia,” the
expert said.

http://www.arminfo.am/index.cfm?objectid=818D04A0-9FE4-11E4-A6D20EB7C0D21663