Embassy of Armenia Will Honor Armavia Crash Victims on May 5, May 6

PRESS RELEASE May 3, 2006
Embassy of the Republic of Armenia
2225 R Street, NW, Washington, DC, 20008
Tel: 202-319-1976, x. 348; Fax: 202-319-2982
Email: [email protected]
Web:

Embassy of Armenia Will Honor Armavia Crash Victims on May 5 and May 6

On May 3, 2006, an Armavia flight en route from Yerevan to Sochi,
Russia crashed at sea near Sochi. All 113 passengers and crew members
aboard the Armenian jet were killed during the crash. Official
investigation is currently underway to determine the causes of the
tragedy.

The Embassy of Armenia expresses its condolences to the families of
the victims. In accordance with the decree by the President of the
Republic of Armenia, days of national mourning will be observed in
the Republic of Armenia on May 5 and May 6. A book of condolence will
be opened at the Embassy of Armenia, 2225 R Street NW, Washington,
DC 20008 on May 5 and May 6, from 11:00 a.m. to 3:00 p.m. Notes of
condolence may also be sent via email, [email protected] or by fax,
202-319-2982.

www.armeniaemb.org

NATO PA President To Visit South Caucasian Countries

NATO PA PRESIDENT TO VISIT SOUTH CAUCASIAN COUNTRIES

PanARMENIAN.Net
02.05.2006 22:00 GMT+04:00

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Pierre Lellouche, the President of NATO Parliamentary
Assembly, is going to pay an official visit to Azerbaijan in 2006,
reported Leyla Abdullayeva, the Press Attache with Azeri Mission to
NATO. In her words, during this year the NATO Parliamentary Assembly
President intends to perform individual visits to South Caucasian
countries. First visit is planned to Georgia on May 4 to 8. Then the
NATO official is going to visit Azerbaijan, and Armenia, but the dates
are not fixed yet. In the course of his visit, Mr Lellouche is going
to meet with authorities and parliament leaders and exchange views
on the current and future cooperation, Trend reports.

BAKU: Bush, Azeri President Discuss Iran, Democracy, Energy

BUSH, AZERI PRESIDENT DISCUSS IRAN, DEMOCRACY, ENERGY

Baku Today, Azerbaijan
Source: U.S. Department of State
May 1 2006

President Bush said Azerbaijan has “a very important role to play”
in energy security, and told visiting President Ilham Aliyev that it
is important for the world to see a modern Muslim country embracing
democracy for its future.

Speaking at the White House April 28, Bush said he and Aliyev held a
“candid discussion,” which included topics such as concerns over Iran,
the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and energy.

“I appreciate the vision of the government and the vision of the
president in helping this world achieve what we all want, which is
energy security. Azerbaijan has got a very important role to play,”
he said.

Bush described Azerbaijan as an ally of the United States in the war
on terrorism.

“I appreciate so very much the government’s contribution of support
in troops to the new democracy in Iraq,” he said, and welcomed the
opportunity to “bring our ally up to date on the progress that’s
being made on the ground there.”

He also said they talked about “the need … for the world to see
a modern Muslim country that is able to provide for its citizens,
that understands that democracy is the wave of the future.”

Aliyev said his discussions with Bush “covered all the aspects of
our bilateral relations,” and said he considers his visit as being
“instrumental in the future development of Azerbaijan as a modern,
secular, democratic country.”

He thanked the United States for its leadership in promoting energy
security issues in the Caspian region, and in “assisting us to create
a solid transportation infrastructure which will allow us to develop
full-scale Caspian oil and gas reserves and to deliver them to the
international markets.”

The Azeri leader also talked about the conflict between Armenia and
Azerbaijan, including Nagorno-Karabakh and told Bush about the latest
negotiations, as well as his hope for a “peaceful settlement of the
conflict.” (See related article.)

He also expressed his gratitude for U.S. assistance in promoting
Azerbaijan’s political process, including the “democratization of our
society,” adding that his government is “very committed to continue
this cooperation in the future.”

WHITE HOUSE SAYS AZERI DEMOCRACY WAS A TOPIC OF DISCUSSION

Prior to the meeting, White House press secretary Scott McClellan said
Bush would use the occasion to discuss the U.S. desire for Azerbaijan
to “take needed steps to ensure greater democratic freedoms for the
people of Azerbaijan,” and to see how the United States can assist
in making “needed democratic reforms.”

McClellan said international observers, such as the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), had determined that
Azerbaijan’s 2005 parliamentary elections “did not meet international
standards in a number of areas,” citing “interference from local
authorities and serious violations during the vote count.” (See
related article.)

However, the press secretary said there had been improvements over
previous elections, such as instituting the inking of voters’ fingers
and allowing a more inclusive candidate registration process.

“We would note that the government took some steps shortly after the
elections to correct some of the shortcomings including dismissing
governors, reversing election results in three constituencies and
calling for 10 elections to be re-run which will take place on May 13,”
McClellan added.

