Author: Jane Topchian

New York Times: June 7, 2005
Uncover Your Eyes
By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF
Labado, Sudan
Last fall President Bush declared the slaughter here in Darfur to be
genocide, and then looked away. One reason for his paralysis is apparently
the fear that Darfur may be another black hole of murder and mutilation, a
hopeless quagmire to suck in well-meaning Americans – another Somalia or
Iraq.
It’s not.
We’re again making the same mistake we’ve made in past genocides: as in the
slaughter of Armenians, Jews, Cambodians, Rwandans and Bosnians, we see no
perfect solutions, so we end up doing very little. Because we could not
change Nazi policies, we did not bother to bomb rail lines leading to death
camps; today, because we have little leverage over Sudan, we do not impose a
no-fly zone to stop the strafing of civilians or even bother to speak out
forcefully.
Yet this town of Labado underscores that Darfur is not hopeless, that even
the very modest actions that the international community has taken so far
have saved vast numbers of lives.
A desert town that used to hold about 25,000 people, Labado was attacked in
December by the Sudanese military and the militia known as the janjaweed.
For several days, the army burned huts, looted shops, killed men and raped
women.
For months, Labado was completely deserted and appeared destined to become a
ghost town. But then African Union forces, soldiers from across Africa who
have been dispatched to stop the slaughter, set up a small security outpost
of 50 troops here. Almost immediately, refugees began returning to Labado,
followed by international aid groups.
Today there are perhaps 5,000 people living in the town again, building new
thatch roofs over their scorched mud huts. The revival of Labado underscores
how little it takes to make a huge difference on the ground. If Western
governments help the African Union establish security, if we lean hard on
both the government and the rebels to reach a peace agreement, then by the
end of this year Darfur might see peace breaking out.
For now, Labado is only an oasis, and when the people here step out of the
town they risk being murdered or raped by the janjaweed militia.
Refugees fleeing to Kalma from a village called Saleya described how nine
boys were seized by the janjaweed, stripped naked and tied up, their noses
and ears cut off and their eyes gouged out. They were then shot dead and
left near a public well. Nearby villagers got the message and fled.
Aid workers report that in another village, the janjaweed recently castrated
a 10-year-old boy, apparently to terrorize local people and drive them away.
The boy survived and is being treated.
Yet along with atrocities, there are hopeful signs. While Mr. Bush should do
more, he has forthrightly called the killings genocide and heaped aid on
Darfur, probably saving hundreds of thousands of lives.
Indeed, aid shipments have brought malnutrition rates in much of Darfur
below those of other places in Sudan, partly because donor governments have
“borrowed” aid from other regions. So children are going hungry in southern
and eastern Sudan as a consequence of Darfur.
If Mr. Bush led a determined effort to save Darfur, there would be real hope
for peace here – plus, the international image of the U.S. would improve.
And a new Zogby poll commissioned by the International Crisis Group found
that Americans by margins of six to one favor bolder action in Darfur, such
as a no-fly zone.
But Mr. Bush is covering his eyes. Last year administration figures like
Colin Powell and John Danforth led the response to Darfur, but now neither
Condoleezza Rice nor the White House seems much interested.
Darfur will never be a Somalia or Iraq, because nobody is talking about
sending in American combat troops. But simply an ounce of top-level
attention to Darfur would go a long way to save lives.
In 1999, Madeleine Albright traveled to Sierra Leone and met child amputees
there, wrenching the hearts of American television viewers and making that
crisis a priority in a way that eventually helped resolve it. Ms. Rice could
do the same for Darfur if she would only bother to go.
Mr. Bush values a frozen embryo. But he hasn’t mustered much compassion for
an entire population of terrorized widows and orphans. And he is cementing
in place the very hopelessness he dreads, by continuing to avert his eyes
from the first genocide of the 21st century.
