President of Romania Nicușor Dan has arrived in Armenia to participate in the 8th European Political Community Summit. Speaker of Parliament Alen Simonyan welcomed President Dan at Zvartnots Airport.
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Prime Minister of Liechtenstein Brigitte Haas has arrived in Armenia to participate in the 8th European Political Community (EPC) Summit in Yerevan. The government said in a press release that Deputy Prime Minister Mher Grigoryan welcomed PM Haas at Zvartnots Airport.
The 8th Summit of the European Political Community will take place on May 4, 2026, under the motto “Building the Future: Unity and Stability in Europe.” The Summit will bring together European leaders and heads of international organizations at a pivotal moment of shaping and strengthening Europe’s collective path. It will serve as an inclusive forum for open dialogue, strategic coordination, and shared reflection on Europe’s priorities, fostering collaboration, mutual understanding, and tangible initiatives that support a more resilient and forward-looking continent.
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This article is part of the “Armenia Season”, featuring on commonspace.eu from 1 May -15 June 2026.
It was first published on Armenia Elections Monitor – a LINKS Europe initiative – on 1 May 2026
Alex Vergé is a freelance writer and political analyst, specialising in geopolitics and international relations. He is currently based in Yerevan from where he filed this report.
When Armenians vote in parliamentary elections on 7 June, it will have been almost ten years since elections were last held on schedule. In the decade since the last regular parliamentary elections in 2017, the country has experienced a period of significant political upheaval and conflict. The 2018 Velvet Revolution forced out an entrenched political elite and set the country on a path of institutional and political reform. The conflict with Azerbaijan over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh in turn came to a decisive end, with Armenia suffering military defeat in 2020 and an Azerbaijani offensive in 2023 leading to the displacement of almost all of the local Armenian population – approximately 100,000 people – and the end of the Republic of Artsakh as a breakaway state.
The key national political figure over the course of this decade has been the current Prime Minister, Nikol Pashinyan, who is seeking re-election as the leader of the Civil Contract party. Then, a leading figure of the opposition, Pashinyan, first came to power during the 2018 revolution. He subsequently won snap elections in 2018 and 2021, with the latter held in response to the 2020 War and the last election in Armenia to date.
Geopolitical realignment and peace in the South Caucasus
While the early years of the Pashinyan premiership were focused on democratic and institutional reforms, foreign and security policy have come to dominate the national agenda. Two major policy choices have defined the approach of the current administration and will effectively be on the ballot come 7 June, with potentially crucial geopolitical repercussions.
First, a policy of balancing and diversification aimed at reducing reliance on Russia, Armenia’s historic and foremost partner. Russian failure to defend Armenia during the 2020 and 2023 wars pushed Yerevan to recalibrate and deepen relations with other partners, especially with the European Union and the United States. Relations with the EU have seen particular momentum, marked by deepening economic, political, and security ties.
Second, a decision to pursue peace and normalisation of ties with Azerbaijan. The process has been criticised domestically by many for conceding too much to Azerbaijan. It gained significant traction last summer with the initialling of a provisional peace agreement mediated by the US. A diplomatic breakthrough, and although criticised for lack of detail and under pressure as a result of the Iran War, the agreement may be the one genuinely successful peace initiative undertaken by the Trump administration (Foreign Policy, 08/04/2026). Its standout provision is the implementation of the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP) in Southern Armenia to connect Azerbaijan with its Nakhichevan exclave and onto Turkey. In parallel, Armenia under Pashinyan has pursued a normalisation of relations with Turkey.
Together, both these policy choices have the potential to durably and profoundly reshape Armenia’s international positioning and broader dynamics in the South Caucasus region. Russia will very likely remain a preponderant partner – the two countries remain tied by geography, common institutions, structural dependencies, and significant Russian stakes throughout the Armenian economy. But the ongoing recalibration, if sustained, will over time reduce Russian leverage in the region. The peace agreement with Azerbaijan is fundamental in this regard, with the conflict historically a key reason behind Russian influence in the region.
