In The Shadow Of Muhammad

IN THE SHADOW OF MUHAMMAD
Written by Robert Sand

Cherry Creek News, CO
Dec 18 2006

Upon his arrival, the airport and its vicinity were deserted; the
streets leading to the Turkish capital were empty; and the soldiers
posted on the hilltops stood motionless. There was neither playing
of anthems at the airfield, nor streamers or children.

If such a visit is indeed a crusade to re-establish Byzantium in
the 99-percent Muslim Turkey, an interpretation advanced by the
nationalist-Islamist Felicity Party, then such invasion could well
have been the gentlest one yet to occur in history. An invasion to
make amends rather than occupation. The pope’s September remarks,
interpreted by many as insulting to the Prophet Muhammad, overshadowed
his every move.

The recent visit by Pope Benedict XVI to Turkey is not a political
visit, as some have been explaining, rather a pastoral mission aimed
at promoting dialogue and commitment to peace. Throughout the trip
the pope appeared in a somber mood. Great results cannot be expected
from a three day visit. Though its value is symbolic, the visit was
all about gesture.

In Turkey itself, both Christian and Muslim monuments testify to
the country’s glorious past. Though Turkey has preserved historical
monuments, it has ignored the fact that churches and cemeteries
belonging to massacred Armenians, Greeks and Syrians have been left
to decay in Anatolia.

The pope emphasized the Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, which
enumerated the common Abraham roots of Islam and Christianity. He
spoke of both religions as upholding the dignity of the human being.

He showed his sense of humor too. "I would like to recite a few
sentences from Pope Gregorius VII, from the year 1076, which sentences
were addressed to a Muslim prince from North Africa" he insinuated. All
trembled at the thought of a new blunder, another misunderstood Koran
exegesis. Benedict XVI though seemed to enjoy the moment. He pursued:
"Gregorius VII spoke of the special love (caritas) Christians and
Muslims owe each other, for both believe in, and attest to one God,
in different ways, every day praising Him and revering Him as the
creator and ruler of the universe".

Although Benedict XVI generally condemns secularism in the
industrialized world, he preached in Ankara the virtues of Turkish
secularism, before the diplomatic corps. Civil society in Turkey,
he chanted, "is clearly separated from religion, so that each is
autonomous while respecting the sphere of the other."

It was a rhetorical masterpiece. While praising Turkey’s constitutional
separation between church and state, the pope at the same time urged
the country to live up to its own law as he expressed, "I am pleased
to note that believers, whatever their religious affiliation, continue
to enjoy this right in the certainty that freedom of religion is one
of the cornerstones of humanity’s freedom."

But Benedict has one consolation: his predecessor didn’t fare any
better. John Paul II, who traveled to Turkey, with stops in Ankara,
Istanbul and Ephesus, in the early stage of his papacy in November
1979, found a cool reception too, complete with insults and death
threats, just like the reception granted to the pope from Germany.

Arkady Ghukasyan: Solution Impossible Without Karabakh’s Involvement

ARKADY GHUKASYAN: SOLUTION IMPOSSIBLE WITHOUT KARABAKH’S INVOLVEMENT

ArmRadio.am
18.12.2006 13:02

Settlement of the Karabakh conflict is impossible without the
participation of Nagorno Karabakh, NKR President Arkady Ghukasyan told
the journalists yesterday. "I do believe that the negotiation process
is necessary, the contacts should continue. The meetings between
Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders are also important. However, I want
to repeat the formula which I have been talking about many times: the
solution of the question is impossible without Nagorno Karabakh. No
matter how much Armenia and Azerbaijan negotiate, the participation
of Nagorno Karabakh is necessary. There is simply no other way,"
Arkady Ghukasyan underlined. He added that this has peen emphasized
also by the leadership of Armenia and the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs.

Armenian President’s Statement Causes The Irritation Of Baku

ARMENIAN PRESIDENT’S STATEMENT CAUSES THE IRRITATION OF BAKU

ArmRadio.am
18.12.2006 17:45

Baku has assessed the recent statement by Ra president Robert Kocharyan
on the negotiation process on the Karabakh conflict settlement as "the
intention of the Armenian side to use the issue for its own interests."

"This statement proves once again that the Armenian side is not
sincere," Head of the Foreign Relations Department of the Office to
the Azerbaijani President Novruz Mamedov told the journalists.

