Testing Democracy: Armenia’s Human Rights Path Toward the 2026 Elections

Fair planet
April 21 2026
April 21, 2026
topic: Human Rights
tags: #Armenia, #human rights, #freedom of _expression_, #civil society, #judicial independence
located: Armenia
by: Anna Vardanyan
As Armenia approaches the June 2026 elections, its human rights environment reflects a paradox of democratic progress alongside emerging concerns. While international rankings show improvement, reports highlight pressures on media, civil society, and judicial independence. This article explores these tensions in a broader regional context.

At around 7 a.m. on 13 November 2025, masked officers from Armenia’s National Security Service raided the homes of opposition bloggers and activists Narek Samsonyan and Vazgen Saghatelyan in Yerevan, detaining both men. By the end of the day, they were charged with hooliganism, placed in two months of pre-trial detention, and their “Imnemnimi” podcast equipment was confiscated.

The arrests came a day after a widely viewed episode of their show on 12 November, in which they hosted former President Serzh Sargsyan for a more than seven-hour live discussion. The broadcast quickly went viral, drawing around 268,000 views.

The arrests have deepened unease in Armenia’s pre-election climate. As the country approaches the June 2026 parliamentary elections, the polished image of stability often reflected in international reporting increasingly sits alongside growing concerns raised by journalists, activists, and legal experts.

Political Climate and Emerging Concerns

The broader political climate ahead of the 2026 elections is marked by increasing polarisation. One recent incident has captured national attention: A high school student was placed in pre-trial detention after attempting to strike Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan at Saint Anna Church.

The case has raised questions not only about proportionality in legal response but also about deeper societal tensions reflected in the confrontation.

Concerns about politically motivated prosecutions have also intensified following cases involving members of the Armenian Apostolic Church. Three archbishops and one bishop were arrested on various charges amid Prime Minister Pashinyan’s efforts to depose Catholicos Garegin II. The clergy members have rejected the accusations as politically motivated, and two were later transferred to house arrest.

These developments have added a new layer to the debate over the use of legal mechanisms in politically sensitive contexts. While authorities maintain that all cases are grounded in law, critics argue that the timing and targets of such prosecutions raise legitimate concerns about selective justice.

Opposition groups remain concerned about politically motivated prosecutions, while the government denies holding political prisoners, highlighting ongoing disagreement over the neutrality of state institutions.

Armenia has, according to the Freedom in the World 2026 report by Freedom House, surpassed Georgia in overall freedom scores for the first time, with improvements in elections, political pluralism, and civil liberties.

However, the report also highlights ongoing concerns over judicial independence and media freedom.

This creates a paradox: while Armenia is improving relative to regional peers, it continues to face significant internal challenges.

Between Reform and Regression

Human rights in Armenia today reflect contradictions rather than a clear trend of progress or decline.

On one hand, there are real achievements, including competitive elections, an active civil society, and improved international standing. On the other, concerns persist over pressure on journalists, judicial independence, and a tightening political climate. These dynamics are not unique to Armenia. Globally, many democracies are grappling with similar tensions—between security and freedom, stability and dissent.

But in Armenia, the stakes remain particularly high. The legacy of recent conflicts, ongoing regional uncertainties, and domestic political divisions all contribute to a fragile equilibrium.

Freedom of _expression_: Between Progress and Precedent

Armenia’s media landscape remains comparatively pluralistic, yet recent developments suggest a shift in tone.

The Human Rights Watch World Report 2025 notes that while freedom of _expression_ is largely respected, journalists face increasing legal and political pressure, including defamation suits and intimidation. A particularly symbolic turning point came in 2025, when Armenia was included for the first time in the Council of Europe’s Platform for the Safety of Journalists in its annual Report documenting arrests of media professionals.

The report states: ‘At the end of 2025, Armenia was recorded for the first time… among the countries that arrest journalists.’

This followed the pre-trial detention of podcasters Vazgen Saghatelyan and Narek Samsonyan—cases that triggered concern among watchdog organisations.  

A press freedom watchdog reports that nearly half of the violations against journalists and media outlets in Armenia in 2025 were committed by senior government officials and ruling party members. 

Judicial Independence: Structural Questions Persist

Judicial reform has been central to Armenia’s democratic narrative since 2018. Yet concerns remain about whether reforms have translated into genuine independence.