Describing Azerbaijan as “a key ally in a region of great importance”
that is making contributions in Iraq, Afghanistan and Kosovo,
McClellan said the meeting between the two presidents could “help
encourage President Aliyev along the road to democracy.”

ALIYEV SAYS BILATERAL RELATIONSHIP STRATEGIC TO CASPIAN REGION

Following his meeting with Bush, Aliyev said the relations between
the United States and Azerbaijan “are relations of friends [and]
partners,” and that he was “very satisfied” with bilateral cooperation
in his country’s political and economic reforms, energy security and
transportation, and cooperation against terrorism.

U.S.-Azeri relations “have a strategic importance for us and for
general regional development,” he said.

“I consider my visit to the United States as very important and
instrumental in future development of bilateral ties between us,
and in the future regional development in the place we all live,”
Aliyev told reporters.

Although he said the discussions mostly were concerned with bilateral
issues, they also discussed “issues of regional security,” including
the conflict over Iran’s nuclear program.

“[W]e are all living in the region and the situation in countries
which Azerbaijan is neighboring for us is important, and of course
the Iranian issue was also discussed and we are satisfied with the
discussion,” he said.

He also said the United States “definitely” supports Azerbaijan’s
energy plans, and that the U.S. “leading role” in the region’s energy
development programs is “very clear” and “decisive.” U.S. support
and assistance for Azerbaijan’s transportation infrastructure “was
and is very important,” he added.

The Generation issue: Things handed down

Los Angeles Times
April 30, 2006 Sunday
Home Edition

THE GENERATIONS ISSUE / Things Handed Down: Sometimes the most
precious gifts passed on to us aren’t trust funds or jewels but
everyday objects that evoke the richness of family;
Hoe;

As a backyard gardener, his grandfather was pure brilliance. Now Mark
Arax wields the secret weapon.

by Mark Arax, Mark Arax is a senior writer for West.

My grandfather loved the idea of farming. Tilling, irrigating,
harvesting, pruning–he came to each one as a romantic. But he wasn’t
a farmer, at least not the kind who could feed three children and
cover his losses at the pinochle table. That poets made poor farmers
should have been clear to him early on. Still, he kept growing crops
in the 1930s, ’40s and ’50s. Vine hoppers devoured one raisin
harvest. Mildew ate another. If the weather was good and the pests
light, his own sloth would do him in. Relatives had a one-word
explanation for his failure: politics. He was too busy reading New
Masses, the Marxist monthly, when he should have been walking the
rows.

Every family lugs around a story of lost gold. That last farm along
the San Joaquin River became ours. A patient man would have found a
way to keep it, Grandma said. A patient man would have been around to
see it developed into big fancy houses. By the time I was growing up,
the only vineyard in the family was the one in a painting that hung
from our adobe fireplace. My grandparents had moved into a house on
Garland Street in the heart of Fresno, where their distance from the
farm was made plain everyday. Right outside the front door, a huge
irrigation canal sliced through the neighborhood, shooting Sierra
snowmelt past suburbia to faraway farms.

I was 9 or 10 when Grandpa took aim at a giant pine tree in their
tiny backyard next to the swimming pool. He cut it down and for
months hacked and picked at its trunk. Into its hollowed core he
poured bags of salt, but the roots refused to die. They seemed to
reach everywhere, and he went at them with shovel and ax. At some
point, he decided that the tree’s roots weren’t enemies but friends.
Given enough time, he reasoned, they would decay into mulch. And
mulch was just what he needed to turn suburban dirt into country
loam.

By spring, he had finished clearing the 30-by-30 plot and carved out
a dozen rows. We drove to Kmart and he bought six-packs of every
vegetable I could name. The way he placed them into the
ground–measuring 22 inches between each plant, pressing gently and
then firmly with both thumbs–it took all afternoon. Then he put the
hose on one end and let it trickle for hours. The old pine tree
roots, it turned out, made for a marvelous system of sub-irrigation.
All by themselves, they channeled the water row to row until the
earth turned black on the other end. It was drip irrigation before
its time.

Grandpa believed any hardening of the earth choked the young plants.
“They’re like people,” he said. “Plants need to breathe to grow and
produce.” So a few days after each soaking, as the ground began to
crack, he’d grab his cherished long-handled hoe and go to work. He’d
spend 20 minutes bent over each row, hoeing and hoeing until every
last dirt clod was broken up, and the earth was fine and fluffy. He
was so fastidious that when he finished the last row, he returned to
the first row to hoe away any prints left behind by his shoes. Only
then did he light his pipe and stand there admiring his labor: sturdy
young tomatoes, eggplants, peppers, squash, cucumbers and melons
rising from fresh beds across what was once Bermuda grass.