E-mail: [email protected]
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

IF DRAFT TO CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS HAS NO MATERIAL REFORMS,
REFERENDUM IS CONDEMNED TO FAILURE: GURGEN ARSENIAN
YEREVAN, JUNE 3, NOYAN TAPAN. At June 2 meeting with the CE Venice
Commission’s experts, Gurgen Arsenian, the NA “United Labour
Party” Chairman, and Grigor Ghonjeyan, a party member presented the
party’s position concerning the process and future steps of carrying
out the obligations taken in front of the PACE by Armenia. Gurgen
arsenian informed the Noyan tapan coresspondent about this after the
meeting. According to him, as the representatives of the political
force responsible for the fulfillment of the obligations taken in
front of the PACE by Armenia, they informed the experts that if
the draft to constitutional amendments has no material reforms the
referendum will be condemned to failure. “It does not mean that the
people of Armenia does not want to become a full and equal member
of the European family or is against the European values’ system,
just the people of Armenia will not welcome the amendments which it
does not consider a reformation,” the faction’s members informed the
Venice Commission. G..Arsenian is sure that if the coalition was ready
for reforms and acception of proposals made by the faction, it would
vote for the “United Labour Party” faction’s draft appreciated by
the Venice Commission. Whilemean, the coalition did not participate
in the vote of the above-mentioned draft. “United Labour Party” voted
against the coalition’s draft as “it is agaist building such a country,
having such a governing system.” The faction does not want that a
negative attitude is displayed towards Armenia in the conclusions
as he does not believe that “the Armenian people has peculiarities
of the mentality.” “We are very normal people and want to live in a
normal democartic country,” Arsenian mentioned. According to him, the
rulling coalition has no political will of fulfilling real reforms,
otherwise, it could do that during the previous 11 months, and not
only satisfied with giving promises. “There is no confidence among
the political coalition that if a real democracy is established in
the country, they can come to power with the people’s assistance,”
Gurgen Arsenian emphasized. The Venice Commission also met with
Arshak Sadoyan, a NA Deputy, the author of another refused draft to
the constitutional amendments. The latter also presented the experts
his considerations concerning the constitutional reforms’ process. The
MP is going to present details at the June 3 press-conference.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

ARKA NEWS AGENCY PUBLISHES THE SECOND ISSUE OF THE FINANCIAL-ECONOMIC
BULLETIN “CREDIT ORGANIZATIONS OF ARMENIA”
YEREVAN, May 26. /ARKA/. ARKA News Agency published the second issue
of the financial-economic bulletin “Credit Organizations of Armenia”
(key activity indices). This quarterly bulletin is based on the
officially published financial reports of credit institutions on their
activities.
The bulletin has about 20 pages of charts on various activities of
credit institutions. It has 11 sections: 1. General description of
credit institutions. 2.Assets. 3.Liabilities. 4.Capital.
5.Profits/Losses. 6.Information of money flow. 7.Normative indices of
activities of credit institutions. 8.Capitalization indices.
9. Profitability index 10.Summary indices of activities of credit
institutions.11.Summary indicators of efficiency of credit
institutions.
The information contained in the bulletin gives the general picture of
the financial position of Armenia’s credit institutions and allows a
comparative analysis of their activities. The product also contains
technical and methodical comments on the tables.
ARKA News Agency has been working since May 1, 1996. It specializes in
financial, economic and political information. Since 1999, ARKA has
been issuing the quarterly bulletin “Basic Indicators of Armenian
Banks.” , and since March 2005- “Credit Organizations of
Armenia”. A. H. -0–
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

ARMENIAN PRESIDENT APPOINTS RA AMBASSADOR TO SPAIN, PORTUGAL
YEREVAN, May 24. /ARKA/. RA President Robert Kocharyan has assigned a
decree appointing RA Ambassador to Italy Ruben Shugaryan RA Ambassador
to Spain and Portugal, the RA presidential press service
reports. P.T. -0–
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Front Page Magazine
May 24 2005
Turkey’s Forgotten Islamist Pogrom
By Alyssa A. Lappen
FrontPageMagazine.com | May 24, 2005
For 50 years, historians, diplomats and state department officials
have touted Mustafa Kemal Ataturk as a great secular leader in a
predominantly Muslim region, whose policies modernized and
democratized Turkey, shaping it into a Western-style state. But
Ataturk was western only insofar as he implemented the Turkification
of Gobineau, wherein he substituted the Turks for the Aryans, whose
ideology had terrible results in the rise of European Nazism.
Regardless, in 1955, barely 17 years after the dictator’s death, a
little-known pogrom, driven primarily by Islamic fanaticism, targeted
the Greek population of Istanbul, with the intent of driving
non-Muslims from Turkey.