The Human Rights House Foundation has warned that political influence—often indirect—continues to shape judicial outcomes, particularly in sensitive cases.

Structural issues are not merely theoretical. A 2025 judgment by the European Court of Human Rights in Petrosyan v. Armenia found violations related to ineffective investigations and lack of remedies, underscoring systemic weaknesses. 

Local NGO monitoring reinforces this picture. Surveys by organisations such as Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly Vanadzor , Transparency International Anticorruption Center indicate persistently low public trust in courts and perceptions of selective justice.

These findings suggest that while legal frameworks may be evolving, institutional culture and enforcement remain uneven.

Civil Society: Active, Influential, but Increasingly Pressured

Civil society has long been one of Armenia’s most dynamic democratic pillars. Following the      2018 Velvet Revolution, a peaceful protest movement that led to Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan’s resignation and brought Nikol Pashinyan to power—Armenia underwent a major democratic transition. NGOs and grassroots movements played a key role in mobilising public participation and shaping reform agendas, especially in anti-corruption and governance.

Research on post-revolution Armenia shows that Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) were deeply involved in reform processes, working with government and international partners to drive institutional change. In anti-corruption efforts, civil society and the state were often aligned, contributing to tangible policy shifts.

Civil society has also remained actively engaged in judicial reform. Through structured dialogue with institutions like the Council of Europe, Armenian CSOs continue to monitor the country’s 2022–2026 judicial reform strategy, offering policy input and oversight on transparency and accountability mechanisms. 

At the same time, Armenian NGOs have played a key watchdog role, monitoring elections, documenting human rights violations, and raising awareness of governance issues, helping maintain public accountability in a transitioning democracy.

However, their influence has faced growing challenges.

Recent reporting indicates that civil society organizations are increasingly vocal about pressure from authorities, including concerns over selective justice, misuse of law enforcement mechanisms, and attempts to discredit or marginalize critical voices. In 2025, a coalition of Armenian NGOs publicly accused the government of applying disproportionate legal measures and undermining the presumption of innocence in politically sensitive cases. 

Analysts also point to a broader trend of democratic backsliding, where legal and institutional tools are allegedly being used in ways that constrain dissent. According to CivilNet, civil society actors warn that selective justice and political instrumentalisation of institutions are becoming more visible features of the political environment. 

Despite constraints, Armenian civil society has shown resilience, providing humanitarian aid, legal support, and social services during crises and often filling gaps left by the state.

However, ahead of the 2026 elections, the operating environment appears to be tightening, raising concerns about preserving CSOs’ independence, credibility, and freedom from reprisal.

Looking Ahead to June 2026

As the election approaches, the central question is not only who will win, but what kind of political environment will shape the result. Will the media remain free, the courts independent, and civil society able to operate without pressure?

These questions reflect Armenia at a crossroads, balancing progress and democratic preservation, reform and restraint. The June 2026 elections will not only determine political leadership, but also serve as a test of the country’s democratic resilience and its commitment to human rights in a changing world.

Article written by:
Anna Vardanyan
Author

“According to the rumors hanging in the air, dismissals are expected in Gyumri. V:

April 20, 2026

Yesterday, on April 19, Nikol Pashinyan went on tour to Gyumri with his team, “leader band”. Nikol Pashinyan was accompanied this time by Anna Hakobyan, who recently announced on Facebook through a video that she and Nikol Pashinyan were divorced.

Nikol Pashinyan’s concert in Gyumri’s Vardanants Square had a special title: “Voice of Peace”.

Gyumret businessman Gevorg Avagyan I am sure that no matter how much Nikol Pashinyan has concerts in Gyumri, he came to power by walking from Gyumri, and he will leave power from Gyumri itself.

“Pashinyan will start from Gyumri and finish from Gyumri, he will be thrown out of the political field. He did so many things, he has nothing more to do, the people of Gyumri have already expressed their will through the elections.

Read also

  • What is behind Onik Gasparyan’s offer to speak at the closed meeting, what open questions await his open answer?
  • Armenia-Azerbaijan. Will there be an enclave exchange?
  • Pashinyan does not forget anything. as he gave, so he will take. Why did the Prosecutor’s Office keep the process of “homelessness” of Mkhitar Zakaryan a secret?