My grandfather, I discovered, was not alone. A legion of failed
Armenian, Italian and Japanese farmers were making last stands in
their backyards. He’d take me to the houses of Armenian friends,
houses filled with doilies and mothballs, and as we walked past the
front door, old country men would bend down and yank on my ear. For
the unbearable pain of getting it nearly pulled off my head, they’d
reach into their pockets and hand me a nickel or dime or quarter,
depending on whether they came from Van or Bitlis or Moosh.

They’d ask me, “Who do you love better, your mother or your father,”
a riddle I took to mean that life itself was made up of impossible
choices. Then we’d have to go in their backyards and marvel at the
size of their Ace tomatoes or stare in wonder at the deep purple of
their Black Beauty eggplants. After a cup of Turkish coffee, Grandpa
would say goodbye and we’d climb back in the car. “Can you believe
the state of that garden?” he’d ask me. “He thinks water can make up
for every sin. What the eesh (jackass) needs is a good hoe.”

I knew my grandfather was a good backyard farmer, but it wasn’t until
he added okra to the summer mix that he showed a truly special touch.
The plants came up strong and never stopped growing, rising past me
and then the roofline and then straight to the sun. He had to climb a
ladder to harvest the fuzzy green pods filled with tiny egg-like
seeds that he devoured like caviar whenever Grandma made her bahmya
stew.

As his eyesight began to dim, he counted on me to find the Armenian
cucumbers, the gootahs, hiding beneath the vines. Having a keen eye
was important because a day of irrigation followed by a night of warm
air was enough to double a cucumber’s size. Left to grow, the gootah
became a rank melon. Picked at the right time, it had the nuttiest
and sweetest flavor of any cucumber around, making poor cousins out
of the English and Japanese.

Grandpa died in 1989, and the ground went back to dirt and then
Bermuda. A few years later, after placing Grandma in a nursing home,
we all gathered at the Garland Street house to divide up their small
estate. There were filigreed coffee holders from Armenia and antique
glassware from San Francisco and old issues of Soviet Life. I made a
beeline to my aunt’s painting of Grandpa sitting in his summer garden
and gave a best case why it should go to me. If there was a protest
or two, I didn’t hear it.

But that’s not all I really coveted. Before I left, I sneaked into
the backyard and reached into the tool shed and grabbed Grandpa’s
hoe.

I had become a decent backyard farmer myself. Everything I knew he
had taught me in the years after my father was murdered in 1972. The
one lesson I found hardest to master was the lesson of tilling. No
matter what hoe I used, I could never get the earth to look the way
he made it look. And then he was gone, and I decided to give his hoe
a try. There was a slight crack in the handle, and I babied it at
first. As it turned out, it was plenty sturdy. Like one of those Big
Bertha golf clubs that add 80 yards to your tee shot, it had a
perfect head, just the right weight, and seemed to do all the work
for you.

Row after row, I hoed and hoed, and then I gave the ground a good
soaking. And here is what I discovered, what my grandfather never
told me, what I am reminded of each new summer: It wasn’t those pine
tree roots after all. The secret of sub-irrigation was all in the
soil and the hoe. The soil, if properly worked, was its own sponge.
The soil, if allowed to breathe, soaked in air and water. You just
put the hose on one end and let it trickle.

GRAPHIC: PHOTO: (no caption) PHOTOGRAPHER: PHOTOGRAPHED BY JAMES ERIN
DE JAUREGUI

Aram Karapetyan Wants Airtime

ARAM KARAPETYAN WANTS AIRTIME

Lragir.am
28 April 06

On April 28 the rally and march organized by the leader of the Nor
Zhamanakner Party (New Times) Aram Karapetyan went on in the rain. The
rain, however, did not appear to have a big role. `The rain is not an
obstacle. We stood pressure, we can stand the rain too,’ said Aram
Karapetyan. To prevent rumors about the number of ralliers, Aram
Karapetyan announced in the end that as many people were present as
required for a march.

And before that the leader of Nor Zhamanakner said he would bring the
struggle over to its logical end. Aram Karapetyan informed that by
marching past the Police and the National Security Service they wanted
to say, `do not enter political processes. You cannot become Robert
Kocharyan’s and Serge Sargsyan’s aides. You cannot obey the caprices
of one or two people.’ Aram Karapetyan again demands airtime, he says
he is ready to pay for airtime, and asks the leadership to give him
airtime if the leadership think he will lose votes in case he appears
on air. Whereas, `they know well that if I appear on air for half an
hour every week, several weeks later a surge of revolution would rise
in Armenia.’

The participants of the rally adopted a message and extended it to the
Police of Armenia (namely, Colonel Minasyan, Assistant Chief of the
Headquarters of the Police) and the National Security Service
(Lieutenant-Colonel Vahagn Harutiunyan, Department of Defense). The
protesters chanted `get out of politics’ and `shame on you’ until
extending the message.

