Author: Hunanian Jack

Al-Arabiya, United Arab Emirates
Feb 21 2008

[Facts] Precedent?

The West supports independence for the Albanian-majority territory,
but insists it would not set a precedent. Other breakaway regions
around the world disagree. Following are a few that might look with
interest at the Kosovo case:

WEST BANK / GAZA

** Following Kosovo’s declaration of independence, senior Palestinian
negotiator Yasser Abed Rabbo said Palestinians had the "right to
proclaim independence as the people of Kosovo did" as talks with
Israel "have made no progress" since they were re-launched in
November. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas ruled out any
unilateral declaration of statehood in the near future, and fellow
negotiator Saeb Erekat said Palestinians needed "real independence,
not a declaration." U.S. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack
called Kosovo a "unique" case which is "not a precedent for any other
situation around the world."

THE KURDS – Turkey/Iraq/Syria/Iran

** Around 20 million Kurds are scattered between northern Iraq,
Syria, Iran and Turkey, describing themselves as the world’s largest
stateless minority. Most live in southeastern Turkey, where Kurdistan
Workers’ Party (PKK) guerrillas have fought an insurgency since 1984
in which more than 30,000 people have died. A ceasefire was called in
1999, but fighting resumed in 2004. Turkey fears that Kurds in
northern Iraq plan to set up their own state, stirring tensions among
Turkish Kurds.

WESTERN SAHARA – Morocco

** The Polisario movement of Western Sahara fought a low-level war
for independence after Morocco annexed the desert territory with the
pullout of colonial power Spain in 1975. U.N. troops have monitored
an uneasy peace since 1991. It is Africa’s oldest territorial
dispute, over land the size of Britain, inhabited by 260,000 people.
A U.N. ceasefire agreement in 1991 promised a referendum on the fate
of the territory, but it never took place and Morocco now rules it
out, saying autonomy is the most it will offer.

NAGORNO-KARABAKH – Azerbaijan

** Sporadic clashes in Nagorno-Karabakh between Azeri and local
ethnic Armenian irregulars began in 1988, escalating by 1992 into
full-scale hostilities between Azeri forces and troops from Armenia.
About 35,000 people died and hundreds of thousands fled before a
ceasefire was signed in 1994. The territory remains part of
Azerbaijan but is controlled by Armenian forces. A major BP-led
pipeline linking Azerbaijan’s Caspian Sea oil fields to world markets
passes a few kilometres from the conflict zone.

PAPUA – Indonesia

** In the remote eastern province of Papua, activists have led a
campaign for more than 30 years to break away from Indonesia, while a
low-level armed rebellion has been rumbling for decades. Critics say
military abuses and dissatisfaction over Jakarta’s distribution of
wealth generated by the mineral- and gas-rich province has fuelled
grievances. A 30-year insurgency in Aceh province, killing 15,000
people, ended in a European Union-monitored peace accord in 2005.

BASQUE COUNTRY – Spain

** Basque separatist movement ETA has spent the past four decades
fighting for an independent Basque state in northern Spain and
southwestern France, killing more than 800 people. The
semi-autonomous Basque region in northern Spain is home to 2.1
million people. More than 750 suspected members have been detained
since 2000. ETA declared a ceasefire last year, but the Spanish
government scrapped peace talks in December 2006 after ETA bombed
Madrid airport, killing two people.

ABKHAZIA AND SOUTH OSSETIA – Georgia

** Home to 200,000 people, Abkhazia is sandwiched between the Black
Sea and the Caucasus mountains and was once a renowned tourist
destination. It fought a 1992-3 war against Georgia and effectively
rules itself. It was isolated for years after the war but has since
forged closer ties with Russia, which has given Abkhaz residents
passports and pensions. South Ossetia fought to throw off Georgian
rule in the early 1990s. A ceasefire was signed but the violence has
threatened to reignite. Russia has peacekeepers in both regions.

TRANSDNIESTRIA – Moldova

** A tiny sliver of land on the Dniestr river, Transdniestria broke
away from Moldova in September 1990. A brief war killed hundreds
before Russian troops intervened. The region of 550,000 people is
dominated by Russian-speaking Slavs, who pressed for independence
fearing Moldova’s Romanian-speaking majority would one day join
Romania to the south. Around 1,200 Russian troops remain.
Transdniestria covers one eighth of Moldovan territory but is home to
the bulk of Moldova’s industrial base.