He got up yesterday and came to Gyumri with his teammates, administrative resources, police forces, some of them were in civilian clothes, but only a part of the square was filled. In other words, if Nikol Pashinyan did not bring people with him, very few people from Gyumri would go to the square. Nikol Pashinyan brought his audience with him from Yerevan.” 168.amGevorg Avagyan said in a conversation with

Continuing, our interlocutor said, with Nikol Pashinyan there were such persons who were by the side of those authorities during different governments: during the ARF, they were with them, during the RPA, they were their “shoppers”.

“Well, such people are ready for anything for the sake of money and position, moreover, these people always exist and will always exist, at all times. They are only interested in the day, they don’t think about having a homeland, they don’t think about Artsakh, about not handing over the homeland, their day starts with thinking about getting a reward, who will die at the border, who will be left without a home, they don’t care, the important thing is that their women can wear a kabluq. This mass was at Pashinyan’s concert, I am glad that the people of Gyumri showed their position yesterday.

Nikol Pashinyan lost in Gyumri in the elections, and even after the change of power, they were unable to form a government in our city. Do you remember that after the disaster of 2020, the community heads of Syunik demanded Pashinyan’s resignation, but I don’t know where they stuck their tails and kept quiet, they turned away from themselves, but that didn’t happen in Gyumri, they stand united here,” Gevorg Avagyan added.

He is sure that he will say “no” to Nikol Pashinyan during the June 7 elections.

Our interlocutor also added that yesterday was the opening of “North-South” to Gyumri-Yerevan, but that “North-South” has not even reached Gyumri, it ends in the part of Beniamin village, it is 15 km before reaching Gyumri, it will not even enter Gyumri, but it will go around and pass through the Akhuryan administrative area. It turns out that Nikol Pashinyan was trying to win over the people of Gyumri in this way, but it didn’t work.

“According to the rumors hanging in the air, dismissals are expected in Gyumri in this regard, because Vardanants square was not able to be filled with people at the level of the governor. Rumors are circulating that the governor may be forced to resign.

We are ready for any struggle, our will is unbreakable, we say that we cannot be friends with the Turks, they want to arrest and detain us, we will say our word. No one can silence us, we are not members of any party and we do not depend on anyone, anyone among the opposition who will do a pro-national act and will not stand by Nikol, we will be with him. But if we find out that someone from the opposition will stand by Nikol Pashinyan, we will fight against him as we fight against Nikol Pashinyan. I mean, those who are in “games”, we will expose them, so I take this opportunity to tell you to stand back before it’s too late.

I repeat, Nikol Pashinyan will not get a vote in Gyumri, even his administrative resources will not help him to at least overcome the temporary threshold. Yesterday Vardanants square is an example, we have an “Axe” near us, if he had invited a concert, I think more people would have come. Even the employees of the governor’s office were ashamed to go to the concert with their family members, there are some who did not go. Well, even the people in office understand that the chair under Nikol is “broken”, the foot of the chair is missing,” emphasized the businessman from Gyumri.

Prime Minister proposes establishing an organization for advocating interests

Economy18:55, 18 April 2026
Read the article in: FrançaisՀայերենRussian

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has proposed creating an organization to protect the interests of small and medium-sized enterprises.

“A circle is being formed whose responsibility is to collaborate with the government, to gather and present issues, which will be professional and will not be a state position,” the Prime Minister said during a meeting with members of the SME Cooperation Association and small and medium-sized entrepreneurs.

PM Pashinyan added that the government is ready to fund this organization, provided that small and medium-sized enterprises also participate in the funding.

Read the article in: FrançaisՀայերենRussian

Published by Armenpress, original at 

Armenia’s Aghasi Aghasyan awarded posthumous European Weightlifting Champions

Sports11:38, 18 April 2026
Read the article in: ArmenianRussian:

Armenian weightlifter, the late Aghasi Aghasyan, has been posthumously awarded the bronze medals in the clean & jerk and total results of the 2014 European Weightlifting Championships held in Tel Aviv, Israel, following the reallocation of results announced by the European Weightlifting Federation.

Aghasyan died in a car crash in 2019 at the age of 30.

The reallocation took place after the EWF disqualified other athletes who competed in Aghasyan’s 85kg category in 2019.

The medal reallocation ceremony took place during the Congress of the European Weightlifting Federation in Batumi, Georgia.