>From 1950 to 1960 Turkey experienced a profound reawakening of Islam,
which the government and Demokrat Parti (DP) of Prime Minister Adnan
Menderes both exploited and encouraged. Today, the policies Turkey
set in motion in that pogrom remain in sway.
According to Speros Vryonis Jr.’s landmark new study, The Mechanism
of Catastrophe, the September 1955 government-orchestrated pogrom
against the Greek Orthodox community `included the systematic
destruction of the majority of its churches,’ monasteries and
cemeteries. Published this month by Greekworks.com, the work
subtitled The Turkish Pogrom of September 6-7, 1955, and the
Destruction of the Greek Community of Istanbul shows that riots which
destroyed 4,500 Greek homes, 3,500 businesses, 90 religious
institutions and 36 schools in 45 distinct communities, resulted not
only from `fervid chauvinism, or even [from] the economic resentment
of many impoverished rioters, but [from] the profound religious
fanaticism in many segments of Turkish society.’
American, British and Greek diplomats all agreed that the violence
was `indicative of religious fanaticism,’ a fact with which even some
Turkish commentators concurred.
A towering intellect and scholar of the Byzantine and Ottoman
empires, as well as modern Turkey, Vryonis witnessed reactions to the
pogrom in 1955, after beginning his dissertation work at Harvard’s
Byzantine center at Dumbarton Oaks in Washington D.C. Newspapers
reported violence targeting the Greek community of Istanbul and
suggested the state department was pleased at `how the Turkish
government had taken it in hand very quickly and restored order,’
Vryonis recalled at a recent New York City lecture to introduce the
book. He recoiled at the table talk of British and American scholars
at Dumbarton Oaks, expressing the view that the Greeks had gotten
what they deserved.
Vryonis questioned how riots could erupt so suddenly and violently as
to destroy a whole community. Furthermore, at nearby St. Sophia
Cathedral, the Greek archbishop described tens of thousands of people
with no homes, no clothes and no food. The diametrically opposite
perspectives concerned one and the same event. Vryonis, however,
trained in chemistry, physics and Greek and Latin classics, `put it
aside. I was not ready. [Studying this] demanded a knowledge of
Turkish. It demanded a good knowledge of Islam, it demanded a
familiarization with modern Greek history.’ Fifty years later, at 76,
he has written the definitive work on the events. The work has the
power to alter official U.S. positions on Turkey, if only
policymakers will read it.
Actually, the discrimination against the Greek, Jewish and Armenian
populations of Turkey had begun much earlier, during the First World
War. `The attitude towards the minorities was not something new in
1955,’ Vryonis says today. `It had a long tradition that was
inherited from the Young Turks [who] took over as the Ottoman Empire
was faltering, lost the Balkan wars, got in the losing side in the
First World War, [perpetrated] the genocide of the Armenians and
[moved] the Greeks … from the area of the Dardanelles at the urging
of the German general Otto Liman von Sanders….’ who unsuccessfully
assumed the Ottomans’ defense and ordered the Greeks to be swept away
from the Sea of Marmara.
In the 1930s, Ataturk developed racist theories that all history and
languages flow from Turkish history and language. Ever since, the
Turkish state has `believed that there should be one language, one
nation, one culture, one religion,’ says Vryonis.
Kemalism effectively established the “Turkification of Gobineau’s
theory of the racial, and therefore civilizational, superiority of
the Aryans.”[1] These ideas included the Turkish Historical Thesis
(Turk Tarih Tezi) and the Sun Theory of Languages (Gunes Dil
Teorisi). The former holds that the history of Turkey as known today
doesn’t consist merely of Ottoman history, but is much older and in
fact dispersed culture to all nations, including the Greek classical
nation, the Hittites, the Chinese, the Romans and all European
nations. The latter holds that Turkish was the first language ever
spoken by humans, and is the foundation for all other languages, be
they classical Greek and Latin, Romance languages or even Anglo-Saxon
tongues. (What is more astounding are those historians, including
Bernard Lewis, who apologize for this supremacist line.) [2]
Although Turkish scholars like Taner Akcam and Fatma Muge Gocek
reject these racist theories – still taught in Turkish schools – they
founded the basis for discriminatory laws passed against Greeks and
other non-Muslims during the 1930s and later. In 1932, for example,
law 2007 barred entry to a large number of professions of Greek
citizens of Istanbul (etablis).