8.html

KHAZAR IBRAGIM: THE PROCESSES ONGOING IN ARMENIA ARE THE INTERNAL PROBLEM OF THIS COUNTRY

arminfo
2008-02-25 16:22:00

ArmInfo. "Azerbaijan never interferes with the internal problems
of other country and we consider that processes currently ongoing in
Armenia are the internal problem of this country. We just hope that the
situation in Armenia will not affect the negotiation process on the
resolution of Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh",
Khazar Ibragim, spokesman for Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry, said
commenting on Armenian Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanyan’s statement
that Azerbaijan tries to speculate with the internal situation of
Armenia, Day.az reports.

Parliamentary groups and councils of RPA and Prosperous Armenia hold
joint conference

2008-02-23 19:15:00

ArmInfo. Today the parliamentary groups and the councils of the
Republican Party of Armenia and Prosperous Armenia party held a joint
conference and adopted a joint statement.

The press secretary of RPA Eduard Sharmazanov says that as soon the
leaders of the parties ratify the statement it will be made public. The
statement says: "The Feb 19 presidential election in Armenia has been
conducted in compliance with the international standards. The leader of
the Republican Party of Armenia, Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan has won
in the first round and we are firmly resolved to assert our victory and
to carry out our electoral programs." The statement urges the people to
show solidarity and restraint. Sharmazanov says that the ex energy
minister of Armenia, the member of the RPA council David Zadoyan has
left the party.

HERITAGE PARTY REPRESENTATIVE AT CEC: LEVON TER-PETROSYAN GAINED VICTORY IN FIRST ROUND OF PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

arminfo
2008-02-21 15:53:00

ArmInfo. Heritage opposition party representative at the Central
Electoral Commission Zoya Tadevosyan declared at a several thousand
strong rally in Yerevan Freedom Square on February 21 that Levon
Ter-Petrosyan gained victory in the first round of the presidential
election.

‘Mass election rigging of February 19 is a real crime to democracy. Our
representatives at district election commissions had to leave
the sessions because the commissions satisfy the demands of the
presidential candidates Artashes Geghamyan and Aram Haroutunyan to
recount votes. They do that to avoid the real recount of votes’,
she said.

SERGE SARGSYAN WINS THE ELECTION, ACCORDING TO PRELIMINARY RESULTS

armradio.am
20.02.2008 14:19

The Central Electoral Commission (CEC) of Armenian publicized today
the preliminary results of the presidential elections of February 19.

According to the data provide by the CEC, 1 670 656 people participated
in the voting process.

Serge Sargsyan leads with 863 544 votes (51.7%), Levon Ter-Petrosyan
comes second with 351 306 votes (21%), the third is Artur Baghdasaryan
with 272 256 votes (16.2%).

They are followed by Vahan Hovhannissyan – 100 876 votes (6%), Vazgen
Manukian – 20 939 votes (1.2%), Tigran Karapetyan – 9754 votes (0.6%),
Artashes Geghamyan – 7473 votes (0,4%).

Candidates Arman Melikian and Aram Harutiunian gained 0.2% each
(4 359 and 3 092 votes respectively).

Thus, according to preliminary results, RA Prime Minister, President
of the Republican Party of Armenia Serge Sargsyan was elected
President. In compliance with RA Constitution, the candidate that
receives more than half of the total number of votes is elected to
the post of the President of the Republic of Armenia.

EurasiaNet, NY
Feb 19 2008

ON ELECTION DAY, TURKEY OUTWEIGHS POLITICS IN BORDER VILLAGE
Yigal Schleifer 2/19/08

Not far from Armenia’s borders with Turkey and Georgia, at an age-old
trading crossroads, lies the village of Shirakavan. The political
excitement connected to the country’s February 19 presidential vote
commands little attention here. Rather, the focus is on the
day-to-day struggle to survive and how, if possible, Armenia’s
relations with Turkey could play a role.