The rally and march were approved. Probably, it was the reason why the
policemen were not rude, moreover, they were attentive and careful,
and even very nice. Aram Karapetyan has announced for several times
that he has agents in various government agencies. Perhaps one of
these agents informed him that during the march eight cars with
special operational forces `arrived’ at the residence of the president
of Armenia. Baghramyan Avenue was not included in the itinerary of
Aram Karapetyan. The next rally will probably take place in the
community of Nork, and will demand airtime.

NKR: Will Ilham Aliev Stand The Peaceful Attack of Mediators?

WILL ILHAM ALIEV STAND THE PEACEFUL ATTACK OF MEDIATORS?

Azat Artsakh, Nagorno Karabakh Republic [NKR]
27 April 2006

Recent developments regarding the settlement of the Nagorno Karabakh
issue show that the international mediators, namely the OSCE Minsk
Group co-chairs have launched a peaceful offensive. Hence, the
suggestions that the West would seek for stability in the region are
confirmed. After the failed talks of the presidents of Armenia and
Azerbaijan in Rambouillet, France, the activity of the mediators
resembles a blitzkrieg. The activity of the co-chairs is gathering
momentum, and there is hardly any time left for the conflict parties
to think. Judge yourselves. Recovering from the shock after the
fruitless meeting of Ilham Aliev and Robert Kocharian in Rambouillet
on April 11, the co-chairs met in Washington on March 7 to assess the
results of the talks between the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan
and to work out an action plan for the current deadlocked
situation. Commenting on the Washington meeting of the co-chairs, the
US Ambassador to Azerbaijan Rino Harnish told news reporters in Baku
that arrangements on a peace settlement of the Karabakh issue are not
behind the mountains. In the meantime, Ilham Aliev, who is to blame
for the failure of the talks in Rambouillet, visited one of the
regions of Azerbaijan bordering with Nagorno Karabakh, and stated that
the talks in France failed due to the Armenian party, since Yerevan is
temporizing and therefore the Baku may review its approach towards the
settlement. Moreover, he accused Armenia more aggressively, stating
that the latter is conducting a policy of genocide against Azerbaijan,
perpetrating crimes against the humanity. `We are a party that lost
and this allows us to resolve the Karabakh problem by nay means.’ In
other words, Ilham Aliev continued to blackmail the international
community, threatening to start military actions. His plan is
extremely simple: the West does not want a new war in the region,
which is determined by the factor of oil, and will press Armenia. If
this fails to happen, let everything remain the same. In several
years, thinks Aliev Junior, weak Armenia will have to make concessions
to Azerbaijan, which will have become stronger. In the meantime, the
Aliev family will stuff their pockets with oil dollars from the
Baku-Tbilisi-Geihan and Baku-Tbilisi-Erzrum pipelines. The Armenian
party naturally responded to the actions of the Azerbaijani
president. President Robert Kocharian and Foreign Minister Vardan
Oskanian used aggressive speeches to respond to Aliev. The foreign
minister of Armenia made a statement that can be characterized as a
threat to strike the positions of the Azerbaijani army. For his part,
Robert Kocharian told news reporters in Yerevan that if Azerbaijan
rejected compromise, Armenia would recognize Nagorno Karabakh
Republic. In addition, official Yerevan notified to Azerbaijan that
Armenia had already made its compromise and now it was Azerbaijan’s
turn. However, let us consider the current plans of the international
mediators. They need to manage to reach an agreement based on
documents on the basic principles of settlement as soon as possible,
or at least signing of an agreement by the presidents of Armenia and
Azerbaijan, reflecting their commitment to pursuing a peace settlement
of the Karabakh issue. Hence, the peaceful offensive of the Minsk
Group co-chairs after the talks in Rambouillet. After the meeting of
the co-chairs in Washington US Assistant Secretary Daniel Fried and
the American co-chair of the Minsk Group Stephen Mann visited the
region. On March 13 and 14 they negotiated with the leadership of
Azerbaijan. During the news conference of Daniel Fried and Stephen
Mann in Baku it became clear that the mediators had seriously
undertaken peaceful strictures against the presidents, particularly
Ilham Aliev. Hence, Stephen Mann conveyed that the resumption of
military actions would affect investments in Azerbaijan. Besides, the
American co-chair of the Minsk Group hinted at the threats, which are
directly related to the security and territorial integrity of
Azerbaijan in case it resumes military actions.

Later on March 15 and 16 the American envoys visited Armenia. It is
notable that on March 17, Daniel Fried left for Istanbul on March 20
to participate in another meeting of the co-chairs. During the meeting
of the PACE Ad-hoc Committee for the Settlement of the Conflict over
Karabakh in Paris Lord Russell Johnston, Chairman, called the parties
(read Azerbaijan) for a halt of hatred and preparation of the peoples
of Armenia and Azerbaijan for a peace settlement of the conflict. In
two days the EU also clarified its standpoint through its new
representative on the South Caucasus Peter Semneby, who also visited
the region. The EU Special Representative emphasized that a military
way of settling the conflict does not favor any of the parties,
therefore the standpoints of Azerbaijan and Armenia need to be brought
closer. Moreover, Mr.