"It seems that the Armenian side is trying to save time, and the
Armenian President is willing to have these talks serve his political
interests and is trying to gain points connected with the parliamentary
and presidential elections in Armenia," the representative of the
Azeri President noted.

Vardan Oskanyan: The Issue Of Destruction Of Armenian Cross-Stones B

VARDAN OSKANYAN: THE ISSUE OF DESTRUCTION OF ARMENIAN CROSS-STONES BY AZERBAIJAN REMAINS ON ARMENIA’S FOREIGN POLITICAL AGENDA

Yerevan, December 18. ArmInfo. In his interview to the TV company,
Armenian Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan said that the issue of
destruction of the Armenian khachkars (cross-stones) by Azerbaijan
in the Old Julfa’s cemetery remains on the Armenian foreign political
agenda.

He said that the Armenian side will be consistent in its intention
to show the international community that Azerbaijan hasn’t given up
its policy of destroying and liquidating the Armenian khachkars from
the Azeri territory. This is directly connected with the settlement
of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the Armenian people’s security,
V.Oskanyan considers.

ANKARA: Turkey On So-Called Constitutional Referendum On Upper Karab

TURKEY ON SO-CALLED CONSTITUTIONAL REFERENDUM ON UPPER KARABAKH

Anatolian Times, Turkey
Dec 14 2006

ANKARA – Turkey has announced that it will not recognize the results
of the referendum held yesterday in Upper Karabakh, a province of
Azerbaijan under Armenian occupation.

A statement by Turkish MFA indicated that "international laws were
ignored" in yesterday`s referendum held for adoption of the "Upper
Karabakh Republic`s Constitution".

"At the end of the referendum, the Upper Karabakh region of Azerbaijan
was defined as the `Upper Karabakh Republic` and as a `sovereign,
democratic, legitimate, social state`," the statement noted.

The statement also pointed out that Turkey considers this vote as
"a proof of the Armenian occupation of the Azerbaijani territory
which is against international laws."

In the statement, the MFA condemns this act which is a new violation
of Azerbaijan`s political unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity
by Armenia.

Noting that more than one million Azerbaijani have become refugees
in their own country due to the invasion, the statement said, "it is
obvious that this move to hold a `constitutional referendum` in the
Upper Karabakh region is one that ignores efforts to find a peaceful
solution (to the problem)."

The Turkish MFA also called on the international community to condemn,
and not to recognize the results of the so-called referendum.

Patriotism Is More Favorable Than Political Asylum

PATRIOTISM IS MORE FAVORABLE THAN POLITICAL ASYLUM
Hakob Badalyan

Lragir, Armenia
Dec 13 2006

After all Aghdam is our homeland

If the Armenian government is a tiger, the government is surely a
lion. No other animal would have the braveness that the speaker of
the president of Armenia displayed by announcing December 12 that the
international organizations, including the Minsk Group had better keep
silent instead of making statements that condemn the referendum on
Constitution of Karabakh. The statement was hard, sudden and daring,
and would arouse envy in any experienced Dashnak. But if someone tried
to use logic, they would see that there is no logical link between
the actions of the Armenian government and the statement of the
president’s speaker. This does not mean, of course, that the speaker
is making statements on his own. Robert Kocharyan is aware of these
statements, of course. But Robert Kocharyan had announced on Al Jazeera
that all the territories are there in case Azerbaijan recognizes the
independence of Karabakh. Meanwhile, the government of Armenia is
trying to reach this independence by negotiating a referendum which
must be held in neither 5 nor 15 years. And the government of Armenia,
which accepts the idea of a new referendum on independence, suddenly
states that the international stance of rejecting the constitution of
Karabakh is unacceptable. Why should the world recognize the right
of the people of Karabakh for self-determination if Armenia does
not recognize it and, ignoring the will of the people of Karabakh,
is negotiating with Azerbaijan over the status of security of these
people? The recognition of Karabakh by Armenia is not concerned. The
point is that the statement of Armenia would be influential for
the international organizations and mediators if official Yerevan
had stated from the beginning that it cannot negotiate and reach
agreement on the independence and security of Karabakh because only
Karabakh must decide these questions.

But this reality cannot be unclear for the Armenian government.