Under the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, which provided boundaries for
modern Turkey and arranged population transfers between Greece and
Turkey, the Greek `settlers’ were allowed to stay in Istanbul without
prejudice. Nine years later, Turkey violated the treaty with
impunity, imposing a series of 31 crippling laws to reduce Greek
political, legal, economic and cultural strength. Some 10,000 Greek
citizens were deprived of their livelihoods as tailors, merchants,
photographers, carpenters, doormen, lawyers, doctors and realtors and
forced to emigrate, penniless, to Greece.
In 1941 and under Turkish Prime Minister Sukriu Saracoglu in 1942,
the Turkish government and minister of foreign affairs, figuring that
the Germans would emerge victorious from World War II, began the mass
deportation of minority men aged 18 to 38. The forced labor
battalions of the so-called 20 generations of Jews, Greeks and
Armenians were meant never again to see the light of day.
Modern Turkey also inherited the religious discrimination against
non-Muslims from the Ottoman empire. Thus in 1942, Saracoglu’s
government established the varlik vergesi, a capital tax so onerous
as to impose financial ruin on the community.
`Taxpayers who do not settle their debts within one month from the
date of posting of notice will be compelled to labor until they have
completely settled their debt, in any part of the country in public
services of an unmilitary character or in municipal services,
according to their physical ability,’ the law required, according to
a 1943 report in the New York Times by C. L. Sulzberger. [3]
`Not long after Varlik was applied small numbers of defaulters were
arrested and after a few days’ detention sent by train to Ashkale in
Eastern Anatolia [the Turkish `Siberia’] to work on the roads,’
Sulzberger’s report continued.
The first groups were those assessed more than 100,000 lira who had
paid little or nothing of their indebtedness. The government’s
position was that no one was taxed more than he could afford to pay,
that failure to do so was evidence of unwillingness to pay and that
the full penalties of the law must therefore be enforced.
To date not many more than a thousand persons are believed to have
been subjected to this drastic penalty. Many of them are wealthy and
prominent citizens. Almost entirely they come from the minority
Christian and Jewish populations. Their labor on the roads can hardly
have been much use, but some of them have managed to scrape up funds
and pay and have then been released while the example of the
remainder frightens the rest of the minority population as an
inducement to pay at all costs. [4]
The tax was set at confiscatory rates – Greek Orthodox at 156 percent
of annual income, Jewish at 179 percent, and Armenian at 232
percent – compared to the 4.96 percent annual income tax suffered by
Muslim Turks, according to a Times editorial, and applied to
everyone, including minority bell hopes and taxi drivers. At least
one Turkish newspaper spoke of `liquidation’ of the minority
mentality and their populations, by inducing them to leave Turkey.
[5]
Since these taxes were temporary, Vryonis sees no parallel with the
punitive jizya (poll) and karaj (land) taxes on legions of earlier
generations of non-Muslim dhimmis. To this observer, however, the
laws, their intent and result strongly resemble the ruinous jizya and
karaj taxes. Like them, the varlik vergesi effectively deprived the
community of its wealth, imposing severe penalties if Greek and other
non-Muslim citizens did not pay within fifteen days of its
promulgation. In the end, massive numbers of minority property and
businesses were transferred to Muslim hands, much as khalifs in
earlier eras had expropriated them, forcing non-Muslims often to
convert to Islam to survive.
Not surprisingly, between 1924 and 1934, Istanbul’s Greek population
fell by two thirds, from nearly 300,000 to 111,200, according to
Vryonis. By 1955, the number of Greeks had dropped another 24
percent, to 85,000. `This is by way of background, by way of
ideology, by way of the nature of the Turkish state, which we should
add remained military and dictatorial,’ he says.
In 1954, the matter of Cyprus became entwined with the fate of
Istanbul’s Greek minority. That year, Turkish foreign minister Mehmet
Fuat Koprulu declared that his government had no interest whatever in
the outcome of a Greek plea to the international community for
Cypriot independence. But within a matter of months, at the prompting
of the British government (which then controlled Cyprus), Prime
Minister Menderes ousted Koprulu, installed foreign minister Fatin
Rustu Zorlu in his place, and turned a 180 degree about-face on the
issue. The armed campaign against Britain by the Greek National
Organization of Cypriot Fighters elicited howls of indignation from
the Turkish press, which joined the battle cry of the Cyprus is
Turkish Association, known as KTC for its Turkish acronym.
