Karabakh truce shaken by gunshots and tough talk

Open Democracy
Feb 15 2015

Karabakh truce shaken by gunshots and tough talk

Armen Karapetyan 15 February 2015

OSCE mediators urge an end to attacks after a month in which the
20-year-old ceasefire was broken in thousands of incidents.

IWPR: As an upsurge in fighting between Azerbaijani and Armenian
troops is accompanied by increasingly tough rhetoric, the ceasefire
that has held for two decades is under more strain than ever. The
competing accounts of what is going on along the border and the `line
of contact’ around Nagorno-Karabakh are hard to reconcile, but adding
up all the reports of ceasefire violations gives around 5,000 for
January’the biggest monthly figure since active hostilities ended in a
truce in 1994.

`From a military perspective, this escalation per se is not new,’ said
Richard Giragosian, director of the Regional Studies Centre in the
Armenian capital, Yerevan. `What is new, however, is an expanded
battle space’the geography of attacks is much broader and includes
parts of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border’and an expansion in intensity
of the attacks.’

Giragosian was speaking at a discussion meeting held by the Institute
for War and Peace Reporting and the Media Centre in Yerevan late last
month to examine the implications of the upsurge in fighting over the
former predominantly-Armenian enclave of Azerbaijan. Worryingly,
officials on both sides are using the word `war’ to describe what is
happening. In remarks quoted by the Armenian service of RFE/RL on 6
February, an Armenian Defence Ministry representative referred to `a
slow war on the border’, while his Azerbaijani equivalent responded by
saying that `in actual fact, the war has not halted in the last 20
years’. War would end when Armenian forces withdrew from Azerbaijani
territory, he said.

Expressions of concern

The Minsk Group’the mediating body of the Organisation for Security
and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) on the Karabakh conflict, chaired by
the United States, Russia and France’has issued several expressions of
concern. In a statement on 7 February, the group’s co-chairs and the
current OSCE chair, Ivica DaÄ?iÄ?, said: `We all agree that the military
situation along the line of contact and Armenia-Azerbaijan border is
deteriorating, posing a threat to regional stability and endangering
the lives of civilians … After 2014, in which approximately 60
people lost their lives, we are alarmed that this disturbing violent
trend has continued.’ The statement called on all sides to `end
incursions, cease targeting villages and civilians, stop the threat of
reprisals and the use of asymmetric force, and take additional steps
to reduce tensions and strengthen the ceasefire’.

Defence officials in Yerevan and the Karabkh capital, Stepanakert,
recorded ten deaths of Armenian military personnel in January.
Azerbaijan said it had lost four men, although the number is likely to
be higher. Again, these fatalities are out of the ordinary’in recent
times comparable only with a burst of violence in July and August last
year, when more than 20 Azerbaijani and Armenian soldiers were killed.

Worryingly, officials on both sides are using the word `war’ to
describe what is happening.

The summer skirmishing receded when the presidents of Armenia and
Azerbaijan were brought together by the Russian leader, Vladimir
Putin, in August. Serzh Sargsyan and Ilham Aliyev met again in
September and October, in what seemed to be first steps towards
resuming the long-dormant peace process. One confidence-building
measure they undertook was to withdraw heavy weapons from the front
lines. But that optimism faded, with the downing of an Armenian
helicopter in November and January’s death toll.

At the start of the month, Armenia’s Defence Ministry issued new
orders to officers along the frontier, authorising them to use their
own initiative in retaliating against attacks and to take pre-emptive
action when they saw fit. Sargsyan confirmed this apparent switch in
tactics when he addressed ministry staff on 26 January, telling them
that `if there are more substantial build-ups along our borders and on
the front line [the Karabakh line of contact], we reserve the right to
deliver pre-emptive strikes’.

Azerbaijan’s Defence Ministry came out with its own statement on 12
January, insisting it would exercise its right to fly manned and
unmanned aircraft over the line of contact, and to deploy `all
available military equipment’ without reference to the other side. On
29 January, it announced that its forces had shot down an Armenian
drone plane near Karabakh. Armenian officials said this was `absurd’
and suggested instead that the Azerbaijanis might have downed one of
their own aircraft.

Arms race

Speaking a day after Sargsyan’s announcement, Aliyev dismissed Armenia
as a mere `colony’ which `cannot exist as an independent state’. He
was referring to the large economic imbalance between his oil-rich
state and Armenia, which affects the arms race between them.