Yerevan perceives the questions related to Karabakh instinctively
rather than consciously because these have become underlying
components of self-preservation. And it is possible that this
instinct of self-preservation has made Yerevan change its defensive
or compromise-based stance and announce that the evaluation by the
international organizations is not helpful for progress in the talks.

In addition, Garnik Isagulyan, adviser to president, stated on the
day of the referendum on December 10 in Stepanakert that not a patch
of land will be returned after the adoption of the Constitution. This
change in the stance of official Yerevan is notable. The ruling elite
of Armenia would not keep the territories just for free, considering
that hardly several months ago a competition started for returning
territories. The competition was so tough that some people even stated
that they had announced about returning territories as long ago as
in the years of World War I.

The recent change in the stance is probably determined by the change
in the political situation. The ruling elite must have realized that
returning the territories will not be helpful for reproduction,
and it may only help getting political asylum in Hawaii, with the
international community covering travel expenses. Meanwhile, this
is not enough for them. They can afford to cover travel expenses,
whereas they agree to settle the Karabakh issue in return for
reproduction. Since this option is not realistic, they resort to
patriotism. According to Samuel Jackson, it is the last resort of
a scoundrel, but instead it does not require additional costs, let
alone the danger that the plane may plunge into the sea.

Stronger Competition In Armenia To Spur Domestic Market Development

STRONGER COMPETITION IN ARMENIA TO SPUR DOMESTIC MARKET DEVELOPMENT

Arka News Agency, Armenia
Dec 13 2006

YEREVAN, December 13. /ARKA/. Competition development in Armenia is
to have positive impact on domestic market, Chairman of the Central
Bank of Armenia Tigran Sargsyan, said Wednesday in Yerevan.

In his opinion, competition will ensure of country’s economy
development.

He thinks there can’t be room ineffective companies in Armenia, a
country with high economic growth. They should be weeded out giving
space for their more successful rivals. Sargsyan is convinced that
the country is badly in need of tough competition now, as never before.

The head of the bank views macroeconomic stability in the republic
as the second factor for economy development.

"Macroeconomic stability creates real prospects for further economic
growth", Sargsyan said. As other factors, he singled out low inflation,
floating currency exchange rate and relatively light foreign debt
burden.

54% Of Children Are In A Very Bad State

54% OF CHILDREN ARE IN A VERY BAD STATE

Lragir, Armenia
Dec 11 2006

According to UNICEF, 54 percent of children of Armenia are in a very
bad state. This information was released on December 11 in Yerevan,
on the 60th anniversary of UNICEF, during the presentation of the
report on the state of children in the world, reports ARKA news
agency. The representative of UNICEF in some communities populated
by ethnic minorities 20 percent of girls are not educated. According
to the representative of UNICEF, the children of parents with basic
education have more possibilities to develop their abilities. The
representative of UNICEF emphasized the relation between children’s
rights and the state of women. Educated and strong women support
their children to get basic education, take care of their health and
nourishment, the growth of the family’s income and prosperity of the
civil society, said the representative of UNICEF.

EBRD To Keep On Contributing To Development Of Armenia’s Banking Sys

EBRD TO KEEP ON CONTRIBUTING TO DEVELOPMENT OF ARMENIA’S BANKING SYSTEM

Yerevan, December 12. ArmInfo. The European Bank for Reconstruction
and Development (EBRD) will keep on contributing to the development
of Armenia’s banking system, EBRD’s regional economist, Alex Kirimich,
told the journalists.

According to him, improvement of the crediting environment is observed
in Armenia since the end, 2005 until now In view of the upgrading of
the monitoring standards, carried out by the RA CB.

According to him, there are still unsolved questions in the area
of corporative management and transparency of ownership. A. Kirimich
noted that, despite the private sector crediting level increase in 2005
by 33% in a nominal value, the level of the financing accessibility
in the country remains one of the weakest in the region, whish are
indicated by a ratio of credits in GDP at the level of 8,2%.

To note, the EBRD participates in the capital of Armeconombank (2,5%),
with which it carries out joint investment programs for financing of
a small and medium business, for trade financing and co-financing
of a medium and large business. The Eurobank is also working with
the ACBA-Credit Agricole per the last program, with which it carries
out a joint program for crediting of a small and medium business and
for giving the bills of credits and banking guarantees. The EBRD,
together with the Anelik Bank, implements a program for crediting of a
small and medium business and for the trade financing. With INECOBANK,
the EBRD carries out the programs for crediting of a small and medium
business and for granting the bills of credits and banking guarantees.

Book Review: Tanks For The Memories

BOOK REVIEW: TANKS FOR THE MEMORIES
By Anna Porter

The Globe and Mail (Canada)
December 9, 2006 Saturday

Journey to a Revolution:
A Personal Memoir and History
of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956
By Michael Korda
HarperCollins, 221 pages, $32.50

Twelve Days:
Revolution 1956:
How the Hungarians Tried to Topple
Their Soviet Masters
By Victor Sebestyen
Weidenfeld & Nicholson,
340 pages, $39.95

This year marks the 50th anniversary of the Hungarian revolution, the
ill-fated attempt of a country to wrest itself free of the control
of its Soviet masters. As usual with such events, it’s resulted in
a flurry of books. The two discussed here, a personal memoir and a
magisterial history, are both well worth reading.

Michael Korda’s prose, like the man himself, is casually and
effortlessly elegant, with just a hint of the mid-century ennui,
a genteel sense of British outrage at the brutality of the less
well mannered. His Journey to a Revolution breaks into two almost
equal parts.

In the first, Korda gives his own breezy version of Hungarian history,
briefly and charmingly told, despite the bloodshed and general
unpleasantness of successive revolutions and confusing events,
culminating in Hungary’s even more confusing participation in the
Second World War. The second, and more original part, tells of Korda’s
journey to the Hungarian Revolution. He travels in the company of three
other similarly inclined friends, all Oxford undergraduates, seeking
adventure. They pack their jaunty VW bug with a few randomly selected
drugs that they imagine could come in useful in a hospital for treating
shooting victims, and a couple of hampers of delicatessen – salami,
ham, cheeses – just what a revolution might need in an emergency. To
make sure they are not taken for ordinary rabble, they affix a Union
Jack to the roof of the car. Given how they look, of course, there is
little danger of being mistaken for anything other than what they are.

"Christopher Lord wore a ‘British Warm,’ suede chukka boots, a heavy
astrakhan fur hat. . . . Roger Cooper a naval duffel coat and Russian
fur hat . . . I wore my RAF sheepskin flying jacket," and so forth.

In preparation for departure, they have a few drinks, and Korda meets
with Graham Greene in the Ritz Hotel Bar for last-minute advice.

Greene features several times in the book, though only by reference.

He does not make another personal appearance, but hey, if he were my
family friend, I’d be inclined to mention him quite a lot, too.

Korda’s father, Vincent, and uncle Alexander, both celebrated film
people, drop by even more often as concierges bow and scrape at
the mere mention of the name Korda – such a magical name, and so
reminiscent of wonderful times past.

Once the jolly group arrives at the Hungarian capital, not much
happens to any of them, though the revolution unfolds as it did, Korda
providing cheerful commentary in Isherwood-camera-style on surrounding
events, grotesque dead bodies, Russian tanks – he seems to be rather
impressed with Russian tactics – collapsed buildings, ineffectual
barricades, students of about the same age as the Oxford adventurers,
but less well dressed and carrying guns. Throughout the tale, Korda
remains quite disengaged, if fascinated by his surroundings.

The medicines are delivered, the fine food is shared, there are a few
tense moments in the bar of the hotel, when the Russian tanks shell
nearby barricades, and the Oxford friends return to the safety of
the West, leaving the Hungarians to mop up the blood and survive –
many did not exactly survive – the ensuing Soviet-style retribution.

Journey is a fast, entertaining read for all those who don’t wish to
know a whole lot about either the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 or its
victims. For me, a Korda fan since reading his wonderful Charmed Lives,
the joy was in his style.

Twelve Days, by Victor Sebestyen, is a brilliant book. Even those
thoroughly bored with the Hungarian Revolution will find new insights,
lively writing and an intriguing cast of characters, many of whom
had made only shadowy appearances in other books and in films. Here,
they are refreshingly alive and credible.

I found the usually monolithic Soviets individually fascinating.

Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev, insecure in his hold on power, spent
sleepless nights pondering what to do about this breakaway outpost
of the vast empire. His friend, Anastas Mikoyan, "the neatly dressed
Armenian," tried to stop the brutal Soviet retaliation to the point
of threatening to resign from the Communist Party. Soviet ambassador
Yuri Andropov successfully misinformed both sides in his struggle to
restore a Stalinist regime in Hungary.

In the book, the terrifying, murderous KGB chief Lavrenti Beria takes
on human proportions as he complains about the Hungarian secret
police, and obese, "pasty-faced" prime minister Grigori Malenkov
comments on Hungary’s economic disaster under the rule of old-world,
Russian-trained communist Matyas Rakosi. While the Hungarians
are fighting in the streets, the Soviet leaders are fighting among
themselves, not only about what to do with Budapest but, more important
for them, over who will inherit Stalin’s mantle.

In the end, after days of hesitation, Khrushchev decides on massive
force, not so much because of a belief in Hungary’s importance to
the Soviet Union’s well-being, as because they all worry that if
Hungary is allowed to exit, next would be Poland and Czechoslovakia
and Romania. The dominos will fall one by one. Already there were
sympathetic demonstrations in all of those countries; closer to home,
the inherently independent-spirited Georgians (observe their current
battle with Vladimir Putin), the Ukrainians, and writers and university
students in Moscow are carrying on with crazy notions that the Soviet
army must stay out of Hungary.

Hungarian political figures of the time are portrayed by Sebestyen
with clear-eyed fairness and telling detail. Imre Nagy, the martyred
prime minister of those few days, the "old man" to his followers,
hesitates, mumbles, trips over his own loyalties to the party and
misses every opportunity to avert the disaster. The rotund, neckless
Rakosi, his former colleague and predecessor, overplays his hand and
loses both his position and what he regarded as his legacy. There
is a wonderful scene in Moscow when Rakosi finally realizes he will
be sacked. Erno Gero, his former lieutenant, "tall, thick-lipped,
almost skeletally thin," misses his one chance at pleasing his Soviet
masters by allowing the revolution to foment while he vacations abroad.

Sebestyen displays his formidable talent both for quick character
sketches and political analysis. Unlike the Hungarian leaders, he does
not miss his opportunity to allot a fair share of the blame for the
massacre – to U.S. president Dwight Eisenhower, for his eagerness
to reassure the Soviets that the United States had no interest in
intervention, while CIA-backed Radio Free Europe broadcasts urged
the rebels on to the barricades.

Sebestyen attributes the fact that the United States did not anticipate
the events to bad intelligence (still bad, after all these years)
and Eisenhower’s preoccupation with the coming U.S. elections.

Finally, he knocks the British for their total engagement with the
Suez Crisis and the appalling impotence of the UN.

While his sympathies lie with the revolution, its often bombastic
leaders do not escape Sebestyen’s sharp pen. He paints Jozsef Dudas,
who had "spent nearly a quarter of his life in various prisons," as a
preposterous figure who tried to take personal power, and who barely
"kept his delusions of grandeur under control."

Gergely Pongratz (nicknamed Bajusz, whiskers or moustache) showed no
compunction about sending children, armed only with Molotov cocktails,
out against Soviet tanks. There was no organized central revolutionary
council, little or no communication among the various groups and,
apart from the students’ original Sixteen Points, no clarity on
future demands. Ultimately, what they all held in common was the
urgent desire to see the Soviets gone – the only demand Moscow could
not and would not countenance.

Sebestyen was born in Budapest, but his inspiration stemmed from his
childhood in Britain. As a kid, he overheard his parents discussing
the revolution: whether 2,500 Hungarians had died in vain, whether
the post-1956 heavy-handed reprisals of Janos Kadar’s regime, the
executions, the long jail terms, the party purges, constituted a
"victory in defeat."

Twelve Days’ lead-up to the events of that October starts with October,
1944, in the Kremlin apartment of Joseph Stalin, where Churchill and
the Soviet leader seem to settle the future of Eastern Europe after the
Second World War; it ends with an assessment of how Soviet savagery
in November, 1956, reduced the Hungarians to sullen resistance,
despite the softening of harsh rules and a slow economic recovery,
and how it fractured communist parties worldwide.

It was a decline that led, inevitably, to the crumbling of the Iron
Curtain and the loss of the empire itself.

Anna Porter is a publisher and the author of The Storyteller, and a
former Hungarian refugee.