Eventually, KTC and its press cohorts shifted public attention from
the Greek Cypriots to the Greeks of Istanbul. But it was up to the DP
and the government to organize the roughly 100,000 necessary
students, labor unionists and other rioters and transport them to
Istanbul to destroy, in a matter of nine hours, the homes and
businesses of 85,000 Greeks scattered through 45 hilly square
kilometers in areas hard to access from one another. The pogromists
came equipped with lists of Greek addresses to target, though the
Armenian and Jewish communities were also hit. Armenians lost 1,000
stores, 150 homes, three churches and four schools, while Jewish
residents lost 500 shops, 25 homes, and suffered damage to one
synagogue.
All the evidence is that the 1955 pogrom was well organized. `We have
independent accounts of Turkish newspapers, of the Greek consulate
official, and this is very important, of American[s], that there were
[three] systematic waves of destroyers,’ says Vryonis.
The first wave – identified by the Turkish newspaper Milliyet and
confirmed by the foreign press and Greek officials – destroyed metal
doors and barriers to all churches, houses and businesses. They
smashed all obstacles to entry. The second wave commenced pilfering
and the pillaging. Those who had foresight came with trucks so as to
systematically loot and carry off their booty. `But the basic job of
the second wave was to begin the destruction of the houses, the
apartments, the church, the stores, and then to move on, just as the
first wave moved on very quickly,’ says Vryonis, as did the second.
The third came some time later to finish off the marauding.
`Greek businesses were pilfered or destroyed,’ says Vryonis.
`Stealing of food stuffs and destruction of grocery stores and the
food industry was rife, and thereafter produced a food shortage in
Istanbul. The price of eggs rose 6 times, while tobacco rose 20
percent. Most bakeries were utterly destroyed. People had to wait in
line even for a piece of bread. In the houses, food was looted or
else destroyed by pouring gasoline. Houses were no longer habitable.
People had nothing to eat and no where to sleep. Mattresses were
literally cut into shreds.’
British and American officials, to the extent that they expressed
opinions, generally attributed the pogrom to two factors:
`simultaneous self-erupted nationalist and economic motivations.’
Certainly, notes Vryonis, there were elements of nationalism, a force
in Turkey since Ataturk. As to economic resentment, the living
standard of Asia Minor peasants compared to that of Istanbul
minorities like night to day. But pogromists came well-equipped with
pickaxes, shovels, wooden timbers to serve as battering rams,
acetylene torches, gasoline, dynamite and large trucks full of
stones. How could a spontaneous eruption occur when security people,
secret police, municipal police and the armed services were
everywhere?
The third factor (unmentioned by officials), and the genuine
underlying cause, Vryonis notes, was religious fanaticism. He
continues:
The churches suffered massive destruction…. Most of the reports
denied that there was any religious fanaticism. An interesting thing
about the American ambassador’s report, Mr. [Avra] Warren. It was
made up of disjointed reports of several other diplomatic servants in
Istanbul who saw what happened. [Warren was in Ankara.] In Ankara,
there were a few demonstrations, but there were no Greeks there. He
didn’t see it. And he said there was no evidence of religious
fanaticism – if you [except] 70 Greek churches that were destroyed.
…I couldn’t make heads or tales of that. So I decided that this was
a scissors and paste report, because earlier he talks about the
disgusting and beastly manner in which religious sanctuaries were
desecrated. Desecrated is a purely religious term. It involves the
violation of that which belongs to divinity, and pollution is a
refinement of it. It means despoiling that which is sacred, and the
soiling in this case was urination and defecation – defecation on the
alters, urination in the communion cups….. [We] had several
independent accounts of the destruction of the huge cemetery at
Sisli, where they not only took the time to destroy it, but took the
corpses out from mausoleums, and also desecrated them, and left in a
very large number [of cases], defecation on each of these remains.