The Global Militarisation Index 2014, produced by the Bonn
International Centre for Conversion, ranks Armenia and Azerbaijan
among the world’s ten most heavily militarised states, measured by
defence spending against gross domestic product and the number of
armed-forces personnel per capita. The Stockholm International Peace
Research Institute reports that defence spending has risen
exponentially in both countries.

Between 1995 and 2013, Armenia’s annual expenditure rose from $52m to
$427m. But that pales in comparison with Azerbaijan, which spent $3.4
billion in 2013, as against just $66m back in 1995. Much to Armenia’s
annoyance, its security and economic ally Russia has been happy to
take Azerbaijan’s cash for high-tech weapons, including modern tanks
and missiles.

These figures do not include defence expenditure in Nagorno-Karabakh,
governed by a separate Armenian administration since the war stopped
in 1994, although no one has recognised its claim to independence from
Azerbaijan.

Giragosian sees this disparity in spending power as a risk factor,
since it could result in `a shift in the balance of military power in
Azerbaijan’s favour over the longer term’. Right now though, he said,
it was not enough to change a situation where `Armenia’s defensive
position is still stronger than Azerbaijan’s potential offensive
capacity’.

In the shorter term, Girogasian said, the real risk was that war could
break out `by accident, based on miscalculation’.

This article was originally published by the Institute for War and
Peace Reporting. It is reproduced with appreciation.

https://www.opendemocracy.net/opensecurity/armen-karapetyan/karabakh-truce-shaken-by-gunshots-and-tough-talk

Armenian Church celebrates original Shrovetide day

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Feb 15 2015

Armenian Church celebrates original Shrovetide day

15 February 2015 – 3:52pm

Armenians call Shrovetide Barekendan, which literally means “good
behavior”, “joy for life”. In ancient times on Shrovetide much food
and fun was prepared, and the poor became the subject of public
attention and used public tables.On Sunday night after eating dinner
at Shrovetide, people ate matsun (yogurt) and Katni – milk rice
pudding.

On Shrovetide day people can eat any fruit except the fruit of the
tree of knowledge, which symbolizes fasting.

Shrovetide is an expression of the virtues. On this day, people come
out of mourning and begin to enjoy, forget suffering and find comfort.
“Every Christian begins the Lenten fast with humility in their soul,
repentance, fasting, and with hope for the mercy of God,” the website
of the Ararat Patriarchal Diocese says

Ethnic leaders demand sacking of Multicultural NSW boss Hakan Harman

Ethnic leaders demand sacking of Multicultural NSW boss Hakan Harman
over ‘airbrushing’ of war atrocities

By Rick Feneley
February 15, 2015 – 11:00PM

Ethnic community leaders are demanding the resignation or sacking of
their most senior representative in the NSW government, claiming he
pushed the agenda of his Turkish homeland to resist public memorials
for genocides by the former Ottoman Empire as well as Japan’s war
crimes and other atrocities.

Hakan Harman is under intense pressure to quit as chief executive of
Multicultural NSW, just seven months after his predecessor, Vic
Alhadeff, resigned over a perceived conflict of interest when he
defended Israel’s right to strike Gaza as a defence against
Palestinian militants.

Armenian, Greek, Cypriot, Korean and Assyrian leaders have united to
sign a statement saying Mr Harman’s position is untenable after he
issued guidelines to local governments ` without first telling his
minister, Victor Dominello ` that they should be careful not “assign
blame” when considering memorials or public monuments to “contentious”
historical events.

Mr Dominello forced Mr Harman to withdraw the guidelines when he was
alerted by the aggrieved community leaders. And Mr Harman told Fairfax
Media on Sunday: “In hindsight, I made an error of judgement by not
consulting more widely,” but he said his door was open to his critics
so they could work together on “what unites people as Australians”.

The signatories say Mr Harman’s unilateral action makes him unsuitable
to lead an agency with a charter “to promote and advance community
harmony”.

In 1997, the NSW Legislative Assembly unanimously acknowledged the
genocide of 1.5 million Armenians between 1915 and 1922 and it erected
its own garden memorial the next year. The monument includes the
parliament’s resolution that it “condemns and rejects all attempts to
deny or distort the historical truth” about this and other genocides
of the 20th century.

But the Foreign Affairs Minister, Julie Bishop, assured her Turkish
counterpart last year that the federal government does not recognise
the “tragic events” as genocide.

Armenian Australians plan to erect another memorial in Willoughby when
they mark the centenary of the genocide on April 24 this year ` the
day before Anzac Day, when Australia will also commemorate 100 years
since the bloody landing at Gallipoli in Turkey.

Korean and Chinese Australians also have plans for a statue called
Three Sisters in Strathfield to pay respect to 200,000 so-called
“comfort women” ` sex slaves abused by Japanese soldiers during World
War II.

“This made us very angry,” said Luke Song, president of the Korean
Society of Sydney, adding that any attempt to block the memorial would
deprive future generations of the truth about the abuse, especially
while Japan refused to admit blame or apologise to the surviving
women.

Turkey vehemently denies there was genocide of Armenians, or of
Assyrians and Greeks, who say they lost 750,000 and 500,000 people
respectively.

While Mr Harman’s guidelines did not mention Turkey or Japan, he had
received a letter last October from the Japan Community Network and
the Australian Turkish Advocacy Alliance, lobbying him to introduce
guidelines that would restrict public money or space being devoted to
“specific ethnic groups” and their “own interpretations of historical
events”.

“We do not believe that it is appropriate for government, at any level
in Australia, to ‘weigh in’ on those historical matters,” the letter
said, arguing it could jeopardise community harmony.

On February 3 this year, the Turkish alliance issued a press release
applauding Multicultural NSW for its guidelines and pointedly
criticising Mr Dominello and Prime Minister Tony Abbott for having
attended the unveiling of memorials such as the “so-called” Assyrian
Genocide Memorial at Bonnyrigg. (That memorial was vandalised with
graffiti ` “f— Assyrian dogs” ` soon after its opening in 2010.)

In a newsletter last year, the Turkish alliance admitted that donors’
pledges had not been forthcoming, so: “We are currently running on $0
and are entirely reliant on campaign specific assistance from the
consulate.”

The signatories against Mr Harman said Multicultural NSW could not be
“led by an individual who engages in unilateral action ` in this case,
by adopting divisive guidelines that were drafted by a body backed by
a foreign government”.

Some of the leaders told Fairfax Media they regarded Mr Harman’s
“conflict of interest” to be worse than that of Mr Alhadeff, who had
continued to act as chief executive of the NSW Jewish Board of
Deputies while he headed the Community Relations Commission, recently
renamed Multicultural NSW. His dual roles, they said, had at least
been transparent.

They feared stopping the construction of monuments was an attempt to
“airbrush” war atrocities.

While the board of deputies was not a signatory to their protest, its
president, Jeremy Spinak, thanked Mr Dominello “for his swift action
in quashing these guidelines which, if implemented, would have caused
significant division and disharmony. It is concerning that policy in
such an important and sensitive area could have been shaped in this
manner”.

Stepan Kerkyasharian, a long-serving head of the CRC, and an Armenian
Australian, did not sign the document either but said he was saddened
that “the processes followed by the commission have created
disharmony, reflecting on its reputation”.

“The apparent selective consultation by the commission raises serious
ethical questions which need to be addressed by the government,” he
said. “The commission is duty-bound not only to be impartial,
inclusive and transparent but also be seen to be so.”

A spokesman for Mr Dominello said he had “asked Mr Harman to work with
the relevant organisations to address their concerns”. Mr Harman said
he welcomed that opportunity and “we exist to build peace and harmony
in the community”.

The signatories to the protest letter were the Korean Society of
Sydney, the Assyrian Universal Alliance, the Australian Hellenic
Council of NSW, the Greek Orthodox Community of NSW, the Cyprus
Community of NSW and the Armenian National Committee of Australia.

http://www.brisbanetimes.com.au/nsw/ethnic-leaders-demand-sacking-of-multicultural-nsw-boss-hakan-harman-over-airbrushing-of-war-atrocities-20150215-13f4d3.html

Obama’s ‘Big Lie’: US Has Supplied Ukraine With Arms From the Start

Obama’s ‘Big Lie’: US Has Supplied Ukraine With Arms From the Start

(c) REUTERS/ Gleb Garanich
OPINION
10:30 15.02.2015(updated 10:36 15.02.2015)

President Obama is still considering arming Ukraine in case the latest
ceasefire is breached and the conflict escalates; but political
analyst Stephen Lendman told Sputnik in an exclusive interview that
the US leader is lying, and that the US has been supplying arms to
Kiev from the very start of the military operation.

(c) REUTERS/ GARY CAMERON
America Hell-Bent on War: 80-Year-Old Analyst Has Never Been More Afraid
The ceasefire between Kiev forces and independence supporters of
Donetsk and Luhansk is generally holding, shelling in Donbas has
stopped as the truce came in force on midnight, a spokesperson at the
Kiev special operations headquarters said Sunday.

But a day earlier Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko and US
President Barack Obama, during a meeting by phone, agreed on the
further coordination of efforts in the case that the ceasefire fails
and the Ukrainian conflict escalates.

Stephen Lendman, a Research Associate for the Centre for Research on
Globalization explained to Sputnik, in an exclusive interview on the
recent developments in Ukraine, that Washington has been lying the
whole time – it has been supplying weapons to Kiev from the very start
of the military operation.

“Washington supplied heavy weapons since the conflict began last April
and maybe before it began in preparation for what was planned. I wrote
about it several times including in a new article this (Saturday)
morning,” he told Sputnik.

“So, key is understanding that Washington armed Kiev the whole time.
Obama claiming it’s under consideration is one of his many ‘Big
Lies’,” he said.

NATO and Ukrainian aircraft have shipped in arms and munitions on a
regular basis. Washington is the main culprit, he added.

‘Arms Supplied by US Are for Offense, Not Defense’

Another lie, the analyst says, is about the arms being “defensive.”

(c) FLICKR/ THE WHITE HOUSE
Ukraine, US Agree on Further Coordination if Donbas Conflict Escalates
“Heavy weapons are supplied for offense, not defense, of course,” he
says. “Fighting continued after the Minsk agreement was concluded.
Kiev forces kept shelling civilian areas.”

“US media, of course, blame Russia and rebels. Reports and opinions in
our press are scandalous. The most outrageous I recall in my lifetime.
Absolutely devoid of truth. Riddled with beginning-to-end Big Lies,”
Lendman said.

“I expect a short-term mostly (but not entirely) quieter period
beginning Sunday or Monday followed days or weeks later by Kiev
initiated escalated conflict — with full US support and
encouragement,” he predicts.

(c) AP PHOTO/ PETR DAVID JOSEK
Ukraine’s Right Sector Statement on Minsk Violation Vanishes From Website
“Hardline Kiev elements like the Right Sector’s Dmitry Yarosh and
likeminded extremists reject Minsk terms. They vow to keep fighting.
Expect Russia and rebels to be blamed for their aggression. Expect
vicious Putin bashing to continue. It’s evident in US weekend reports
I’ve seen so far,” he added.

The political analyst predicts that Washington will continue supplying
Kiev with heavy weapons. Hundreds of US combat troops are coming to
Ukraine on the pretext of training Ukraine’s military, while hundreds
of US special forces are already there.

‘The Big Question is Whether Obama Will Authorize Direct US
Involvement in Ukraine’s Conflict’

The big question is whether Obama will authorize direct US involvement
in Ukraine’s conflict. He’s already done it in Iraq with US boots on
the ground and more on the way despite vowing months earlier never to
do it.

“I believe if rebels keep decisively defeating Kiev forces, which I
expect, Obama will deploy US forces to Donbas — getting America
directly involved in another war as opposed to the proxy one he’s now
waging,” said Lendman.

(c) AP PHOTO/ EFREM LUKATSKY
Ukraine’s Interior Ministry Says Kiev Could Benefit From Lethal Aid From US
An escalation will bring the war to Russia’s borders, and the risk is
it may spill over. With US combat forces in Ukraine and Obama
determined to crush pro-independence fighters, the danger of East-West
confrontation is huge.

‘Donbas is Obama’s War. He Didn’t Launch it to Quit’

“We could find ourselves in WW III whether or not anyone wants it.
Global wars begin like what’s now ongoing. With neocon lunatics making
policy in Washington, anything ahead is possible,” he added.

“I strongly believe chances for a durable, sustainable peace in Donbas
are virtually nil despite, Putin’s best efforts to resolve things
diplomatically.”

President Putin, Sergei Lavrov, and other Russian officials have gone
all-out for peace throughout months of conflict.

“Obama wants war, not peace. Donbas is his war. He didn’t launch it to
quit. CIA, FBI and US special forces infest Kiev. They’re involved in
planning, implementing and directing the fighting,” said the analyst.

http://sputniknews.com/analysis/20150215/1018289444.html#ixzz3Ro63t9Gx

Seyidov says Baku awaits Washington’s steps to settle the Nagorno-Ka

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Feb 14 2015

Seyidov says Baku awaits Washington’s steps to settle the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict

Today the Azerbaijani parliament is holding hearings into “Relations
between Azerbaijan and the United States in the context of human
rights issues, energy and security.”

The head of the Parliamentary Committee on International and
Interparliamentary Relations, Samad Seyidov, made a statement during
the hearing, in which he stressed that in Baku there were certain
expectations from Washington to work in the framework of the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, as the US is one of the co-chairs of the
OSCE Minsk Group, the news agency Trend reports.

ANKARA: Government seeks to make up for past mistakes to minorities

Daily Sabah, Turkey
Feb 14 2015

Government seeks to make up for past mistakes to minorities

AYÃ…?E Ã…?AHIN
ISTANBUL

Turkey’s ruling party has been exerting major efforts to compensate
for previous governments’ unjust treatment of minorities since it came
to power and has recently launched cooperative works with
representatives of foundations and opinion leaders to address the
needs and wishes of minority communities. Ruling party officials have
made a strong case that minorities, who were once unjustly treated as
second-class citizens, should be considered a part of the same culture
they mold together.

Minorities in Turkey, who have lived in the country since its
foundation, have previously faced difficulties securing their most
basic needs of security, having a place to live and freedom to
practice their religion. Now the needs and problems of these groups
that have long-suffered from isolation in the place they call home,
are finally being addressed.

After decades of apathy, which extended to animosity, by the previous
ruling parties since the foundation of the Turkish Republic, the
current ruling party, which has been in office for three terms, has
taken up the subject and launched significant work that will come as a
relief to minorities in Turkey. The AK Party is acting more
confidently in admitting that there have been past wrongdoings against
minorities. In so doing, it is detaching itself from previous ruling
parties in both ideology and governmental policies and refuses to see
itself as successor to the Republican People’s Party (CHP), who
presided over a single-party term during which the confiscation of
minorities’ properties occurred.

The minorities have previously lacked legal rights. Not only were they
victims of the law that banned them from owning a property, but the
properties which they already possessed were also confiscated. In
addition, there were obstacles in forming and using places of worship
and they were not granted equal rights to the rest of the society.

In 1936, during the single-party term of the CHP, Turkey adopted a new
law on foundations, after which they lost autonomy. The law, which
initially targeted Muslim foundations, deeming them a threat to
secularism, also wanted control over minorities as well.

During 1960s, things got a little more difficult for the minorities’
acquisition of new properties, with the creation of bureaucratic
impediments. The harshest amongst these was the ruling handed down by
the Supreme Court of Appeals, which banned minorities’ acquiring new
property.

“It appears that the acquisition of real estate by corporate bodies
composed of non-Turkish people was forbidden,” the basis of the ruling
read. The minorities being branded as non-Turkish were also an example
of the discrimination they had to face during the period. Indeed
Turkey’s former Prime Minister Ã…?ükrü SaraçoÄ?lu, who was in office
between 1942 and 1946, had labeled the minorities who were Turkish
citizens as “foreigners.” During the term of SaraçoÄ?lu, non-Muslims
were exposed to a back-breaking tax, which was written off following
harsh criticism from western circles.

Minorities who constitute less than 1 percent of Turkey’s population
are now expressing appreciation towards the new government, which has
been endeavoring to give them back those rights that were once taken
from them and adopt an embracing approach. As a first step, Turkey has
adopted the policy of returning properties to minorities. Within the
context of reforms toward different faith groups in Turkey, 1,014
confiscated foundation properties have been returned and more have
been promised. Almost every one of the properties waiting to be
returned to the minorities were discussed individually by Turkish
Prime Minister Ahmet DavutoÄ?lu, representatives from minority groups
and nongovernmental organizations during a dinner held on Wednesday.

DavutoÄ?lu assured minorities that they will be treated as a primary
component of Turkey instead of “visitors” or “foreigners.” DavutoÄ?lu
said that the rights of minorities will be given back not as a
“favor,” but as part of the government’s duty.

During the meeting, to which roughly 50 representatives and opinion
leaders attended, discussions were held concerning the problems that
minorities experience and possible solutions. DavutoÄ?lu addressed the
participants saying that the AK Party government has shaken off the
discriminatory attitude toward minorities by putting into practice
policies like the returning of confiscated properties, the assigning
of bureaucrats of Armenian origin and bringing life back to their
places of worship.

http://www.dailysabah.com/politics/2015/02/14/government-seeks-to-make-up-for-past-mistakes-to-minorities

ISTANBUL: Forgotten life and work of Zabel Yessayan slowly coming to

Hurriyet Daily News, turkey
Feb 14 2015

Forgotten life and work of Zabel Yessayan slowly coming to light

William Armstrong – [email protected]

The pioneering work of Zabel Yessayan, an Armenian author born in
Ottoman Istanbul in 1878, was almost entirely forgotten after her
death in the Soviet Union in the 1940s. Even in Armenia itself
Yessayan remains little known today, though new translations of her
work have recently been appearing in English.

Her memoir of growing up in late 19th century Istanbul, `The Gardens
of Silihdar’ is reviewed here, and the Hürriyet Daily News spoke to
translator Jennifer Manoukian about Yessayan’s mysterious life and
exceptional work.

Let’s start by giving a broad idea about the background and context in
which she emerged, this broader ferment of changes in the Ottoman
Armenian community in the 19th century. What were the drivers of this
process?

It was a very exciting time for all nations in the Ottoman Empire. In
the Armenian community the change was driven mostly by reformers `
students who would become doctors, writers, lawyers – who went to
study in Europe at the beginning of the Tanzimat period, in the 1840s
and 1850s, and who returned to implement the trends they saw in
Europe. So we see a big push for improving the education system,
creating a periodical press, publishing books and reforming the
language. Before this period, there hadn’t been much of a secular
literary culture. The literate class was dominated mostly by the
clergy, so there were few novels and newspapers being printed.

The reformers sought to transform society by making education and
writing much more accessible. With this, the themes in literature
expanded. The novel and the short story were adopted as literary
forms, which reinforced the new vernacular literary language,
different from the one used in the Church. It was a period of
tremendous change, and the growing pains could still be felt as
Yessayan was growing up in the 1880s and 1890s.

Yessayan herself was heavily involved in educational issues early on,
from what I gather.

Definitely. She benefitted from an excellent education, which has a
lot to do with her father who wasn’t part of this reform movement but
who had adopted its ideals. He was committed to making sure his two
daughters got the best possible education and he tutored them
individually at home. He was the one who introduced them to the social
issues that would shape Zabel’s consciousness’those that she would
address later on in her writing.

So she had an informal education with him, then she went to the local
Armenian school in Ã`sküdar, and eventually left for France, where she
was one of the first Armenian and Ottoman women to go to Europe to
study.

What was she doing in Paris? How old was she? How long does she spend there?

The memoir ends when she was 17. She was planning to write two more
volumes of it, but she was arrested shortly after it was published and
we don’t have the later manuscripts, which may explain why it cuts off
so abruptly.

She left for Paris when she was 17, in 1895. In 1895, Armenian
intellectuals feared that they would no longer be able to write and
express themselves with as much freedom as they had before, because of
Sultan Abdülhamid’s surveillance and censorship policies. Even though
she was so young, she was involved in these intellectual circles,
listening to these writers and activists, attending the same literary
salons.

Her father became concerned that his daughter would also fall victim
of Abdülhamid’s policies, so he sent her to Paris to study at the
Sorbonne, where she would be protected from the political turmoil in
the Ottoman Empire and would also have a chance to hone her craft and
be exposed to new ideas. She already spoke French, so that wasn’t a
problem. The family wasn’t wealthy enough to send her all expenses
paid, so her father arranged for her to support herself by working as
an editorial assistant on a project to create a new French-Armenian
dictionary.

She arrived in Paris in 1895 and returned to Constantinople in 1902.
During that time a lot of things changed in her life. She was gaining
much more prominence in both French and Armenian circles. She got
married. She was publishing much more readily. What I really admire
about her is that she made an effort not only to write for the
Armenian community, but also to expose the French community to
Armenian literature. So from the very beginning she would translate
from Armenian into French, and she would write review pieces and other
articles that introduced the Armenian literary tradition to the French
public.

I wondered more broadly about her family’s economic position, because
it’s quite difficult to tell from the memoir.

It’s tough to say because she doesn’t really go into much detail. It’s
an enigma. Her mother and her father’s families both seem to have been
well-to-do. Her paternal grandfather was a judge, her maternal
great-grandfather was a civil servant, and other relatives had ties to
the palace. But her father was irresponsible with his money, which
caused his family to dip into periods of financial hardship. They had
some periods where there was a lot of tension relating to money. The
mother and the three aunts also worked, but it did not seem to
alleviate the burden. These financial issues would continue throughout
her life; she was never a wealthy woman.

In the review I refer to Yessayan as a feminist, but apparently she
was quite reluctant to use this term. Why?

We can only speculate that she was reluctant to identify as a women
writer or as a feminist, because writing by Armenian women at the time
wasn’t considered to be very serious; it was seen as more of a pastime
for bourgeois women, who mostly wrote poetry in the romantic style.
Yessayan used to say that they just wrote `frivolous’ stories, which
meant anything that wasn’t attacking social injustice. She never
worked within the confines of the social norms established for women,
she tried to shatter them and redefine them for herself. The other
women writing at the time never broke into the inner circle of
Armenian literature like she did.

Yes, she used the word `feminist’ with a lot of disdain and seems to
have understood feminists as women beholden to a kind of movement,
rather than women fighting autonomously to achieve political and
social equality. Dissociating herself from the feminist movement and
the term `feminism’ seems to be just another way for her to assert her
independence of thought.

But she got along very well with like-minded women. She worked on
planning what was called the Solidarity League of Ottoman Women,
drafting this idea with other Turkish women around 1908, right after
the constitution was declared. The idea was to try to create cohesion
between women of different ethnic communities, working specifically on
education. During this time she also had plans to create an Armenian
school for girls, as well as another project to train women teachers
to teach in Armenian schools in the provinces. But even though she was
working towards all these goals for the advancement of women, she
tried to distance herself from the term `feminist,’ as many women
still do today.

The memoir gives a classic image of introverted confessional
communities with little crossover. To what extent was Yessayan
involved in cross-communal links as she developed as an intellectual?

That’s a question that I’ve also asked myself. I’d be very intrigued
to know if she was reading Turkish literature. We don’t even know if
she had a strong handle on the Turkish language. But in the early
years she wasn’t dealing too much with any intellectual activity
beyond the Armenian and French communities. Later on she developed a
number of allies, but these were all people who she met in Paris. She
had ties to Prince Sabahaddin, who was one of Sultan Abdülhamid’s
relatives but had fallen out of favor and fled in 1899. She also
worked with Ahmed Rıza. But apart from that we don’t know too much
about any inter-communal collaboration.

In the memoir she expresses a strong distaste for what she saw as the
`romantic sentimentalism’ that was the literary fashion of the time,
in favor of a kind of rationalism.

Jennifer Manoukian, the translator of

Yessayan’s book.

>From the very beginning, she adopted the style and themes of the
realist movement that was gaining momentum in the 1890s. This could be
because romantic sentimentalism was the genre that women would most
often write in, so it was another way to emphasize her exceptionalism
as an author, while also showing that women were capable of rational
thought. She does make the movement her own, though, by introducing
complex female protagonists in her novels and laying bare their
thoughts, fears and concerns. This is the first, and practically the
last, time in Western Armenian literature that we see such
multidimensional female characters and plot lines that address the
particular experiences of women. In `The Gardens of Silihdar’ she
doesn’t portray women in the best light. She doesn’t seem have much
respect even for the women in her family, partly because they appear
to be driven by their emotions rather than by the rational principles
she espoused.

There’s a big difference in how she portrays her mother and father.
Her father comes across very positively while her mother is the
opposite. What was behind this?

She had a very turbulent relationship with her mother during her
childhood. Partly because her mother was battling a severe form of
depression and couldn’t really take care of her children.

But her father was the kind of person she wanted to become. He was
well-read, well-travelled, and very literary minded. He was also very
mentorly and never treated her like a child, which is something she
talks about in the book. Even when she was 10 years old he would have
conversations with her about politics and social inequity. He didn’t
try to sugarcoat anything for her and always treated her like an
adult, who was capable of understanding complex ideas.

We can see the effects of this in her writing. Even in her very early
writing she has a maturity to her ideas and expression. Her father was
the one who encouraged her to write. He was actually the one who
encouraged her to write about the issues that women faced in Armenian
society at that time. She commented that his open-mindedness was an
anomaly at the time. Her friends who were struggling with fathers that
wanted to push them into marriages were envious of her, because hers
encouraged her to develop her intellect and pursue a life that wasn’t
the expected route for women at the time.

She seems to have had an extremely peripatetic decade after leaving
Istanbul. Can you talk a little about the circumstances of why she
left the city, where she went, and how her work changed?

In 1915 she was one of the intellectuals targeted for arrest on April
24. That evening, the Ottoman authorities came to the house looking
for her, but she was visiting friends at the time. Her family got word
to her that she was being pursued, so she hid in a hospital in Ã`sküdar
for two months before fleeing over the Bulgarian border. But when
Bulgaria entered the First World War she had to flee again, and went
to the territory that would become the Independent Republic of Armenia
and then Soviet Armenia. She lived there for two years, collecting
many accounts and testimonies of Armenians who had fled the massacres
in the Ottoman Empire. That’s what occupied her time from 1916 to 1918
– she was furiously interviewing people, documenting them and
translating them into French for publication in newspapers to raise
awareness about the plight of the Armenians.

In 1919 she settled in France, where we see a huge shift in her
politics. From 1922 on, she became an advocate of socialism and worked
hard to convince Armenians in the diaspora that there was no hope for
the Armenian nation outside of the Soviet Republic. Many of her
writings after 1922 were colored by her politics. A lot of them are
dismissed as propaganda pieces and not taken as seriously as the work
she had written earlier. She visited Armenia in 1926 and wrote what
she said was a travelogue, but was really just a way to lure diasporan
Armenians into moving to Soviet Armenia. She edited a French Armenian
newspaper with socialist leanings for a while and then eventually
moved to Armenia in 1933, settling there for good. That’s where she
wrote `The Gardens of Silihdar,’ which was a complete departure in
style and theme from her other writings post-1922.

After 1935 she was arrested on trumped up charges, imprisoned and sent
to a labor camp. The last we hear of her is in 1942 from a prison in
Baku.

It’s so ironic and tragic that she said Armenians could only thrive in
Soviet Armenia, but then ended up a victim of Stalin’s Great Purge.
What were the accusations against her?

The charges were subversion. It had happening to a handful of Ottoman
Armenian intellectuals who had settled in Soviet Armenia and who were
writing these kinds of memoirs and accounts. The authorities feared
they would incite the Armenian community to glorify a history that was
pre-Soviet. But it’s all very secretive. Very little research has been
done into this period.

February/14/2015

http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/forgotten-life-and-work-of-zabel-yessayan-slowly-coming-to-light-.aspx?pageID=238&nID=78335&NewsCatID=386

Tsarukyan resigns

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Feb 14 2015

Tsarukyan resigns

14 February 2015 – 5:39pm

The head of the government of Armenia, Hovik Abrahamyan has sent Gagik
Tsarukyan into retirement. Tsarukyan is no longer the chairman of the
Institute of Sports and Physical Culture, a spokesman for Prime
Minister of Armenia, Gohar Poghosyan said.

The institute will be headed by the Deputy Minister of Youth and
Sports Affairs Arsen Karamyan, News-Armenia reports.

Bryza says principle of territorial integrity is effective concept f

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Feb 14 2015

Bryza says principle of territorial integrity is effective concept for
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict

14 February 2015 – 12:03pm

Former US ambassador to Azerbaijan, a former co-chair of the OSCE
Minsk Group, the director of the International Centre for Defence
Studies in Tallinn, Matthew Bryza, told Azerbaijani media that he
considers the principle of territorial integrity as the most effective
concept to resolve all conflicts such as Nagorno-Karabakh.

According to Trend, Bryza said that Armenia is making a mistake
thinking that time is on their side in the conflict.

According to Matthew Bryza, the UN Security Council does not make any
effort to implement its resolutions regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict, as the organization has no mechanisms for their
implementation. At the same time, the mediators do not think
strategically and creatively enough to work effectively. “No one can
be a mediator, without being ready for intellectual work, and without
having the patience to find common ground,” he explained.

Tsarukyan Excluded From National Security Council Of Armenia

TSARUKYAN EXCLUDED FROM NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL OF ARMENIA

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Feb 13 2015

13 February 2015 – 1:05pm

Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan has signed a decree on termination
of membership in the National Security Council of the chairman of the
opposition party ‘Prosperous Armenia’, one of the country’s richest
men, Gagik Tsarukyan, for systematic failure to appear at the meeting.

Earlier, speaking at the Republican Party Council meeting,
Serzh Sargsyan leveled harsh criticism at Tsarukyan for his
‘pseudo-political’ activity, saying he would be excluded from the
Security Council because “the supreme security body of the country
is not a cinema where one can come and leave when he wants.”

Sargsyan also said that a meeting of the Security Council will be held
today, at which the law-enforcement agencies will discuss verification
of rumors about Tsarukyan’s relationship with the criminal underworld.