Semneby announced that if he were not convinced of the existence of
possibilities of settlement of the Karabakh conflict, he would not
accept the position of a special representative on the South
Caucasus. Already on March 20 the Minsk Group co-chairs, as it had
been planned, met in Istanbul, this time without Yuri Merzlyakov, who
was ill; another official of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
replaced him. After the top-secret meeting in Istanbul Stephan Mann
gave an interview to Radio Liberty, and stated that the parties should
reach an agreement in 2006, and they would have to finish the
important work they had started to arrive somewhere. The next day the
report on the role of the EU in the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh
issue was presented in Brussels, which had been prepared by the
International Crisis Group. In her speech the director of the
Caucasian Bureau of the International Crisis Group Sabine Freizer said
the final political and legal status of Nagorno Karabakh must be
decided in 15-20 years through a referendum. By that time the Armenian
forces must be withdrawn from the Azerbaijani territories adjacent to
Nagorno Karabakh, controlled by the Armenian troops, that must be
followed by stationing of international peacemaking forces, return of
refugees and lifting of the blockade of transport routes. Hence,
Sabine Freizer revealed the essence of the plan of settlement,
proposed by the co-chairs, which, in fact, establishes the right of
the people of Nagorno Karabakh for self-determination, thus upsetting
Azerbaijan. What is the difference, they say in Baku, between losing
Karabakh today or in 15-20 years. In the meantime, in early April the
foreign minister of Azerbaijan Elmar Mamedyarov met with Condoleezza
Rice. During the talk Ms. Rice hinted that the United States would not
have a destabilization in the theatre of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict
and confirmed the invitation of an official visit to the United States
sent by the White House to the president of Azerbaijan Ilham
Aliev. Some time later the president of the PACE Rene van der Linden
announced that the country which would use force to settle the
Karabakh conflict would be discharged from the Council of Europe. He
also invited the parties to give up militaristic statements and admit
that the conflict defies any other settlement except the peace
settlement. After the talks in Rambouillet NATO was not indifferent
towards the process of settlement either. Robert Simons, the
representative of the Secretary General of NATO, said NATO supported a
peace settlement of the conflict. Then the French co-chair Bernard
Fassier and his American counterpart Stephan Mann supported the high
rates of the peace attack of the mediators. While in Baku, Bernard
Fassier said those who call for a war, call for new victims, new
destruction, new refugees. Azerbaijan should remember, said the French
co-chair, that wars threaten developing economies. In addition, he
advised Azerbaijan not to look back, to go forward, for one may have
an accident if they go forward but look back. Terry Davis, Secretary
General of the Council of Europe, gave recommendations to Azerbaijan
too. He told the Azerbaijani agency APA he believed Azerbaijan would
discharge its commitments or it would be facing troubles. These are
the commitments Azerbaijan assumed before the Council of Europe in his
presence, namely a peace settlement of the Karabakh issue. Considering
the peaceful blitzkrieg of the mediators, we should not overlook
another important fact, namely the visit of the president of Turkey
Ahmed Nedjad Sezari to Baku. It is notable that the head of state of
Turkey had planned to visit Azerbaijan two months before. However, the
visit was cancelled due to bad weather. And during his April visit the
Turkish president even endorsed a peace settlement.

It should also be mentioned that after the meeting of Ilham Aliev and
Robert Kocharian in Rambouillet the foreign minister of Armenia Vardan
Oskanian visited the United States and Russia. New meetings and
statements are coming up in the framework of the peaceful
defensive. The new round of consultations of the Minsk Group co-chairs
will take place in Moscow. In the capital of Russia the co-chairs
will discuss the agenda of their next visit, scheduled in early
May. By that time the outcome of the visit of the Azerbaijani
president to the United States will have become known. In Moscow the
mediators will consider the possibility of the meeting of the foreign
ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan in a third country. All these
activities are aimed to organize another meeting of Ilham Aliev and
Robert Kocharian, and this time there can be no failure. Otherwise,
there is no point in holding another meeting. The statements of the
Azerbaijan president are becoming less militaristic, whereas his
subjects are not. Ali Hasanov, an official of Aliev administration
announced in an outburst of emotions: `We are hopeful that the problem
will be settled through talks, we are conscious of the disasters and
destruction that war would bring about, and we do not want this to
happen. We aspire to spend oil revenues on development,
infrastructures, construction of roads, airports, reconstruction of
seaports, regional prosperity. We are thinking of development and not
war. At the same time, we cannot accept the occupation of our
territories. Therefore, if necessary, we will spend all the wealth of
our country for the liberation of our territory.’ Here is a `peace
loving aggression.’ We do not think, however, that Ali Hasanov did not
have the permission of the Azerbaijani president when he was uttering
these words. Nothing of the like happens in Azerbaijan. Even if it
happens, the daredevil would appear out of office.