The medal was received on Aghasyan’s behalf by the Secretary General of the Weightlifting Federation of Armenia, Samvel Gasparyan.

The Federation will transfer the medal to the Aghasyan family in the coming days.

Read the article in: ArmenianRussian:

Published by Armenpress, original at 

Armenia will allocate 40 million drams to the CIS summit to be held in Yerevan

Ֆոտո՝ primeminister.am

The Government of Armenia will provide 40 million drams from the reserve fund for the technical and telecommunication equipment of the 8th European Political Community Summit scheduled in Yerevan.


According to the decision taken at the April 18 session, financial resources will be transferred to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in order to cover the organizational needs of the high-level event to be held in the capital on May 4.


According to the justification of the project, due to the lack of deadlines and urgency, the supply of equipment must be completed by April 20, so the purchase is carried out by a one-person purchase procedure.


“HENMARCOM” and “Topaz-95” LLCs responded to the requests sent to the four companies guaranteed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the State Security Service, from which the necessary purchases will be made.


The technical re-equipment of the ceremonial service is carried out within the framework of the relevant program of the 2026 state budget. The executive emphasizes that proper hosting of the summit directly follows from the government’s plan for 2021-2026, one of the key goals of which is to strengthen multilateral cooperation with the European Union and its member states.

Armenia will buy weapons from Russia. Is there such an opportunity within CSTO?

April 18, 2026

On April 1, about two weeks after the meeting with the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, on April 15, Nikol Pashinyan during a NA-Government question-and-answer session had informed.

“We had very long and detailed discussions and reached strategic agreements to deepen cooperation in various fields, the expression of which we will see in the near future.”

And today, during the briefing organized after the executive session, journalists asked Nikol Pashinyan whether there are military-technical agreements with Russia, does your statement mean that Armenia has an agreement to buy weapons from Russia, to which he replied:

“We have military-technical cooperation with Russia, we had it, which at some point was either interrupted or decreased, and we, yes, have an agreement to implement the previously reached agreements.”

Read also

  • PASHINIAN IS PART OF THE EPSTEIN COALITION OF CHILDREN WITH KIND SMILES. HOVHANNES ISHKHANIAN
  • Entry in pairs. Can’t the Ministry of Foreign Affairs imagine organizing the “Yerevan Dialogue” conference without the participation of this family?
  • If this regime is reproduced, Armenia will become Artsakh-2, they will commit genocide on us again. Husik Ara

Let us remind you that during the government session in September 2022, Nikol Pashinyan had announced.

“We have cases when hundreds of millions of dollars have been paid, but supply obligations to Armenia are not fulfilled, including by allied countries.”

Pretty much the same before this the statement Pashinyan also did this in the National Assembly, mentioning the obstacles to the purchase of weapons or the components of that process.

Առաջին՝ not all countries are ready to sell arms to Armenia,

երկրորդ՝ there are countries that are ready to sell weapons to Armenia, but there are countries that are not ready for the fact that Armenia will buy weapons from a country that is ready to sell them weapons.

երրորդ՝ there are countries that want and are ready to sell weapons to Armenia, but do not have the necessary weapons for objective and subjective reasons,

չորրորդ՝ Armenia is landlocked, and in most cases the transport component does not differ in its complexity from the previous components, sometimes it is more aggravated, including for objective and subjective reasons.

Meanwhile 168.am– tried to find out from the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Armenia through a written request whether the unfulfilled arms supply contracts were signed during the current government, or whether the contracts signed during the previous authorities were not fulfilled, or maybe it refers to the 44-day war and the period that followed it? More specifically, we recalled the agreements with the arms supply reached between the former RA Defense Minister Arshak Karapetyan and the then Russian Defense Minister Sergey Shoigu in August 2021, and asked Suren Papikyan whether they have been moved to the practical stage.

At that time, in response to our questions, from the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Armenia had reported that “the military-technical cooperation between the Republic of Armenia and the Russian Federation and SRT acquisitions are carried out in a planned manner.”

But during these 4 years, we have regularly heard about the complications of Russian arms supplies and the non-fulfillment of contractual obligations by Russia. And in the background of all this, Armenia established military-technical cooperation with India and France.

The timing, motivation and interests chosen by these countries to sell arms to Armenia on different occasions we touched on therefore, we will not refer to them in this case. And the new military-technical reality was called diversification by the RA authorities. And in the concept of transformation of the Army, it is even mentioned in this regard. “Armenia needs combat-ready and equipped with modern equipment and weapons to protect the security, territorial integrity, integrity of the borders and the adopted peace agenda of Armenia, replacing the asymmetric and hierarchical metaphors of relying on one center with symmetrical and non-hierarchical metaphors with many centers. The preferred international military-technical format is the state-to-state approach, based on the single-window principle, excluding the involvement of commercial intermediaries.”

Isn’t it clear, what, to whom, what is the provision of mediated arms supplies?

For the sake of justice, it should be said that although the Chairman of the National Defense and Security Affairs Committee Andranik Kocharyan is also a supporter of the state-state military-technical cooperation format, but in recent years, when various government or government-affiliated circles accused the Russian side of deliberately not fulfilling the military-technical agreements undertaken with Armenia, and even creating obstacles, for example, to prevent deliveries from India to Armenia, he urged “we’ll get into a conspiracy theory and never get out.”

Kocharyan tried to explain the difficulties in supplying Russian weapons with the fact that the Russian-Ukrainian war is going on, and due to this, Russia itself needs weapons, let’s get it right. This was initially, and later, from time to time, he reported that the Russian side had started making some supplies within the framework of the contract.

During this period, however, according to our information, the cooperation of the RA-RF defense departments in the field of maintenance and even modernization of the military equipment in the arsenal of the RA Armed Forces has not been jeopardized.

And the fact that Armenia can acquire weapons from Russia, within the framework of previous agreements, became known to us at the end of last year, but such issues like silence. It is possible that we still have “Tor-M2KM” systems to receive.

And it is nothing that RA Defense Minister Suren Papikyan announced at the meeting with journalists almost in 2025.

“An agreement has been reached between the Ministry of Finance of Armenia and Russia that the amount paid by us should be reduced from the interstate debt, of course, it will be difficult to say in which part of its implementation, but a similar agreement has been reached.”

Anyway, the announcement made during the briefing was remarkable and, why not, useful? We cannot say to what extent we can consider it realistic that Pashinyan’s government will start using military-technical opportunities within the framework of the CSTO as well.

By the way, on one occasion two years ago, Andranik Kocharyan said in the context of Russia-Armenia relations that although Armenia does not participate in the CSTO exercises, the country continues to remain in the CSTO because they hope that «that system may one day be useful from the point of view of national interests of RA”.

It should be noted that since last year, Russian President Vladimir Putin has been offering CSTO members a rearming program.

“We propose to start a large-scale program to equip the collective forces with modern Russian weapons and equipment. Those samples of weapons have proven their effectiveness during real military operations,” he said.

A few days ago, the head of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces, Valery Gerasimov, announced that the CSTO has decided to put the main emphasis on the improvement of the unified air defense system. It is a different matter that today’s leaders of RA imagine the establishment of peace by making the army a reserve factor, when recently Moscow and Baku decided to settle the relations deteriorated due to the accident of the plane belonging to the AZAL airline.

Azerbaijan admitted that the downing of the plane took place in the airspace of the Russian Federation as a result of an unintentional operation of the country’s air defense system, and that there will be compensation.

Moreover, the foreign ministries of the two countries jointly statement it is mentioned. “The steps taken confirm the desire of both sides to build mutually beneficial cooperation in the framework of alliance cooperation.”

Let’s remind that after the 44-day war, in February 2022, the presidents of Russia and Azerbaijan Vladimir Putin and Ilham Aliyev signed in the Kremlin Declaration on allied cooperation between Russia and Azerbaijan, which brought a new level to the relations between Azerbaijan and Armenia’s ally Russia.

CC: Why More Armenian’s Are Finding Joy In Social Casinos


‘Hint of discontent’: Armenia’s foreign minister skips Antalya diplomatic for

JAM News
April 17 2026
  • JAMnews
  • Yerevan

Armenia is represented at the diplomatic forum in Antalya, held on 17–19 April, by Deputy Foreign Minister Vahan Kostanyan. Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan did not travel to Turkey.

For the first time since the Armenia–Turkey normalisation process began in 2022, Mirzoyan is not attending the forum. Armenia’s special envoy for normalisation with Turkey and Deputy Speaker of parliament Ruben Rubinyan, who attended in 2024 and 2025, also did not go to Antalya.

“I will not go to Antalya. I am not going to travel there every time,” Rubinyan told journalists.

Officials in Yerevan have not commented on the lower level of representation. However, experts say the Armenian side is signalling discontent. They link this to Turkey’s failure to implement agreements reached between the two countries. This includes opening the Armenia–Turkey border to third-country nationals and holders of diplomatic passports.

“If Turkey does not take this small step, what is there for the foreign minister to do there?” said Turkologist Nelli Minasyan.

She also says that Turkey’s president will not attend the European Political Community summit in Yerevan in May. Leaders from dozens of countries are expected to take part.

“They say [Foreign Minister Hakan] Fidan may come. But this is not a meeting of that level. The president’s participation is what matters,” Minasyan said.

Turkey officially recognised the Republic of Armenia in 1991. However, the two countries still have not established diplomatic relations. In 1993, Turkey closed its air and land borders with Armenia. The air border reopened in 1995, according to Armenia’s foreign ministry, “under pressure from the international community”.

Talks on normalising relations gained momentum after the second Nagorno-Karabakh war. The process continues in a bilateral format. Turkey also makes no secret of coordinating its position with Azerbaijan.

At the start of 2026, Armenian media reported that the border would open on 1 February to third-country nationals and diplomatic passport holders. Armenia and Turkey’s special envoys agreed on this step in July 2022. The agreement still has not been implemented.


  • ‘On security, we are in the same boat’: Armenian experts on visit to Azerbaijan
  • ‘Battle for scandal-loving voters’: Armenia’s pre-election mood
  • Opinion: ‘Russia ‘blackmails’ Armenia with threat of gas price hikes’

“The ball is not on our side”

Armenia’s special envoy Ruben Rubinyan recently commented on the normalisation process with Turkey. He said he sees some progress. He also stressed that the key agreement concerns opening the border to third-country nationals and holders of diplomatic passports.

“We have done everything we could. I mean the reconstruction of the Margara checkpoint on the Armenian side. The good news is that the Turkish side has started work this year to restore the Alican checkpoint. We are now waiting for the agreement to be implemented. In this respect, the ball is not on our side,” he said.

Context: what Armenia and Turkey’s envoys have agreed so far

In December 2021, Yerevan and Ankara announced their readiness to take steps towards normalising relations. They appointed Ruben Rubinyan and Serdar Kilic as special envoys to coordinate the process. Since 2022, the two have held six meetings. Four took place abroad, one at the Armenia–Turkey border, and the latest in Yerevan. After each meeting, both sides said they would continue dialogue without preconditions.

At a meeting in Yerevan in September 2025, the sides agreed to speed up implementation of an earlier deal reached in July 2022. This concerned opening the Armenia–Turkey border to third-country nationals and holders of diplomatic passports.

During their latest meetings, Rubinyan and Kilic also agreed to:

  • conduct technical studies to restore and relaunch the Gyumri–Kars railway and a power transmission line,
  • assess technical needs and ensure the operation of the Akhurik/Akyaka railway border crossing,
  • mutually simplify visa procedures for holders of diplomatic and service passports.

So far, only the agreement on simplifying visa procedures has been implemented.

Turkologist Nelli Minasyan welcomed Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan’s decision not to attend the forum in Antalya.

“The two countries reached agreements that the Turkish side has simply not implemented. There is no point for our foreign minister to travel there again,” she said.

In her view, Yerevan is using this move to signal its dissatisfaction.

Minasyan also argues that Ankara prioritises broader regional developments in its foreign policy. Issues related to the border with Armenia do not rank high on its agenda.

At the same time, she says unblocking infrastructure matters for Turkey as well. She does not rule out a shift in Ankara’s priorities once “the United States makes a final decision on TRIPP, and work and investment begin.”

The “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity” (TRIPP) is a transport corridor that will connect mainland Azerbaijan with its exclave of Nakhchivan. Armenia and Azerbaijan have agreed to unblock the route with the involvement of an Armenian–American consortium.

Nelli Minasyan suggests that the failure to implement the agreements stems from a lack of political will on Turkey’s part, as well as the Azerbaijani factor, meaning coordination of decisions on Armenia with Azerbaijan.