Moreover, through its provisions relating to connectivity and infrastructure (to date, the borders with Azerbaijan and Turkey remain closed), the peace agreement opens up the possibility for Armenia of becoming a key node and participant in the trade networks connecting Asia and Europe. The latter would add to the country’s positive economic trajectory – GDP has more than doubled since 2018, and growth remains strong at over 5% in 2025 (World Bank, Fall 2025).
Electoral tensions focus on peace and the foreign policy agenda
The peace process with Azerbaijan has been the defining issue of the election build-up so far. Pashinyan has pitched the vote as a choice between peace and war, going as far as warning that hostilities with Azerbaijan could resume in September if his party fails to win a majority (Armenian Weekly, 26/03/2026). The main opposition parties – the Armenian Alliance bloc led by former President Robert Kocharyan and the Strong Armenian Party led by the Armenian-Russian billionaire businessman Samvel Karapetyan – have pushed back and accused the government of using inflammatory rhetoric for political gain.
While some analysts and observers have also pushed back on the ‘pro-war’ characterisation of opposition parties, others have sounded caution. For Michael Zolyan – a historian, independent political analyst, and former MP in the Pashinyan-led MyStep Alliance (2018-2021) – the suggestion that a Pashinyan defeat would lead to war by September is an exaggeration. However, Zolyan adds, it would constitute a real threat to the peace process nonetheless due to the likelihood that opposition parties, influenced by Russia, would seek to renegotiate aspects of the agreement, including its infrastructure provisions. Robert Ghenvodyan, a political scientist and expert at the Armenian Council, a think tank, echoes this view and considers that only Pashinyan and Civil Contract would be able to continue the peace process while avoiding Russian interference.
Whatever the merits of this framing, the peace versus war narrative has fanned an already tense political climate. Media organisations have accused the ruling party of leading Armenia into democratic backsliding and Pashinyan of consolidating and personalising power around himself (CIVILNET, 30/12/2025). In parallel, contributing to the polarisation of political debate, the prime minister is in an acrimonious and long-standing conflict with the head of the Armenian Apostolic Church, whose leadership has historically maintained close ties with Russian religious and political elites (Eurasianet, 26/02/2026).
To counter these criticisms, the government has justified actions perceived as anti-democratic as necessary to counter threats posed by foreign interference. While it has treaded carefully and avoided explicit criticism of Russia, the hybrid ways in which the Kremlin is able to exercise influence in the country are significant, in particular through information campaigns and political networks (Eurasianet, 31/03/2026). The EU has deployed teams at the request of the government to help it deal with these threats, though it is unclear whether this will have much effect.
Conclusions and outlook
The attention around the elections, in particular from foreign powers, highlights the geopolitical stakes. Russia wishes to discredit the current administration as a means to safeguard its position as Armenia’s preponderant partner. The EU, in turn, will be looking to avoid a repeat of developments in Georgia since 2024, where democratic backsliding has led to a significant deterioration of relations and effectively halted the country’s accession process.
The outcome of the vote remains very uncertain at this stage. A public opinion survey commissioned by the International Republican Institute in early February 2026 indicated that 24% of respondents said they would vote for Pashinyan and Civil Contract if an election were held the following week, with the next highest level of support expressed at around 9% for Karapetyan and the Strong Armenia Alliance, and 30% of respondents stating they were undecided. It appears that momentum may be gathering behind Pashinyan, who has been on the campaign trail for several weeks already. Polling by the local news outlet EVNReport in February-March indicated that the prime minister’s approval ratings stood at 47%, up from 36% based on a first wave of polling in January-February.
Others remain more measured in their assessments. Eric Hacopian, the leading political commentator at the independent local news outlet CIVILNET, says that while it is clear that the administration has the largest minority support, it is equally clear that they do not have more than half of voters’ support. While this raises the possibility of the need for coalition partners to secure a parliamentary majority, Hacopian suggests that the confrontational campaigning approach of the ruling party will likely have alienated potential partners.
In any case, the elections are set to mark a major democratic moment in Armenia’s history. Michael Zoyan, the historian and former MP, pushing back on arguments that the Pashinyan administration is overseeing democratic backsliding, stressed that Armenia was still a “young democracy.” Like many other democratic countries, he added, it faces the challenge of balancing between upholding democratic freedoms and the need to address challenges to democratic governance.
Source: This commentary was prepared by Alex Vergé for the Armenian Election Monitor 2026. Mr Vergé is a freelance writer and political analyst, specialising in geopolitics and international relations. For more information: Alex Vergé | LinkedIn
https://www.commonspace.eu/opinion/opinion-armenian-june-2026-parliamentary-elections-test-national-stability-regional-peace
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A concept has been developed to restore the “Artashat Capital” archaeological site and transform it into a tourism hub, following nearly a year of studies carried out by the French Development Agency (AFD) in cooperation with Armenia’s Ministry of Education, Science, Culture and Sport and the EU Delegation in Armenia.
The ministry said the concept was presented at the Komitas Museum-Institute, attended by Minister Zhanna Andreasyan, Deputy Minister Alfred Kocharyan, Head of Cooperation Section of the EU Delegation to Armenia Frank Hess, and a representative of the French Development Agency.
Welcoming participants, Andreasyan said the historic capital of Artashat is one of the most important symbols of Armenia’s statehood and remains insufficiently explored. According to the development concept, the site is expected to become one of the country’s most visited destinations in the coming years.
“This monument reflects our state traditions from centuries ago. The aim of the programme is to fully present and realise the site’s potential, both in terms of preserving and transmitting cultural heritage and developing it as a tourist destination. International experience and cooperation are essential in developing the roadmap, which will ensure a worthy approach to presenting the historic capital of Artashat to the public and tourists as a sign of respect for our history,” Andreasyan said, thanking all parties involved.
She added that engagement with cultural environments significantly changes perceptions of architectural thinking, design features and engineering infrastructure.
Andreasyan also said work has long been under way to make the Getamerdz district of the historic capital of Artashat more accessible to the public. Design work is ongoing for site improvement, road separation, restoration and reinforcement.
At the same time, construction of a modular centre, including a waiting area, is under way in cooperation with the community. Archaeological excavations were carried out in the Getamerd district in 2025 by order of the ministry, and a project has been commissioned for the reinforcement, restoration and improvement of the excavated sections. Steps are also being taken to further improve accessibility of the district for tourists.
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Armenia is preparing to host two major summits in early May as the former Soviet country seeks closer ties with Europe while cautiously loosening its dependence on Russia.
Dozens of European leaders are expected to attend a European Political Community summit in Yerevan on May 4. The meeting will be followed on May 5 by the first EU-Armenia summit with the bloc’s senior officials.
The summits come as relations between Armenia and its traditional ally Russia have grown strained in recent years, partly because Russian peacekeepers failed to intervene during military conflicts with neighboring Azerbaijan.
Under Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian, Armenia has formally pursued a strategy he calls “diversification,” seeking relations with both Russia and the West.
For Armenia, the EU summit is about telling the European Union “we are here and we are ready,” said Olesya Vartanyan, an analyst on security issues in the South Caucasus.
“In reality, it’s a process where Armenia tries to establish relationships with the European Union,” said political scientist Alexander Iskandaryan.
Armenia, a country of 3 million people between Europe and Asia, signed a comprehensive partnership agreement with the European Union in 2017. The agreement deepened cooperation in trade and other areas.
Last year, Armenia adopted a law formally declaring its intention to apply for EU membership.
When EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos visited Armenia in March, she said “Armenia and the EU have never been closer.”
Armenia has not yet taken the formal step of submitting an EU membership application.
The country remains a member of the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union and the Moscow-led CSTO security alliance, though it froze its CSTO membership in 2024.
Russian President Vladimir Putin warned Armenia in April that it could not be a member of both blocs.
“It’s simply impossible by definition,” Putin told Pashinian.
For Europe, holding the meeting in Yerevan is a deliberate choice “to counter the narrative of Russian spheres of influence and to show Vladimir Putin that these countries … do not belong to him,” said Sebastien Maillard, a special adviser at the Jacques Delors Institute.
The European Union has been slow on enlargement, with expansion fatigue in the bloc and Ukraine, which is fighting a Russian invasion, remaining a priority.
“We know countries, for example, Western Balkans, who are already in negotiation with the European Union for decades,” Iskandaryan said.
He said it could take decades for Armenia to become a member.
Opinion polls show most Armenians support European integration, while support for Russia has fallen sharply.
But many Armenians remain skeptical about whether EU membership is realistic and worry about further provoking Moscow.
“Everyone understands that Europe’s goal isn’t really to help us, but to push Russia out of the region,” said Armine Vanyan, a 52-year-old psychologist in Yerevan.
“There will be lots of statements about Europe being close to Armenia and ready to help, and then they’ll leave. After that, Russia will probably get even angrier,” hairdresser Susanna Melkonyan said of the upcoming summits.
Armenia’s government has taken an increasingly distant tone toward Moscow, with authorities suggesting Russia is attempting to interfere in domestic politics.
Analysts say Russia has no incentive to walk away from Armenia.
With Georgia’s domestic politics divided over Russian influence and Azerbaijan forging closer ties with Europe and Türkiye, Armenia remains Moscow’s closest ally in the Caucasus.
If Russia cuts economic ties with Armenia, “they will lose the last instrument to impact the region,” Iskandaryan said.
For now, Armenia is trying to sit on “both chairs at the same time,” Vartanyan said.
On the streets of Yerevan, some Armenians said closer European ties could help the country become more independent from Russia, even if EU membership remains distant.
“We all know Armenia won’t be joining the EU anytime soon—not today, not tomorrow, not in the near future. But closer ties could help us become more independent from Russia,” said Manush Ghevondyan, a 58-year-old out-of-work accountant.
“At the same time, it shouldn’t happen too abruptly or at the cost of making Russia an enemy,” she added.
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Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has been invited to attend a European Political Community summit in Armenia on May 4, a meeting that comes days after Turkey and Armenia held talks on reopening a rail link between the two countries.
The summit in Yerevan will be co-chaired by European Council President António Costa and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan under the theme “Building the Future: Unity and Stability in Europe.” The European Council says leaders will discuss democratic resilience, connectivity, economic security and energy security.
Turkey has not announced whether Erdoğan will attend. The European Council says 48 heads of state and government have been invited, including those of the 27 European Union member states, Turkey, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Ukraine, the United Kingdom and several Balkan and non-EU European countries.
A visit by Erdoğan to Yerevan would carry weight because Turkey and Armenia have no formal diplomatic relations and their land border has been closed since the 1990s. Relations have long been strained by Turkey’s alliance with Azerbaijan and by the dispute over the 1915 mass killings of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, which many countries recognize as genocide. Turkey rejects the genocide label.
The invitation also comes during renewed steps toward normalization. On Tuesday Turkish and Armenian officials met in the eastern Turkish province of Kars as part of a joint working group on rehabilitating and operating the Kars-Gyumri railway. The Turkish Foreign Ministry said the sides emphasized the need for the railway to begin operating soon to improve regional transport links.
The railway issue is one of the most concrete steps in the slow normalization process between the neighbors. Ankara and Yerevan agreed in 2021 to appoint special envoys to work toward restoring ties and reopening the border. In December 2025 they also agreed to simplify visa procedures for holders of diplomatic, special and service passports, saying they remained committed to full normalization without preconditions.
The Yerevan meeting will be the eighth summit of the European Political Community, a forum launched in 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine to bring together European Union and non-EU leaders for political coordination. The platform does not issue binding decisions, but it gives leaders space for bilateral and multilateral meetings.
Erdoğan attended the first European Political Community summit in Prague in October 2022, the Budapest summit in November 2024 and the Tirana summit in May 2025.
Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney is expected to attend as a guest, a move Costa described as part of a wider effort to defend peace, shared prosperity and multilateralism.
The European Political Community meeting will be followed by the first EU-Armenia summit on May 4 and 5, also in Yerevan. Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen will represent the European Union, while Pashinyan will represent Armenia.
The EU has deepened ties with Armenia as Yerevan has sought closer relations with the West following its rift with Russia over security. Armenia adopted a law in 2025 launching a process aimed at closer integration with the EU, though Pashinyan has said any eventual membership would take time and require a referendum.
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The Armenian government on Thursday pledged to make a financial contribution to U.S. President Donald Trump’s “Board of Peace” initiative but declined to disclose its amount.
Armenia is one of more than two dozen nations, including Azerbaijan and Turkey, that have accepted Trump’s invitation to join the new body tasked with resolving international conflicts. Their leaders, including Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian, signed its founding charter in Switzerland in January.
Pashinian’s cabinet formally recommended parliamentary ratification of the charter during a weekly meeting. The Armenian Finance Ministry said ahead of the meeting that Yerevan will have to finance its participation in the Board of Peace.
“I believe that the Republic of Armenia must move beyond the status of a poor relative,” Pashinian told journalists.
“Armenia has no obligations, but I think we should participate and we will participate [financially,]” he said, refusing to reveal how much his government will contribute.
A participating country must pay $1 billion for permanent membership in the Board of Peace. Otherwise, it will serve a three-year term which can be renewed at Trump’s discretion.
None of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council other than the United States has joined the initiative. Other major Western nations such as Germany and Italy have also shunned it, highlighting concerns that the U.S.-led body could undermine the work of the United Nations.
Trump claims to have ended multiple international conflicts, including the Armenian-Azerbaijani dispute, since returning to power more than a year ago. The U.S. president hosted last August talks between Pashinian and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev at the White House which resulted in the finalizing of an Armenian-Azerbaijani peace treaty. Also, Pashinian pledged during those talks to open a U.S.-administered transit corridor for Azerbaijan through a key Armenian region.
U.S. Vice President JD Vance lavished praise on the Armenian premier and endorsed him ahead of Armenia’s June 7 parliamentary elections when he visited Yerevan in February. Vance said Pashinian’s reelection is essential for the launch of the transit arrangement to be named after Trump.
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(l tor) GUSD President of the Board Ingrid Gunnell, 2026 GUSD Teacher of the Year Gagik Galfayan, and GUSD Superintendent of Schools Dr. Darneika Watson
GLENDALE — Wilson Middle School Social Science teacher, Gagik Galfayan, on Tuesday was selected as the 2026 Glendale Unified School District Teacher of the Year. Galfayan will represent the District in this year’s Los Angeles County Teacher of the Year competition.
Gagik Galfayan has taught at Wilson MIddle School for seven years, and was previously an Armenian dual-language teacher at Thomas Jefferson Elementary School for six years. At Wilson he teaches History, Advanced History 7, and Yearbook. He also serves as the History Department Chair, runs Debate Club and serves as the Glendale Teachers’ Association site chair.
“In every classroom, he brings depth of knowledge, thoughtful instruction, and an unwavering commitment to student growth, and his impact stretches far beyond a bell schedule,” said Wilson Principal Alen Akhverdyan. “What truly sets Galfayan apart is his presence. He brings a rare sense of calm and steadiness to our campus. Teachers, students, and parents deeply respect and admire him. He is understanding, compassionate, and grounded. Gagik is just simply a wonderful human being above all. The students and families of Wilson Middle School and Glendale are fortunate to have such an exceptional educator guiding their children.”
“Gagik Galfayan represents the very best of the teaching profession. As someone who came to this country as a child, he brings a deep understanding of the power of education to change lives, and that perspective is reflected in the way he connects with and inspires his students every day,” said GUSD Superintendent Dr. Darneika Watson. “His dedication, commitment to excellence, and ability to create meaningful, engaging learning experiences truly set him apart. We are incredibly proud to have him represent Glendale Unified as our 2026 Teacher of the Year and as a candidate for Los Angeles County Teacher of the Year.”
“This recognition reflects not only Galfayan’s exceptional work in the classroom, but also the powerful example he represents for our students and community,” shared GUSD Board President Ingrid Gunnell. “His journey and commitment to education speak to the opportunities our schools can provide and the impact great teachers have on shaping the future. We are honored to celebrate his achievements and those of all the deserving nominees and the difference that they make in the lives of students every day.”
Glendale Unified School District selects one outstanding educator to advance to the Los Angeles County Teacher of the Year competition each year. Administrators and educators submit nominees from across the District. Selections typically alternate between elementary and secondary teachers. GUSD is proud to celebrate all of the 2026 Teacher of the Year finalists.
2026 Teacher of the Year Finalists
Jonathan Allen, a math teacher at Crescenta Valley High School, has taught mathematics for 29 years. Currently at CVHS, he teaches AP Statistics, Introduction to Data Science, and Integrated Math 3, and is known for making complex concepts accessible while supporting students of all levels. Beyond the classroom, Allen leads the school’s Prom Plus program, creating a safe and positive environment for students on prom night. He is a trusted and steady presence on campus, known for his commitment to students and the Crescenta Valley community.
Aurora Barboza is a mathematics teacher at Glendale High School who has been inspiring students for 27 years. As Math Department Chair, she has helped build a strong, results-driven culture focused on student achievement. She founded the school’s peer math tutoring program and has created meaningful opportunities for student leadership and engagement. Barboza is widely respected for her leadership, resilience, and lasting impact on the Glendale High School community.
Elizabeth “Beth” Curtis, English Teacher, has taught English at Rosemont Middle School for nine years. She is known for bringing literature to life through engaging, interactive lessons that inspire students to think critically and participate actively in their learning. Beyond the classroom, Curtis serves as a department chair and mentor, supporting colleagues and leading initiatives such as a schoolwide attendance challenge aimed at improving student engagement. She brings energy, creativity, and a strong sense of purpose to her work each day.
Dr. Paul Jacoy, a CTE Teacher, has taught at Daily High School for four years, bringing a prior career in chiropractic care into the classroom. He prepares students for careers in the medical field while helping them connect these skills to a wide range of future pathways. Jacoy goes above and beyond to support students, coordinating internships, helping secure job opportunities, and organizing field trips and career experiences that expand students’ understanding of their options. He is dedicated to helping students build confidence and take meaningful steps toward their futures.
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April 29, 2026
In the “Pressing” program Satik Seyranyan the guest American-Armenian conflict expert, specialist in international conflict resolution and negotiations (Conflict Resolution, International Law, Mediation), Doctor of Law Hrayr Balyan.
Hrayr Balyan was one of the authors of the speeches of the 39th President of the USA, Jimmy Carter, he was in 2008-2022. was the director of The Carter Center’s Conflict Resolution Program. He worked for the United Nations, OSCE/ODIHR and a number of prestigious non-governmental organizations and held leadership positions at the “Covcas Center for Law and Conflict Resolution” in Geneva, the International Crisis Group in Sarajevo and other institutions. In addition to his fieldwork, Hrayr Balyan practiced law in the United States and presented the details of his experience through lectures at a number of universities and academic institutions around the world. Currently, his subjects of study are the South Caucasus and the Levant.
Why is Nikol Pashinyan threatening the people, blackmailing them, threatening with war, even setting a deadline: if he is not re-elected, there will be a war in September, and now his teammates are saying that if there is no Nikol Pashinyan, there will be no Armenia.
The main theses of the interview are below.
It is not right to go to the elections with threats of war. I can’t and I don’t want to guess what is in the mind of the prime minister, who is talking about a possible war if he is not elected.
To remind: Ilham Aliyev in 2025 on December 18 had announced, that 300,000 Azerbaijanis have appealed to the RA government to create conditions for their return, adding that they are still waiting for the RA authorities’ answer on that issue.
The leading Orbeli think tank has organized a roundtable discussion in Yerevan, bringing together government officials, experts, business representatives, and international participants to discuss regional connectivity and economic cooperation.
The roundtable titled “Regional Developments and the Prospects of the Crossroads of Peace Project” is organized by the Orbeli Center, affiliated with the Prime Minister’s Office Center for Public Relations and Information, with support from the Eurasian Bank.
Orbeli Center coordinator and historian Mikayel Yalanuzyan delivered opening remarks.
Member of Parliament Arman Yeghoyan from the ruling Civil Contract Party, Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee on European Integration Affairs, as well as Deputy Minister of Economy Edgar Zakaryan, also delivered remarks.
The speakers highlighted the development of regional connectivity and the Crossroads of Peace initiative as a key direction for Armenia’s economic development and cooperation.
The Armenian government’s Crossroads of Peace project is a major undertaking designed to establish connections between the Persian Gulf, the Gulf of Oman, the Black Sea, the Caspian Sea, and the Mediterranean Sea via a consolidated regional railway network and the North–South and East–West routes.
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