So if you look at the church cannons, …you are violating God’s
property. Now what is God’s property? …That which has been
consecrated by religious ceremony. You can have a building that is
going to be a church, but until the liturgy is performed in it, until
it is consecrated, it is not sacred. Before an icon is consecrated in
any manner, it is just a picture, if you don’t like it you can rip it
up. The same with the sacred vestments, but once they enter into the
liturgical ritual, these things are forbidden, they belong to God.
And if you take in all these aspects, if you look at all the
photographs, the piercing and removing of the eyes of Christ, the
cutting and removing of His hands, by which He hangs on the crucifix
which is a constant in the Constantinoplitan church, if you look at
mockery, the mockery of putting priests’ sacred garb on their
donkeys, and the use of the metallic elements on their garbage
collectors, the fanaticism is very important, and it coincides
with the rise of Islam.
Of course, the government was involved, says Vryonis, as the 1960 and
1961 trials at Yassiada proved in their brief consideration of the
matter. Contemporary newspaper and eyewitness reports (which the book
provides) also describe government assistance given to pogromists
during the riots as their organizers shouted `Cleanse the fatherland
of the infidel!’ and `We do not want infidels’ merchandise in our
country.’ Official vehicles also transported the pogromists after
they had finished their grisly work.
But while Menderes and several of his ministers were hung, they lost
their lives for violating Turkey’s constitution, not the destruction
they wrought on its Greek and other non-Muslim citizens. For these
crimes, not a single man was punished, according to Vryonis.
The Islamization set in motion via discriminatory laws and violence,
before and during the pogrom, has continued ever since, with constant
pressure on the non-Muslim communities. Having lost everything, the
Greek community began to emigrate. In 1964, the Turkish junta forced
a very large number to leave or turn over their businesses to Turks
within a certain number of hours, says Vryonis. They were taxed,
though they were leaving, and their accounts were blocked.
Furthermore, intermarriage between Greek citizens and Turkish Greeks
was taxed when all marital property was decreed to belong to the
`settlers’ – making it easier to confiscate.
Today, the Greek residents of Turkey, mostly in Istanbul, number only
about 1,800, according to Vryonis, and property rights continue to be
so much a concern that the European Union is pressuring Turkey to
implement legal changes. Of course, these are cosmetic at best.
`The society has already declared that the identity of Turkey is
Islamic,’ explains Vryonis. M. Hakan Yavuz discusses the situation in
Islamic Political Identity in Turkey. The state apparatus tried to
enforce Kemalism, limiting the power of Islam, albeit not insofar as
minorities are concerned. `But the Turkish version of Islam is
undergoing a revitalization which has successfully challenged
[secularism],’ says Vryonis. `Most of the provincial universities,
for some time, have had major student organizations that are Islamic,
that are not recognized by the authorities, but the authorities in
the provinces are often Islamists.’
Indeed, the majority of Turks are believing Muslims, a factor that
emerged after the 1994 elections, when the Islamist Welfare Party won
landslides in the mayoral elections in Asia Minor. Vryonis questions
how the military can continue to bar Islamists from entering the
officer corps. `It may be that has already happened,’ he adds, `the
dam has already broken and we don’t know. Once that happens the show
is over.’
This matters, since the U.S. has armed Turkey so mightily. It has
`the largest military establishment in the Middle East, Africa and
Western and Northern Europe,’ Vryonis says. `They have a big
advantage when it comes to the buildup of tanks, jets, and this
involves updating the armaments in Cyprus. The question is into what
hands will all of this fall?’
The answer was perhaps previewed in 2003 when the Turkish government
refused to allow the disembarkment of 62,000 American troops to open
a front in northern Iraq. In Iran, Vryonis points out, U.S. weapons
fell into the hands of the Khomeiniites when the Shah fell.
As to whether Kemalists are inherently all Muslims, Vryonis cannot
assess the psychology of each person. `But if you look at the example
in Iran, they executed the chiefs of Savak, and told the other ones
to stay …and watch what they were doing.’ Within the Turkish
government, he says, groups are said to have split, some working
closely with Russia, others with China, and still others focusing on
the European Union.
A final issue concerns the Islamic army itself, Vryonis says. `[It]
is not a homogeneous entity. [Islamists] tend to win elections by
attracting people who are dissatisfied with this or that or the
other,’ says Vryonis. Even Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, `in
order to survive, wears about 4 or 5 or 6 masks. One is for the
European Union, one is for Greece, and that changes, another is over
the Israeli Palestinian issue another is for the military…. The
state department never solved these problems.’ But clearly, Vryonis
says, Islamists `want a powerful Turkey and they want it to be more
powerful than it is now.’