Consequently, Ilham Aliev is presently saying one thing but implying
another thing. The powerful of the world made him to do it. How long
will he behave that way? We will probably get the answer to this
question after his official visit to Washington in late
April. However, we do not think that George Bush invited Aliev to
assure him that the United States will return Nagorno Karabakh to
Azerbaijan. It will be the opposite rather. Ilham Aliev will have to
listen to George Bush attentively what his actions regarding the peace
settlement should be. Will the Azerbaijani president stand such an
intensive peace loving attack of the West? , Anyway, there is little
time to wait.

ALEXANDER GRIGORIAN.
26-04-2006

Hearings On Theme Of “Recognition Of The Armenian Genocide” Take Pla

HEARINGS ON THEME OF “RECOGNITION OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE” TAKE PLACE AT SITTING OF LOS ANGELES CITY COUNCIL

Noyan Tapan
Armenians Today
Apr 26 2006

LOS ANGELES, APRIL 26, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. Hearings on
the theme “Recognition of the Armenian Genocide” were organized
at the April 21 sitting of the Los Angeles City Council within
the framework of events dedicated to the 91st anniversary of the
Armenian Genocide. Members of the City Council, Gagik Kirakosian,
the RA Consul General in Los Angeles, the Hay Dat (Armenian cause)
representatives and other guests were present at the event which was
organized on the initiative of the Los Angeles City Council and the
Hay Dat Committee of America. Eric Garcetti, the Los Angeles City
Coucil Chairman who was the main speaker of the day, touching upon
the issues of condemning the Armenian Genocide and recognition of the
Armenian Genocide by the California State Senate and Los Angeles City
Council, mentioned that the work in that direction may be considered
finished only after recognition of the Genocide by Washington. As Noyan
Tapan was informed by the RA Foreign Ministry’s Press and Information
Department, a number of members of the City Council as well as RA
Consul General to Los Angeles Gagik Kirakosian, who thanked the Los
Angeles City Council for organizing Armenian Genocide condemning and
memory events, made speeches.

George Bush Again Fails To Honor Pledge To Recognize Armenian Genoci

GEORGE BUSH AGAIN FAILS TO HONOR PLEDGE TO RECOGNIZE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE

Noyan Tapan
Armenians Today
Apr 25 2006

WASHINGTON, APRIL 25, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. Despite the call
for moral clarity from over two hundred U.S. legislators, President
Bush failed, once again, to honor his pledge to properly characterize
the Armenian Genocide as a “genocide” in his annual April 24th remarks,
reported the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA). In a
statement issued on April 24th, the annual day of remembrance for the
Armenian Genocide, the President again resorted to the use of evasive
and euphemistic terminology to obscure the full moral, historical,
and contemporary legal implications of Turkey’s genocide against the
Armenian people between 1915-1923. In retreating from his promise,
the President ignored the counsel of the one hundred and seventy-eight
Representatives and thirty Senators who had written letters urging him
to properly characterize the Armenian Genocide. “Armenian Americans
appreciate President Bush’s willingness to join with Armenians around
the world by speaking out on this solemn occasion, but – sadly,
remain deeply troubled by his failure to honor his campaign pledge –
and his own promise of moral clarity – by properly recognizing the
Armenian Genocide, ” said Aram Hamparian, Executive Director of the
ANCA. “It is truly a sad day when it is left to a lone diplomat, our
Ambassador to Armenia, John Evans, to honor the forsaken pledge of
his President – to speak as the moral conscience of our nation in the
face of official White House complicity in the denial of this crime
against all humanity.” As in the past, the ANCA has also expressed
concern that the Administration’s refusal to recognize the Armenian
Genocide reflects a broader unwillingness to confront genocide –
as evidenced by the White House’s failure to take decisive steps
to bring an end to the genocide in the Darfur region of Sudan. The
ANCA is working with a broad coalition of organizations to pressure
the Administration to respond in a timely and meaningful way to the
worsening crisis in Darfur. “If we are to end the cycle of genocide, we
must, as a nation, generate the resolve to forcefully intervene to stop
genocide when it takes place, to unequivocally reject its denial, to
hold the guilty accountable, and to secure for the victims the justice
they deserve,” added Hamparian. In February of 2000, then presidential
candidate George W. Bush, campaigning for votes among Armenian voters
in the Michigan Republican primary, pledged to properly characterize
the genocidal campaign against the Armenian people. In his statements
as President, he has consistently avoided any clear reference to the
Armenian Genocide, and his Administration has consistently opposed
legislation marking this crime against humanity. The text of the
President’s remarks is provided below: “Today, we remember one of
the horrible tragedies of the 20th century — the mass killings and
forced exile of as many as 1.5 million Armenians in the final days of
the Ottoman Empire in 1915. This was a tragedy for all humanity and
one that we and the world must never forget. We mourn this terrible
chapter of history and recognize that it remains a source of pain
for people in Armenia and for all those who believe in freedom,
tolerance, and the dignity and value of every human life. It is a
credit to the human spirit and generations of Armenians who live
in Armenia, America, and around the globe that they have overcome
this suffering and proudly preserved their centuries-old culture,
traditions, and religion. We praise the individuals in Armenia and
Turkey who have sought to examine the historical events of this
time with honesty and sensitivity. The analysis by the International
Center for Transitional Justice, while not the final word, has made a
significant contribution toward deepening our understanding of these
events. We encourage dialogues, including through joint commissions,
that strive for a shared understanding of these tragic events and
move Armenia and Turkey towards normalized relations. Today, we
look with hope to a bright future for Armenia. Armenia’s Millennium
Challenge Comp act reflects our confidence and the importance we place
in Armenia making progress on democratic reform and advancement of free
markets. We seek to help Armenia bolster its security and deepen its
inclusion in the Euro-Atlantic family. We remain committed to securing
a peaceful and lasting settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict
and hope the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan will take bold steps
to achieve this goal. On this solemn day of remembrance, Laura and I
express our deepest condolences to the Armenian people. Our nations
stand together, determined to create a future of peace, prosperity,
and freedom for the citizens of our countries and the world.”