“In Azerbaijan, there are concerns that Armenia–Turkey relations could normalise more quickly, and that they could develop more naturally and positively across various issues,” the expert says.

In any case, she считает more realistic the prospect of normalisation with Yerevan after Armenia and Azerbaijan sign a peace treaty. According to her, Baku expects no progress in Armenia–Turkey normalisation before such an agreement is reached.

“Several months ago, Hakan Fidan set out Ankara’s official position: once the agreement is signed, the Armenia–Azerbaijan and Armenia–Turkey borders will open simultaneously. In my view, this is a realistic approach.”

Milan Bergamo Airport adds FlyOne Armenia service to Yerevan

Travel Daily News
April 17 2026

Milan Bergamo Airport adds FlyOne Armenia service to Yerevan

Tatiana Rokou

Milan Bergamo Airport will add a twice-weekly FlyOne Armenia service to Yerevan from 1 May, expanding its international network and strengthening links to the Caucasus and beyond.

Milan Bergamo Airport is expanding its international network with the addition of FlyOne Armenia, which will launch a twice-weekly service to Yerevan from 1 May.

The new route will operate on Fridays and Sundays, with evening departures from Milan Bergamo and afternoon departures from Yerevan. With the arrival of FlyOne Armenia, the number of scheduled airlines serving Milan Bergamo Airport rises to 23, while Yerevan becomes the airport’s 152nd scheduled destination for the summer season.

The service strengthens the airport’s position as a growing gateway to non-EU markets and expands access to destinations beyond Europe. Through Yerevan, passengers will also gain access to onward connections across Central Asia and the CIS region, supporting the airport’s strategy of developing links to long-haul and underserved markets.

Also read → Milan Bergamo Airport expands Summer 2026 schedule with new routes and capacity growth

Yerevan is expected to attract both leisure and business demand. The Armenian capital is known for its cultural heritage, historic landmarks and culinary offer, and is likely to appeal to Italian and European travellers looking for new destination options.

The route is also expected to support travel demand from the Armenian diaspora in Northern Italy and neighbouring regions, making it easier to maintain family, cultural and economic links.

Giacomo Cattaneo, Director of Commercial Aviation, Marketing & Communications at SACBO, said: “We are delighted to welcome FlyOne Armenia to Milan Bergamo Airport. The introduction of Yerevan adds a unique dimension to our network, opening the door to a destination that blends strong tourism appeal with important community links. It also reflects our ongoing efforts to identify and develop routes that respond to evolving passenger demand, particularly towards less-served markets. We are confident this service will perform well and further broaden the choice available to our passengers. We look forward to a successful partnership with FlyOne Armenia and to further strengthening our global network.”

FlyOne Armenia, part of the wider FlyOne Group, operates a modern fleet of Airbus A320 family aircraft and has been expanding its network across Europe, Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East with a focus on affordable fares.

The addition of the Yerevan route supports Milan Bergamo Airport’s broader objective of diversifying its network beyond the European Union. Alongside its established European services, the new connection is expected to contribute to traffic growth while reinforcing the airport’s role as a gateway to a wider range of international destinations.

The Civil Contract Party has changed the destructive course of our history… Ar

Aysor, Armenia
April 15 2026

Armenia has overcome the agenda of survival and struggle imposed on it and has entered a new historical phase focused on peaceful development, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan stated during a session of the National Assembly.

According to him, the country’s current mission is to educate, work, and build a stronger state.

Pashinyan expressed gratitude to members of the Civil Contract Party for making an “epoch-making milestone” possible, while emphasizing that the primary credit belongs to the people.

“I would also like to stress that this became possible, first and foremost, thanks to the support of the people,” he noted.

The Prime Minister acknowledged that the current reality has come at a high cost — through numerous victims, sacrifices, hardships, and suffering.

“The phrase ‘Karabakh was ours and is no longer ours’ reflects a philosophy of being trapped geopolitically. The reality is that Armenia was not truly ours and is hence ours. The territories that were under our control were held at the expense of our statehood, sovereignty, and independence – and we failed to fully understand this,” he said.

Pashinyan added that the Civil Contract has ultimately altered the destructive trajectory of Armenia’s history and placed the country on a path toward a more peaceful and constructive future.