The lesson to be taken from the 1955 pogrom is that little, if
anything, has actually changed in Turkey.
NOTES
[1] Vryonis Jr., Speros, The Turkish State in History: Clio Meets the
Grey Wolf (1993 ed), p. 67.
[2] Vryonis Jr. Speros, The Turkish State in History, pp. 57-78.
[3] Sulzberger, C.L., `Ankara tax raises diplomatic issues,’ New York
Times, Sept. 12, 1943, p. 46.
[4] Ibid.
[5] `The Turkish minorities,’ New York Times, Sept. 17, 1943. p. 20.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

TALVITIE CAME TO ARMENIA
A1plus
| 18:52:09 | 04-05-2005 | Official |
Today Robert Kocharyan has received EU special representative to
South Caucasus, Ambassador Heikki Talvitie.
The side have discussed the EU policy in the South Caucasus region,
especially issues referring to the cooperation with Armenia.
The sides have referred to the negotiation process of the Karabakh
conflict and its perspectives, as well as law amendments in Armenia.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Taipei Times,Taiwan
April 27 2005
Another version of history
By Burak Gursel
Thursday, Apr 28, 2005,Page 8
I must say I was not surprised when I read Charles Tannock’s article
(“Turkey, Armenia and the heavy burden of memories,” April 23, page
9), since it contained the usual one-sided and unfounded allegations
by the Armenians.
After reading the article I felt that the readers of the Taipei Times
had to learn the truth about these allegations.
Armenians were a favored minority in the Ottoman Empire and occupied
the commanding heights of the civil service and the economy.
With the guidance and encouragement from the enemies of the Ottoman
Empire, Armenian extremists hoping to gain independence began a
series of terrorist attacks against Ottoman Muslims in the late
1800s. The terrorism was intended to provoke an over-reaction by the
Ottoman rulers and the intervention of European powers.
So even before World War I commenced, the Armenians declared war
against the empire — a classic case of treason.When the war broke
out and the men were in the battlefield fighting against the invading
countries, Armenians who sided with the enemy attacked the cities and
villages, killing innocent women and children left behind. These
uprisings took place in the eastern region of the country which
consequently facilitated the enemy’s job.
This led the Ottoman authorities to warn the Armenian leaders that
they would be forced to take drastic measures if the situation
continued. Unfortunately these warnings had no effect on the
Armenians, forcing the Turkish authorities in 1915 to call for the
relocation of Armenians living in the war zones away from the front
lines and into other parts of Ottoman territory, certainly not with
the intent to annihilate the Armenians, but because the government
had no other possible choice, since it was engaged in a
life-and-death situation.
Today the Turkish government accepts the fact that many Armenians,
Turks and other civilians died during this time of relocation due to
harsh weather and wartime conditions, as well as diseases. However,
this is by no means an act of genocide. If any genocide was committed
it was by the Armenians themselves, who slaughtered over 500,000
innocent, defenseless women, children and elderly. Today more than
200 mass graves of Turkish civilians killed by the Armenians in the
areas where the uprisings took place have been uncovered and many
more mass graves are waiting to be discovered, proving to the world
the inhumane acts committed by the Armenians.
Today, because the Armenian allegations lack the support of academic
research, the Armenians attempt to legislate their version of history
by lobbying parliaments — where they have influence over the local
politicians — to pass resolutions recognizing their allegations. The
European Parliament is a case in point. Instead of backing their
allegations with credible documents, they choose to harass, threaten
and commit outright attacks against prominent scholars such as
Bernard Lewis and Stanford Shaw of UCLA, who independently and
objectively research these Armenian claims.
Recently, in order to bring an end to these allegations, the Turkish
government once again invited the Armenian authorities to open their
archives, like it has done, and allow historians both from the
Armenian side and the Turkish side to carry out research on these
archives. Historians of both sides coming together to view these
documents and debate the issue would be the best way to solve this
problem. Since history should be left to historians.
Unfortunately, the Armenian authorities have rejected the offer
Turkey has made, an offer which gives them a great chance to prove
such allegations. The Armenian authorities’ refusal to open their
archives and defend their allegations shows that they have no clear
evidence that an act of genocide took place against them.