Two Books Examine Armenian Genocide Issue (Lewy & Bloxham)

TWO BOOKS EXAMINE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE ISSUE (LEWY & BLOXHAM)
Alex van Oss

EurasiaNet, NY
April 24, 2006

A EurasiaNet Book Review

The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey: A Disputed Genocide,
by Guenter Lewy (2005 The University of Utah Press) ISBN:
978-0-87480-849-0

The Great Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism, and the
Destruction of the Ottoman Armenians, by Donald Bloxham (2005 Oxford
University Press) ISBN: 0-19-927-356-1

April 24 is a day of commemoration for Armenians, a day of controversy
for Turks. Both nations continue to argue over the tragic chain of
events that began in 1915, leaving up to 1.5 million Armenians in
Ottoman Turkey dead.

Armenians today assert that the systematic slaughter of Armenians in
1915 constituted the first genocide of the 20th century. Meanwhile,
Turkish leaders deny the genocide claim, saying the mass deaths were
mainly caused by civil strife that accompanied World War I and its
aftermath. Historians continue to struggle between doubt and certainty
over what transpired and why, and the debate has become so polarized
that researchers risk being pilloried for not cleaving to one or
another position, or for not using words just so.

Two recently published books attempt tackle the complex subject:
The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey: a Disputed Genocide strives
to demonstrate how elusive history can be when scrutinized closely;
The Great Game of Genocide explores the causes and legacies of the
1915 massacres in an international context.

Guenter Lewy, professor emeritus of political science at the
University of Massachusetts-Amherst, has a reputation for debunking
stereotypes. He has written respected (and hotly criticized) works
about the Vietnam War; and also the relationship between the Nazis and
Gypsies, and the Catholic Church. The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman
Turkey: A Disputed Genocide, too, has been both praised and condemned
for its attempt to take a dispassionate look at the issue.

Readers with strong prior convictions about the subject will surely
find much to disagree with in the pages of The Armenian Massacres;
but those who are intrigued by history, and by the labor of trying to
capture the texture of times past stand to be well-rewarded. This book,
though clearly written, requires careful evaluation and reference
to footnotes. Lewy dissects and teases out convoluted strands of
historical evidence and counter-evidence, and analyzes the sources,
methodologies, rhetoric, and conclusions of “pro-Armenian” and
“pro-Turkish” researchers.

Lewy asserts that scholars on both sides of the debate have used
data selectively. It should be noted that similar accusations have
been leveled at him: in 2005 Lewy published articles summarizing his
Armenian massacre findings in the Middle East Quarterly and in the
journal Commentary-findings for which he was taken to task by the
eminent Armenian genocide scholar Vahakn Dadrian [,
Oct. 18, 2005]. Dadrian accused Lewy, who does not speak Turkish or
Armenian, or read Ottoman Turkish, of being out of his depth; Lewy
riposted; and the scholarly “chewing” goes on.

Ottoman Turkey was being subjected to extreme pressure in 1915, from
foreign invaders, namely British, French Anzac and Russian forces,
and from rebellious ethnic groups inside the collapsing empire. It
was a time of government crackdowns, reprisals, and paranoia about the
“enemy within.” Lewy demonstrates the difficulty of nailing down hard
data about this period. Indeed, The Armenian Massacres may be viewed
as a work of deconstruction, and one that possibly sets the marker of
historical proof too high. The book delves into subjects not often
covered, such as the appalling conditions in the Ottoman army and
the depravations from typhus among Turkish soldiers and displaced
persons of every nationality. The reader will learn about the often
ambiguous complicity in the Armenian massacres of non-Turkish groups,
including Kurds and Circassians; and also about the complicated matter
of determining the population and demographics of pre-1915 Anatolia
(which is important to know so that one can estimate the number of war,
or massacre, victims).

Lewy’s digressions help color in that turbulent period: [p.57]
“If the Turkish authorities were unable or unwilling to provide
adequate clothing, decent hygienic conditions, and appropriate
medical attention for their Muslim soldiers, why should one expect
them to be concerned about the fate of the Armenian deportees, whom
they regarded as a fifth column?” And: [p.61] “…A government as
callous about the suffering of its own population as was the Young
Turk regime could hardly be expected to be very concerned about the
terrible human misery that would rise from deporting its Armenian
population, rightly or wrongly suspected of treason.”

The Armenian Massacres covers 19th century Anatolian history,
including the various Armenian revolutionary movements, sundry
Ottoman reprisals and repressions, and the rise to power of the Young
Turks. This is followed by a detailed comparison of what Lewy terms
“two rival historiographies.” Perhaps most valuable is a section on
“historical reconstruction: what we know and what we do not know.”

Ottoman Turkey in 1915, Lewy concludes, was a ravaged state, with
an incompetent government that panicked and made horrific decisions,
the aftermath of which lingers to this day.

In The Great Game of Genocide, Donald Bloxham (a lecturer in 20th
century history at the University of Edinburgh) shows how the “clean
sweep” of 1915 was, in a sense, the culmination of a series of tragic
events. Bloxham points to the fact that Ottoman Turks massacred masses
of Armenians not once but several times: throughout the empire in
1894-96, and in Cilicia in 1909. By this time, 19th century Armenian
communities had gained exposure to western education and philosophical
trends-such as nationalism-and had grown increasingly restive under
Ottoman rule. Nor was 1915 the end to violence: Turks and Armenians
(and by this time Azerbaijanis, too) continued to commit atrocities
against each other for the next few years, with no group enjoying a
monopoly on suffering.

The Great Game of Genocide examines the international context of the
Armenian tragedy, and the response (or non-response) by other countries
to what was looming as an ethnic disaster of unprecedented scale:
[P.5] “…Great power involvement in Ottoman internal affairs was a key
element in exacerbating the Ottoman-Armenian dynamic towards genocide
while Turkish sensitivity about external intervention on behalf of the
Armenians-whether directed towards reforms before 1914 or independence
after 1918-was a vital contributory factor to the emergence of denial.”

Both Bloxham and Lewy dwell at length on genocide denial, and the
appropriateness of genocide as a term. “Genocide,” says Bloxham,
is a 1940s word being applied as a “retrospective projection”
upon historical events of decades before: [p.95] “…the killing
did constitute a genocide-every aspect of the United Nations’
definition of the crime is applicable-but recognizing that fact
should be a by-product of the historian’s work, not its ultimate aim
or underpinning.” The sticking point is the perpetrator’s intent:
without intent there cannot be genocide. But intent need not be a
clear-cut, one time manifestation: it can develop, grow, and feed
upon itself and events. Hence, says Bloxham: “[p.96]…Pinpointing
the precise time within that period of radicalization at which a
state framework that is demonstrably permissive of murder and atrocity
becomes explicitly genocidal is extremely difficult and unlikely ever
to be achieved definitively.”

Meanwhile, Lewy finds little tangible evidence of premeditated mass
homicide (i.e. genocide), of Armenians. Perhaps this evidence will
be found, he allows, but it is not there yet. Apparently, crucial
archival documents have gone missing, or have been destroyed, or have
not been made available by Turkish authorities (even now, possibly
due to archival disorganization). In addition, documentation might
have been deemed spurious to begin with, or was used selectively for
political purposes (e.g. to deflect blame for Armenian massacres,
or, on the other hand, to build a case for creating an Armenian
state in eastern Anatolia, or for keeping land and property out
of Armenian hands after the collapse of the Ottoman empire). Lewy
concludes that there is plenty of testimony and documentation that
atrocities and massacres occurred, but, he cautions, premeditation
has yet be ascertained.

Lewy analyzes what he calls the “politicization of history” regarding
Ottomans and Armenians, and believes both sides are stuck in a semantic
bind. He says that the legalistic definition of “genocide” has been
conflated with the common use of the word as a term of opprobrium,
and proposes that separating these two meanings just might provide
the basis for more productive discussions between Turks and Armenians
today. This is a point worth pondering, while not forgetting that the
1948 UN definition of genocide was based on writings by jurist Raphael
Lemkin-who had precisely the Armenian, and other, massacres in mind.

Lewy and Bloxham’s histories inspire compassion for all Anatolians
of a century ago. Whether or not one agrees with the authors, their
work will surely should inspire readers to pursue further and deeper
investigations.

Editor’s Note: Alex van Oss is the Chair of Caucasus Advanced Area
Studies at the Foreign Service Institute in Washington, DC.

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