On election day, several men are standing in the snow outside of the
village’s school, which serves as a polling station. Among them is
Shirakavan’s mayor, Gevorg Haroutiunian, who describes how many of
the village’s farmers cannot reach their land, because it lies near
the closed Turkish border.

"The fact that the border is closed causes damage on both sides,"
says the mayor.

It is a problem that is visually immediately at hand. A tall
watchtower and several unmanned artillery positions look out over
Shirakavan’s snow-covered border area. Off in the distance, a
pencil-thin minaret rises from a mosque on the Turkish side.

"If we can have some diplomatic relations with Turkey, we could have
a positive dynamic here," adds Haroutiunian.

The diplomatic stalemate with Turkey certainly comes at a cost for
Armenia. Studies estimate that the country could be losing as much as
$400 million in annual trade because of the closed border between the
two states. Meanwhile, various regional projects, such as the
Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline and the soon-to-be-completed
Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway, are working to further deepen Armenia’s
political and economic isolation among its neighbors. [For background
see the Eurasia Insight archive].

Although it didn’t get as much attention as fighting poverty or
corruption, the question of Armenia’s relations with Turkey lingered
throughout the presidential campaign, but it was often used more as a
way to smear a candidate than as a chance to propose ways forward on
the issue.

No dramatic proposals for change have come from either of the race’s
two key candidates – Prime Minister Serzh Sarkisian and former
President Levon Ter-Petrosian.

Though he has said he supports Turkey’s European Union membership
bid, Sarkisian is expected to continue the policies of outgoing
President Robert Kocharian, Armenian analysts say.

And while Ter-Petrosian has promised to be "pro-active" on the issue,
Tevan Poghosyan, executive director of the International Center for
Human Development, a Yerevan-based think tank, notes that actions
taken during his 1991-1998 presidency resulted in no breakthroughs.

"If you are interested in opening up the relations, don’t look here,"
Poghosyan says. "The key is on the Turkish side. It’s not dependent
on what the candidates say on the issue."

Despite various attempts over the years to get Ankara and Yerevan to
the negotiating table, other experts believe that relations between
the two neighbors will remain frozen for the foreseeable future, with
the Armenian genocide issue and the question of Nagorno-Karabakh
continuing to stand as major roadblocks in the way of any progress.
[For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

"Normalization of relations has become a magic word that keeps
getting repeated, but nothing is done about it," says Ruben
Safrastyan, director of the Institute of Oriental Studies at
Armenia’s National Academy of Sciences in Yerevan and an expert on
Turkey.

"There is no possibility for state-to-state diplomacy right now. We
need to take things down a step to track-two [non-governmental]
diplomacy. In this respect, Armenian diplomacy needs to be more
proactive and we lack that proactivity right now."

Adds Safrastyan: "There are elements in Turkey that are trying to
have dialogue with Armenia, and we need to have a dialogue with those
elites."

"There are some elements about each other that we know, but there are
many that we don’t know and we are not even bothering to get to the
table and learn about it," comments the International Center for
Human Development’s Poghosyan, whose organization sponsored a series
of meetings in 2001-2004 between Turkish and Armenian academics,
journalists and other opinion shapers.

"Our knowledge of each other is very symbolic," he continues. "The
public on both sides is dealing in stereotypes."

For now, much of the impasse between Turkey and Armenia revolves
around the genocide issue. Ankara refuses to recognize the mass
killings of Armenians in Eastern Turkey during the late Ottoman
period as genocide. Instead, it has called for the convening of a
joint commission of historians to decide on the issue before any
negotiations on normalizing relations can start.

Armenians see this as an unacceptable precondition, one that asks too
much of them.

"I think this topic, the Armenian genocide, could be the ground for
dialogue, but without preconditions," says Hayk Demoyan, director of
Yerevan’s Museum-Institute of the Armenian Genocide.

"We can’t forget our memories in order to have better relations. This
can’t be the cost."

But both Poghosyan and Safrastyan say they believe slow progress in
being made in Turkey regarding the genocide issue, which may enable
the two neighbors to move beyond the problematic subject.

"I am optimistic, and it has to do with developments in Turkish
society," Safrastyan says. "I believe that in five or ten years,
Turkish society will start asking more about the genocide issue. This
development could end up having leverage over Turkish diplomacy."

Meanwhile, 20 kilometers from the border village of Shirakavan, in
the town of Gyumri, a onetime Soviet industrial powerhouse, many
locals see trade as a way to move past the political issues.

"We should see trade as separate from the genocide issue," says
Eduoard Haroian, owner of a shiny hardware store that sells
German-made power tools. "One is a political issue and the other is
an economic issue."

"In my opinion, most of the people here are ready for the border to
be open," continues Haroian. "We have a saying: if one has an enemy,
it’s always harder to make a living."

Editor’s Note: Yigal Schleifer is a freelance reporter who covers
Turkey and the South Caucasus.

Vazgen Manukyan voted for new future of Armenia

2008-02-19 11:17:00

ArmInfo. Transparency and fairness of the election depend on the
will of dozens of citizens, RA presidential contender, Head of the
Nationla-Democratic Union party Vazgen Manukyan told journalists today
after having voting at the election precinct 9/22 in the building of
the Union of Writers of Armenia in Yerevan.

"I believe in my people and I am sure that we shall win. I elect
the future of Armenia", he said and emphasized importance of these
election by a circumstance that a new volume in the chronicle of a free
country opens, the first page of which should determine the republic’s
fortune. To the remark of journalists, saying that the voters are
carried to the election precincts by route taxi, V. Manukyan replied
that there is nothing illegal in it if the prefecture organizers
transportation of the aged voters without dictation who vote for.

Chairman of the election precinct 9/22, where Vazgen Manukyan voted,
Henrikh Martirosyan, said that 1347 voters have a franchise at this
polling station and 101 people took part in the voting as of 10:30
AM. As Martirosyan said, no violations or any excesses have been fixed.

According to exit-poll, Armenian Prime Minister Serzh Sarkisyan
gathered 57,01% of votes at the presidential election

2008-02-19 20:29:00

ArmInfo. According to exit-poll, Armenian Prime Minister
Serzh Sarkisyan gathered 57,01% of votes at the presidential
election. British Populus company published such results in Yerevan
today after holding an exit poll at 126 ballot stations. According
to preliminary data, the first Armenian president Levon Ter-Petrosyan
is a runner-up gathering 17,04% of votes.

The leader of the opposition Orinats Yerkir party Artur Bagdasaryan
occupied the third place gathering 14,6% of votes according to the
exit poll. Vahan Hovannesyan from ARF Dashnaktiutyun gathered 5,98%
of votes. The poll was ordered by Armenian Public TV. All the rest
candidates for president gathered not more than 1,6% of votes.

Lragir, Armenia
Feb 18 2008

DID CEC VIOLATE OR NOT VIOLATE THE LAW?

The decision of the Central Election Commission of Armenia made on
the eve to put a stamp on the last or the pre-last page of the
passport of a voter is a violation of the Election Code of Armenia,
stated Member of Parliament Stepan Safaryan from the Heritage Party
on February 18. He says there are no alternative statements in the
Election Code, it is set down clearly that the stamp should be put on
page 32 of the passport. Stepan Safaryan says most probably this
decision was made to get away with the stamps put in thousands of
passports which have been collected illegally long before the voting.
Stepan Safaryan thinks the sham stamps were put in the wrong place
and the decision of the CEC was made to settle this problem somehow.
However, Stepan Safaryan mentioned that they do not have evidence but
it is a fact that a great number of passports have been collected.

On the same day but at the Friday Club the deputy chair of the
Central Election Committee Abram Bakhchagulyan said the decision of
the CEC is not a violation of the Election Code, because the CEC is
empowered to regulate the activities of the election commissions.
Meanwhile, the decision that the stamp can be put on either of two
pages, according to Abram Bakhchagulyan, was made to make it clear
that if the last page of a citizen’s passport is not empty, the
commission can put the stamp on another page. Abram Bakhchagulyan
says the stamp is important, not the page.

Today’s Zaman, Turkey
Feb 14 2008

What kind of esteem does Renault hold in your eyes?

Last week I joined a two-day tour of Bursa organized by the
Foundation of Economy Magazines. Like everyone else on the tour, I
returned quite pleased and satisfied with the packed program we were
presented with, as well as all the information we acquired.

Some of the news from this trip has already been published in our
newspaper. But something that hasn’t been covered is our tour of the
Renault facilities and our meetings there.
Before getting to the information part of this report, though, I
would like the following to be known: The Renault company does not
have very good relations with many media organizations. When I say
their relations are not good, I am not talking about advertising.
What I mean is that Renault takes a pointed stance of ignoring many
newspapers and publications. That being the case, there are many
realities ignored by Renault.

Most likely, the managers of Renault will come out and make a pretty
basic statement having to do with Renault’s partnership with Oyak
Group. I think that more and more, Renault is heading down a path
that will damage their global identity.

Renault is the world’s fourth largest automotive giant. The strategic
partnership they created with Nissan brought them new acceleration in
growth both in terms of raising recognition of their brand and in
terms increasing their global competitiveness.

In Turkey, Renault produces an annual total of 320,000 vehicles, has
a turnover of $3.4 billion and enjoys $2.5 billion in exports, all of
which make it one of the leading companies across the board in
Turkey. They also provide tens of thousands of jobs directly and
indirectly. Currently 55 percent of their production supplies comes
from domestic sources, and the targeted rate is 80 percent. Their
capacity this year in their engine factory alone will reach a
production level of 450,000 engines. They enjoy a 22 percent share in
the Turkish national automobile market.

Renault is expecting its profitability rate to rise to 6 percent in
2009, in contrast to last year’s 3 percent, despite economic
fluctuations and global slowdowns. Its Laguna model is expected to be
among the three global top-selling cars this coming year. During this
period, Turkish-based Renault alone will produce an extra 200,000
vehicles.

In the coming years, it is speculated that French companies are going
to show some serious growth with aggressive leadership by Sarkozy in
France. This growth should include not just companies like Renault,
but other French firms as well. The reasons behind this might involve
more than just Sarkozy’s initiatives for French businesses. In any
case, these are my general expectations.

The results from research on the most positively viewed companies in
Turkey are sitting in front of me right now. Interestingly, despite
the fact that Renault is among the top 20 companies in Turkey in
terms of its production, export levels and employment, it does not
take a place in the list of the most favorably viewed companies in
the nation. I cannot actually provide this list here, since it would
be very long. If you are interested in finding a copy, you could
check the Internet.

In recent years Renault fell to sixth place on automotive lists in
Turkey. But why, I wonder.

There are two Renault vehicle companies in Turkey, Reno-Mais and Oyak
Renault. The first is the marketing company and the second is the
production company. At Reno-Mais, the management belongs to Oyak,
while at Oyak Renault the company is actually managed by Renault. As
Oyak controls the marketing side, the overseeing of communications
can take place outside the parameters of Renault’s global
communications management.

There is no one who can ignore an entire segment of society,
especially when we are talking about a French company. Relations
between Turkey and France are at a delicate place, keeping in mind
not only the Armenian issue, but many others as well. You could also
add Sarkozy’s stance on the Turkish quest for EU membership to this
`delicacy’ in relations.

And, of course, bringing about and maintaining institutional esteem
does not happen just by offering to plant a few flowers or trees in
this or that village.

Actually, this is a topic that affects not only Oyak-Renault, but
many other foreign companies as well. The real question is not one of
increasing sales by a few thousand more cars per year in Turkey. The
real question involves creating an institutional identity and an
image for the future and protecting this identity and image. A brief
scan of global car ownership figures indicates that 559 people out of
every one thousand in Germany own a car, a much smaller 82 out of one
thousand in Turkey and a global average of 99 out of one thousand.
This means that Turkey is a great marketing and sales ground for
automobiles and a site of very productive facilities for car
producers.

Renault creates much employment in Turkey and produces many cars
here. Both of these, in turn, create respect and esteem for the
company. But the factor that really needs to see respect in all this
is the people themselves, the same people whose air is being
polluted, whose bread is being eaten and to whom Renault’s products
are being sold.

14.02.2008

Fikri Türkel TODAY’S ZAMAN