Burak Gursel
Representative of the Turkish Trade Office in Taipei
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

NewsAhead Agency, UT
April 27 2005
24-25 May 2005 Sweden hosts ministerial meeting of EuroAtlantic
Partnership Council

OSTERSUND/Ã…RE, SWEDEN. 24-25 May 2005. The Euro-Atlantic Partnership
Council meets on issues of mutual concern between NATO and its
Partnership for Peace members. The Council, NATO’s outreach
program, was set up as a forum to increase mutual confidence and
reduce the risk of conflict during the process of Euro-Atlantic
integration. The ministers are expected to focus on the Caucasus and
Central Asia.
Russia, after years of complaining about NATO’s encroachment on its
borders, caused a stir in February by signaling an interest in
becoming a signatory to the Partnership for Peace program.
Ukraine’s Orange Revolution in December has set its sights on
joining NATO as a full member, and the new government may take a
first step in May with PfP participation. Armenia is reported to be
on the verge of upgrading its participation in the Individual
Partnership Action Plan, which establishes specific defense and
political reform goals for individual signatories. Azerbaijan and
Georgia are IPAP members.
Thirty countries have joined the Partnership for Peace since its
creation in 1994, 10 of which have since become members of NATO.
Feb/05
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

DATE OF ELECTIONS PREFECT OF AVAN NOT DETERMINED YET
YEREVAN, APRIL 27. ARMINFO. The concrete date for holding elections to
prefect of Yerevan’s community Avan is not determined yet. Secretary
of Central Electoral Commission of Armenia Anna Aleksanian informed
ARMINFO.
She also mentioned there are not yet officially registered candidates
to the post of the prefect of Avan community. However, according to
non-official information, the elections to the post of the prefect of
the community will take place on May 22, and several candidates have
also declared about their intention to run for this post. 27 years old
Taron Margarian, son of Prime Minister of Armenia Andranik Margarian,
is the main candidate in the pre-election race. Taron Margarian is the
leader of Avan department of the Republican Party. He is the deputy
head of the department on bioresource management of the Ministry of
Nature Protection. The main opponent of Taron Margarian in the
elections is the secretary of the Avan branch of the Union of
volunteers Petros Amirian – brother-in-law of Lieut-Gen Manvel
Grigorian, UVY leader, deputy defence minister. The former prosecutor
of the community Nor-Nork Garnik Sukiasian has also expressed
intention to run for the post of the prefect of Avan. All the
candidates declare about their resoluteness to struggle fairly for
this post. It should be noted that on April 14 by a decision of the
government former prefect of Avan community was dismissed from his
post without any official motivation.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

GERMANY MAY BE VENUE FOR ARMENIAN AND TURKISH COMMUNITIES TO MEET
Pan Armenian News
21.04.2005 05:24
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ More and more representatives of the Turkish
community of Germany, including publicists, speak about the
Armenian Genocide freely and without apprehensions, and it is
our victory; however the negative side is that resulting from a
direct influence of Turkey Kemalist forces have become activated
trying to instigate nationalist sentiments among Turks of Germany.
Tessa Hoffman, Professor of Berlin’s Freie University stated at
Ultimate Crime, Ultimate Challenges: Human Rights and Genocide
international conference. In T. Hoffman’s words, Germany can be a
venue for meetings of the Armenian and Turkish communities, exchange
of information. “The archives of our country are open and Germans are
main witnesses of the events of World War I and they had much influence
in Turkey itself,” she noted, adding at that unfortunately there are
no such contacts yet. Why Germany avoids using of the term “genocide”
referring to the events of early 20-th century, why Germans engage
in self-censorship? It seems it is also due to Germany being drawn
in a range of genocides throughout the 20-th century and though it
has recognized its responsibility to Jews, until now it avoids it in
the case of Namibia,” the German scholar considers. “In case of the
Armenian Genocide Germany was the ally of Turkey and speaking from
the point of view of protection of human rights today, Germany has the
opportunity to study the common history of World War I and the Armenian
Genocide along with Turkish scientists and other interested parties,
use that experience to prevent future tragedies. Germans, Turks and
Armenians can tell each other many things,” Tessa Hoffman summed up.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress