Author: Hunanian Jack

Routine Observance of Human Rights in Shadow of an Unresolved Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh: External vs. Internal Locus of Responsibility

Hunanian Jack
April 6 2023
Human Rights & Development
Author: Margarita Tadevosyan
Date Published: April 6, 2023

The unresolved conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh and the continued threat of renewed large-scale war have shifted the focus from domestic to externally conditioned human rights issues in the South Caucasus. Observance and reporting on human rights issues domestically are subordinate to the human rights issues conditioned by the ongoing conflict situation. As a result, the local population experiences layered violations of human rights and is disenfranchised both domestically and internationally.  

Human Rights in a De Facto State: The Locus of Responsibility

The Second Karabakh War of 2020 not only shifted the geopolitical balance in the South Caucasus but also created a need to review the implications of human rights protection in the aftermath of significant military confrontation. This is especially true in light of the lack of conflict resolution and the non-recognition of one of the parties involved in the conflict (state of Nagorno-Karabakh). This article presents the current discourse around human rights issues in the de facto states of the South Caucasus and analyzes the human rights situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after the war.

 

Historical Context in the South Caucasus

The South Caucasus as a geopolitical region includes three UN member states (Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia), two partially recognized countries (Abkhazia and South Ossetia)[1], as well as one non-recognized state (Nagorno-Karabakh). The dissolution of the Soviet Union, despite being celebrated as a step towards democratization, nevertheless became a breeding ground for a series of lingering violent conflicts. The first phase of post-independence military conflict in the early 1990s ended with the signing of ceasefire agreements. The Bishkek Protocol was signed between Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh. In the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict the signatories to the Sochi Agreement were Georgia and Russia, while 1994 Moscow Agreement signed between Georgia and Abkhazia ended miliary actions in the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. In the subsequent years, all de facto entities aspired to build statehood and achieve international recognition. Abkhazia and Nagorno-Karabakh were significantly more successful in building stronger political structures, military and civil society, while South Ossetia struggled to develop independent (from Russia) social-political structures.  Despite their efforts, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh remain unrecognized by most UN member states due to the prevalence of the principles of state sovereignty and territorial integrity over the principle of self-determination.

Under the current paradigm of international law, existing de facto states have very limited access to the international arena. They are not members of major international organizations, are not signatories to foundational conventions and treaties, and do not have direct access to major international institutions. As such, they are only indirect participants in international legal processes. For example, Armenia instituted proceeding against Azerbaijan before the International Court of Justice also on behalf of the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh with regard to violations of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD). Similarly, Russia represented South Ossetian de facto authorities in the ICC investigation into alleged crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in the context of an international armed conflict in 2008. Each of the de facto states in the South Caucasus has developed a binary relation with their parent and patron states. In this context, the parent state is the one from which the de facto state is seeking independence, while the patron state is the one that provides political, economic, and military support to the de facto regimes. Due to the secessionist nature of these conflicts, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh have highly confrontational relations with their respective parent states–Georgia and Azerbaijan. At the same time, statehood would have been impossible without the patronage of Russia and Armenia. Exclusive dependence on the patron state and exclusion from international structures because of a lack of recognition further undermines the effective application of international human rights protection standards.

The unrecognized status and lack of direct jurisdiction by the parent states means that legislation of the internationally recognized state and its responsibilities—highlighted by human rights treaties—cannot be applied to these entities. To protect the rights of their citizens, all de facto states in the South Caucasus have enacted local legislation and established Ombudsman institutions. However, the centralized governance style and weak separation of powers in the de facto states jeopardize the functioning of these protections. Limited access by international human rights monitoring organizations and the lack of reliable and regularly reported data make it difficult to speak holistically about human rights in the de facto states. At the same time, while the de facto status is a limiting factor for applying internationally mandated protections, human rights in these states have some degree of protection and freedom. The most recent 2022 Freedom in the World report  by Freedom House ranks Abkhazia and Nagorno-Karabakh as partially free.

The lingering conflicts and limitations posed by non-recognition created two distinct lenses for viewing human rights. The power asymmetry and sense of insecurity resulted in a stronger emphasis not on internal (by own government/authorities) but on external (by the other side/enemy) violations of human rights. This external locus to uphold human rights diverts attention from the domestic human rights context, pushing it to the background.  

 

Human Rights in Nagorno-Karabakh: History of Conflict

Facilitated by the collapse of the USSR, the ethno-political tensions in Nagorno-Karabakh transformed into a bloody war in 1991-1994. The war ended with a ceasefire agreement that solidified the territorial gains of the Armenian side and effectively integrated Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. They share the same socio-economic, educational, and cultural space. The political and military elites and structures are also extremely intertwined. Two former presidents of Armenia—Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan—are from Nagorno-Karabakh and have used the ongoing conflict as the foundation of their political platform.  

The unresolved conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh was frozen since the end of the first war in 1994. The militarization of the region and public discourse, a stagnant negotiation process, and frustration with limitations imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic created suitable conditions for a “perfect storm.” On July 15, 2020, thousands of Azerbaijanis took to the streets in an unprecedented protest “demanding war with Armenia.” Many analysts also believe that Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan’s statement “Artsakh[2] in Armenia, that’s it!” during his visit to Nagorno-Karabakh a year earlier became one of the triggers for the events that unfolded a year later. Previous small-scale clashes and provocations had built up significant tensions that resulted in a devastating full-scale war on September 27, 2020. Tactics used by both Armenia and Azerbaijan raised major concerns among international actors. Based on its ground investigation, Amnesty International concluded that “[t]he two sides used notoriously inaccurate and indiscriminate weapons in populated civilian areas.” The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights warned that continued indiscriminate targeting of civilian populated areas “may amount to war crimes.” In addition, international actors independently reported numerous war crimes committed by both sides during the war and called for an urgent investigation into the perpetrators. The war ended with the Russian-brokered trilateral truce agreement after claiming the lives of over seven thousand servicemen on both sides.

 

Human Rights in Nagorno-Karabakh: Post-2020 War

The end of hostilities and deployment of Russian peacekeeping forces has provided some physical security. Nevertheless, the humanitarian situation in the region remains highly volatile. Relief and human rights monitoring organizations continue to face obstacles to physically access these areas. The outcome of the Second Karabakh War, the significant territorial and human losses sustained, the hate speech and “Armenophobic” rhetoric from officials in Baku, and an uncertain future after the expiration of the Russian peacekeeping mission in 2025 emphasize human rights through the conflict (external) lens; this contrasts heavily with the holistic (internal) lens of human rights that places individuals within their local contexts and outside of the conflict dynamics.  

The conflict lens of the human rights violations of the Armenian population by Azerbaijan or Azerbaijani armed forces remains central in the political discourse. The existential threat to the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh, exacerbated by the ongoing siege of the region, trumps all other issues—including domestic human rights. Since September 2020, Nagorno-Karabakh Ombudsman has published nineteen ad-hoc reports, eighteen of which report the violations of human rights of the Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) people by Azerbaijan or Azerbaijani armed forces. With the continued potential for future military action, LGBTI, disability, gender, and other human rights issues not framed by conflict remain outside of local human rights debate. This dismissal is justified by the need to be united and strong in the face of a powerful and dangerous enemy.  

Тhe current framing of human rights issues is rooted in earlier political processes. In 2016, the Armenian Defense Minister Vigen Sargsyan introduced the “Nation-Army” concept as the foundation of the country’s defense strategy—also extended to Nagorno-Karabakh. Its basic premise is that society’s unconditional support to the army is required for strong, combat-ready armed forces, and that any disturbance within the traditional societal structure endangers the army, and thus, the security of people.  

An illustrative example of how this ideology penetrates other domains is the current approach to domestic violence and women’s rights. Amnesty International and local experts point out that after the Second Karabakh War, there were increased cases of domestic violence in Armenia. However, cases remain underreported and improperly investigated by the government because they jeopardize the very core of society. Experts on gender-based violence note that “[i]f a woman speaks out about domestic violence it is seen as a challenge to the family and, therefore, a challenge to the nation and its survival.” The unresolved conflict, possibility of another military escalation, the need to have combat-ready army where the image of the soldier is built around the stereotype of masculinity, places the LGBT community in increased marginalized position since they don’t fit the mainstream military and patriotic contexts. These narratives of militarism and polarized gender roles also create a breeding ground for harassment, discrimination, and violence against the LGBT community and further justify the discriminatory treatment of LGBT people in Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia. 

 

Is There a Way Forward?

The international community can only discuss a more comprehensive and inclusive way of addressing human rights in Nagorno-Karabakh after the resolution of the conflict, which is still very far away. The persistence of the “external threat of extermination” narrative that is reinforced by Azerbaijan’s coercive actions will continue to shape the human rights dimension with an outward-looking trajectory.

 An important interim measure for strengthening the internal lens of human rights would be the development of credible mechanisms for the international monitoring of human rights violations directly related to the conflict and the establishment of sound practices for accountability. A practical step in this direction would be the commissioning of regular international fact-finding missions to monitor and report on human rights violations. The international community should use all its political and legal weight to ensure compliance with rulings of the International Criminal Court to ensure the protection of rights of the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh. The reliable functioning of international monitoring, reporting, accountability, and protection mechanisms will allow for renewed confidence that human rights violations directly related to the conflict will receive due attention and justice. This will free up discursive space and will create public demand for more inclusive and inward-oriented work on human rights in Nagorno-Karabakh. 

 

 

[1] Abkhazia and South Ossetia are largely recognized as part of Georgia. These disputed territories were first recognized by Russia in 2008 and only four other UN member states (Venezuela, Nicaragua, Nauru, and Syria) recognized them as independent.

[2] Artsakh is the Armenian word for Nagorno-Karabakh.

. . .

Dr. Margarita Tadevosyan is a Post-Doctoral Fellow and Research Professor at Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter School for Peace and Conflict Resolution. She is a scholar-practitioner of conflict resolution with over a decade of experience working in the South Caucasus conflict context.


Cabinet approves military-technical cooperation agreement with Czech Republic

Hunanian Jack

Save

Share

 15:45,

YEREVAN, MARCH 30, ARMENPRESS. The Government of Armenia on March 30 approved the agreement on military-technical cooperation with Czech Republic which was signed in 2019.

The agreement envisages cooperation in military education, defense industry, military history and museology, as well as participation in peacekeeping missions abroad.  It will be sent to the Constitutional Court to determine its compliance with the constitution, and in the event of receiving a positive response the agreement will be submitted to parliament for ratification.

Book: How ‘We Are All Armenian’ collection gives voice to a range of experiences

Hunanian Jack

In “We Are All Armenian: Voices from the Diaspora,” editor Aram Mrjoian collects essays from 18 writers, all of whom have Armenian ancestry, that offer different perspectives on ethnicity and identity. (Photo credit Dustin Pearson / Courtesy of University of Texas Press)

By LIZ OHANESIAN | Contributing Writer

Aram Mrjoian was reading the work of writers who, like him, are of Armenian heritage and noticed something pervasive.

Regardless of the type of story being told, Mrjoian saw writers commenting on the Armenian Genocide and ensuing population displacement. He perceived a “constant demand for context, particularly historic context” within the varied works, though he understood the reason for it. 

“At least in my own experience, that was often an editorial demand coming not from my own writing but from the sense of what editors are looking for,” said the writer, who is an editor-at-large at the Chicago Review of Books and associate fiction editor at Guernica, during a recent phone call. 

With that in mind, Mrjoian wanted to develop a project where Armenian writers didn’t have to explain Armenian history over and over again. And now it’s here: “We Are All Armenian: Voices from the Diaspora,” just published by the University of Texas Press, brings together essays from 18 writers who have Armenian ancestry and offer different perspectives on ethnicity and identity to the collection. 

“All of them understood the assignment right away,” says Mrjoian. “Even though I didn’t give anyone specific subject matter, all the essays came back completely different, which was really exciting.”

While the history of the Armenian Genocide might not be something that always needs to be explained, it’s part of what makes this collection important and necessary, says novelist Chris Bohjalian, author of such books as “The Sandcastle Girls,” “Midwives” and “The Flight Attendant.”

“Of the roughly ten million Armenians on the planet, fewer than 30 percent live in Armenia. Most of us are descendants of survivors of a Genocide who were robbed of everything, including their — our — homeland. We are a diaspora people,” says Bohjalian in an email interview. “Moreover, because there are so few of us on the planet, we are a people who live on a tightrope: if we fall too far to one side, we risk assimilation and the loss of our heritage. If we fall to the other, we risk cultural banishment and remain forever the outsiders.”

Explaining why he decided to participate in the project, Bohjalian says this: “I cannot stress enough the demographic cataclysm today of having perhaps as many as three-fourths of our ancestors in the Ottoman Empire exterminated a little over a century ago. Our homeland, including Artsakh, is beleaguered both by the simple fact we are badly outnumbered by nation-states to the east and west that still do not want us to exist, and by the reality that it’s hard to get Western nations to pay attention to us. Try explaining the Lachin corridor linking Artsakh with Armenia to someone in, for instance, Washington, D.C. who cannot even find Armenia on a map or is unaware of the Armenian Genocide.”

Moreover, while Mrjoian was working on the book, a major event brought the historical context into the spotlight. In the fall of 2020, the 44-Day War (or the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War) over the ethnic Armenian enclave of Artsakh mobilized those in the global Armenian diaspora and rekindled calls for wider recognition of the Armenian Genocide. 

“At that time, too, I was putting everything together, writing my introduction, thinking this changes the way I write an introduction,” Mrjoian recalls, “This changes the way that people are going to read these essays.”

Moreover, the struggle didn’t end with a ceasefire. Since December 2022, the Armenians of Artsakh have been living under a blockade, as Azerbaijan closed off the Lachin Corridor, effectively leaving an estimated 120,000 people without access to food, medicine and other essentials. Despite calls from world leaders and international human rights organizations for Azerbaijan to end the blockade, it persisted through the winter and is still ongoing. 

But that’s not all that may change how readers digest these essays. In early February, a 7.8 magnitude earthquake hit portions of Turkey and Syria. The devastation includes regions of both countries that have been historic homes to Armenians and where there are still Armenian populations. 

In his essay, “Going Home Again,” Bohjalian writes of his own travels to Turkey, specifically his ancestral hometown of Kayseri. 

In our email interview, Bohjialian notes that, while he hasn’t heard of much damage to Kayseri as a result of the earthquake, he has previously visited cities that were severely impacted, like Adana, Gaziantep, Diyarbakir and Sanliurfa. 

“Among the small moments of grace in the devastation is this: the restored Armenian church in Diyarbakir, Surp Giragos, has been sheltering homeless earthquake survivors the past few weeks. (It experienced very little damage.),” he writes. “Surp Giragos is among the most beautiful churches I’ve seen anywhere. In January, it was a symbol for people who lost everything in 1915; in February, it became a haven for people who lost everything in 2023.”

Overall, though, the essays within “We Are All Armenian” point to the varied experiences within the diaspora. “Because we’re a global diaspora, we’re all experiencing elements of culture, elements of religion, food, philosophy, language differently in different parts of the world,” says Mrjoian. “It’s not going to look the same. It’s kind of hyper-local.”

And the breadth of experiences — including those who are multiethnic, multiracial and LGBTQ+, as well as those who didn’t grow up embedded in Armenian communities and don’t speak the language — is important to consider. Mrjoian says that he hopes the book might prompt conversations about inclusivity regarding ethnic heritage. 

“You can’t dictate that one person has a right to their heritage and one doesn’t,” says Mrjoian. “I’m hoping that when an audience sees this, they’ll see that it’s really meant to welcome people in and maybe some of the conversations around it might be difficult, but those conversations hopefully help us move forward and progress.”


https://www.ocregister.com/2023/03/29/how-we-are-all-armenian-collection-gives-voice-to-a-range-of-experiences/

Sofia: Caucasian knot: Ayatollahs supply Putin with drones via Armenia for the war in Ukraine

Hunanian Jack
   Nikolay Marchenko 

The drones that bombed Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, leaving the country and neighbouring Moldova without power, may have been imported into the Russian Federation from the Islamic Republic of Iran via the Republic of Armenia, according to a number of analytical reports.

According to Ukrainian online publication Telegraf.ua “the United States has already issued warnings to Armenia regarding its close relations with Iran and Russia”.

During his visit to Yerevan in summer 2022, CIA head William Burns warned Nikol Pashinyan’s government to “stay away” from the close military alliance between Iran and Russia. But Armenia ignored Washington’s warning.

As a result, on September 30 2022, the US Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) included Armenian company Taco LLC in its sanctions list because of its interaction with Russia’s Radioavtomatika. The Russian corporation procured foreign equipment for the military industry by circumventing embargoes through paying Taco to supply spare parts and arrange the procurement process through Armenia, OFAC said.

On November 14 2022, the US Treasury Department turned its attention to Russian company AO PKK Milandr, specialising in microcircuits. In Armenia, Milandr has set up a company, Milur Electronics, with which it circumvents sanctions and “places orders in foreign factories, manufactures integrated microcircuits and carries out sales abroad.”

Military cargo at Armenian airports – transit from Iran to Russia

According to Polish magazine New Eastern Europe, the ayatollahs are supporting Putin in his war against Ukraine. At the same time, the authorities in Yerevan have been assigned the role of obedient transitors of goods and technological cargoes, helping Moscow to circumvent EU, US and UK sanctions. According to operational data cited by the publication, Tehran transports Iranian-made drones and missiles through Armenian international and military airports.

Specifically, the alleged flights were registered on August 21 and 29, and also on September 4 and 5 2022. At the Yerevan – Zvartnots International Airport, Soviet Ilyushin-76MD aircraft were spotted, which were believed to be transporting Iranian drones to the Russian Federation.

Also, Iran Air Cargo, a cargo subsidiary of Iran Air, was detected operating flights through Yerevan airport to and from Moscow. Iran Air Cargo, Iran Air and Safiran Airport Services have already been sanctioned by the US, after intelligence indicated that the companies had delivered Iranian drones to the Russian Federation in transit through Armenian airports.

Moscow has been using Iranian drones and missiles transported through Armenia for its terrorist attacks against Ukrainian energy and water infrastructure for months. On October 30 2022, the Armenian Ministry of Defence admitted that Tehran was transporting drones. In the same month, the Iranians had donated 600 missiles to the Armenian armed forces – just as Yerevan is in a sharp border conflict with Baku over the “blockade” of the unrecognised separatist region of Karabakh.

Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Nasser Kanaani claimed in December 2022 that Kyiv’s claims about alleged drone deliveries to Russia were “baseless.” In February 2023, Iran’s Foreign Ministry called Ukraine for negotiations, saying that Kyiv “did not provide a single document for the supply of drones to the Russian Federation“.

Moscow and Tehran shower Yerevan with hundreds of millions in trade

Center for Naval Analysis analyst Samuel Bendett commented to Forbes in November 2022 that Yerevan also expects to receive drones from Iran. According to Bendett, Armenia could be interested in the Shaheed and Ababil and Mojahed drone models, which have been used by Iranian proxies in the Middle East. The Armenian media widely quoted this statement without any denials from the government.

The potential purchase of drones by Yerevan has a broader political and strategic context, Bendett believes: “Armenia seeks to compensate for the strengthening of the Azerbaijani-Turkish military alliance.” According to Bendett, in Yerevan they understand that Moscow “may not be as ready to defend Armenia as it was thought until now” and the country must modernise its military on its own.

The analysis came weeks after November 1 2022, when Pashinyan was on a visit to Tehran – where a Memorandum of Understanding and Cooperation in Energy was signed. Trade between the countries is growing: in 2022, exports from Armenia to Iran amounted to $111.2 million, 70 per cent more than the previous year; Iranian imports to Armenia were worth $599.7 million, growth of 37 per cent compared with 2021, Yerevan boasted at the time.

Against the background of the Kremlin’s aggression against Ukraine, the military partnership along the Moscow-Yerevan axis is increasingly intense: the Minister of Defence of Armenia and the Secretary of the Security Council visited Russia several times. Since the beginning of the war in Ukraine, Pashinyan has visited the Russian Federation five times, met with Russian President Vladimir Putin six times and spokn with him by phone 18 times.

In September 2022, joint military exercises were held, and in December an agreement on military cooperation for 2023 was signed. In February of this year the Defecse and Security Committee of the Parliament of Armenia ratified an agreement on cooperation between the intelligence services of the two countries in the field of cyber security.

What is all this for Yerevan? “Armenia is not only a key centre for the re-export of sanctioned goods for the Russian Federation and a military-technical supply base for the aggression against Ukraine, but it is also a military-logistics base for the Russian-Iranian alliance,” Telegraf.ua said.

The helpfulness of Yerevan to Moscow in the name of another percentage of the re-export of prohibited goods to Russia does not go unnoticed in Brussels. “New supply chains through Armenia were established only a few months after the introduction of sanctions against the Russian Federation,” the February 2023 European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) report said.

The authorities in Yerevan continue to tie themselves more and more politically and economically with the Kremlin – the most likely architect of the new Iran-Armenia pact, in which the latter is mostly assigned the role of a transit-logistics terrain.

Tehran is courting Yerevan, which is silent on the protests in Iran

The day is January 18 2023. In the streets of Tehran, the protests against the discrimination against women caused by the murder of the young Iranian Masha Amini by the dreaded Revolutionary Guard Corps have not yet subsided. For propaganda purposes, the First International Congress for Women of Influence was held in the capital of Iran. Among the guests of honour was the wife of the Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan – Anna Hakobyan.

On February 27, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Iran mentioned Hakobyan’s visit to Tehran in one of its official statements. The scandalous visit of the Armenian Prime Minister is another eloquent confirmation of the attempts of Yerevan, which is barely connecting the two ends, to gain at least something from the large-scale transit of goods and armaments along the Iran-Russia route.

It is not surprising that before reception of Hakobyan, worthy of a monarch, on November 24 2022, Yerevan voted against the Resolution of the Special Commission of the UN General Assembly on Human Rights, entitled “Deterioration of the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic Iran”. The resolution said that the authorities in Tehran “must be held accountable”.

It is now more understandable why, since the start of the Kremlin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi has at least eight times emphasised the importance of deepening relations with Yerevan. “Iran considers Armenia a close and friendly country,” he said in one such speech on June 2 2022. On October 1 2022, Pashinyan responded, “Armenia intends to develop its relations with Iran as much as possible in all fields“.

“Armenia’s security is also Iran’s security,” declared the Foreign Minister of the Islamic Republic, Hussein Amir Abdullahiyan, on October 20 2022, apparently “throwing a stone” in the “garden” of Ankara and Baku. The next day, his Armenian counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan emphasised that the relations of the two countries are based on “a deep understanding of our common state interests”.

On February 11 2023, the President of Armenia Vahagn Khachaturian said that Yerevan “seeks to expand and deepen mutually beneficial cooperation” with Tehran. Apparently, a year after the outbreak of the war against Ukraine, in which Iranian drones are used, nothing has changed in the philosophy of the authorities in Yerevan. Pashinyan, who entered politics from the street, prefers partnership with aggressive militarist regimes in the name of his own interests, which increasingly distance him from peace with neighbouring Azerbaijan.

(Photo of Nikol Pashinyan and Ebrahim Raisi: Office of the PM of Armenia)

– Partnership Ukraine-Bulgaria

European Chess Championship: Armenia’s Lilit Mkrtchian beats Azeri opponent in 4th round

Hunanian Jack
Panorama
Armenia – March 22 2023

SPORT 12:07 22/03/2023 ARMENIA

The fourth round of the 23rd European Women Chess Championship was played on Tuesday.

Armenian players Lilit Mkrtchian, Elina Danielian and Anna Sargsyan celebrated victories in the 4th round.

Mkrtchian defeated her Azerbaijani opponent Gunay Mammadzada to score 3.5/4 points.

The games of Mariam Mkrtchyan and Susanna Gaboyan ended in a draw, the Armenian Chess Federation said.

Lilit Mkrtchian and Elina Danielian are in the 4th and 7th places, respectively.

The European Women Chess Championship is taking place at the Hotel Palas in Petrovac, Montenegro, on March 17-30. The event features 136 players from 34 federations.

 

Armenian top diplomat points to gap in positions of Yerevan, Baku on major issues

Hunanian Jack
 TASS 
Russia –
On Wednesday, Ararat Mirzoyan said that Armenia is analyzing the Azerbaijani version of a peace agreement and will give its answer soon

YEREVAN, March 24. /TASS/. Armenia and Azerbaijan have managed to reach understanding on secondary matters, but there is a wide gap in their positions on important issues, Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan said on Friday.

“I can say that there are a lot of issues on which we have managed to reach a compromise with the Azerbaijani side. But the sides’ approaches to the most important topics are oceans apart,” he said at a parliamentary commission meeting.

On Wednesday, Mirzoyan said that Armenia is analyzing the Azerbaijani version of a peace agreement and will give its answer soon.

Azerbaijan’s actions in Talish are proof of genocidal policy – PM

Hunanian Jack

Save

Share

 11:24,

YEREVAN, MARCH 23, ARMENPRESS. Azerbaijan marked the 100th day of its blockade of Lachin Corridor by cutting off the gas supply to Nagorno Karabakh, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said at the Cabinet meeting.

“This happened after the Azerbaijani leader’s speech – which can’t be described anything else than aggressive – in the village of Talish in Nagorno Karabakh, which has been subjected to ethnic cleansing. What happened in Talish village is a substantial, fundamental proof of Azerbaijan’s policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide. In this village – de-populated from Armenians as a result of the 44-Day War, Azerbaijan is demolishing the homes belonging to Armenians by their right to property and is instead building homes intended for Azerbaijanis. What we’ve been alarming about for so long is now reality,” Pashinyan said.

The PM said that by destroying the Armenians’ property in Talish, removing Armenian inscriptions from ancient Armenian monuments, Azerbaijan is showing its model of integration or guarantee of rights and security of Armenians in Nagorno Karabakh.

“These actions are illegal and are explicitly contradicting clause 7 of the 9 November 2020 trilateral statement, which says that internally displaced persons and refugees shall return to the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh and adjacent areas under the supervision of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. This means that March 18th had to be marked by the Armenian population’s return to Talish, instead of the act of vandalism of destroying their homes,” Pashinyan said.

The Armenian PM noted that these actions by the Azeri leadership were followed by the statement released by the Armenian IDPs of Nagorno Karabakh and adjacent regions.

“As one of the addressees of this statement, I want to clearly underscore that I find their demand to be justified, and the Government of the Republic of Armenia must take all political and diplomatic measures to protect the rights of the authors and beneficiaries of the statement,” Pashinyan said.

Representatives of the forcibly displaced Armenian population of Nagorno Karabakh released a statement on March 20 calling on the UNHCR, PM Pashinyan, Russia’s Putin and Azerbaijan’s Aliyev to organize their return.

AW: New children’s book series “Growing Up Proud” celebrates Armenian culture and tradition

Hunanian Jack
 Guest Contributor Literary Corner 0

LOS ANGELES, Calif. — Steve Boyadzhyan, a proud Armenian-American author, has launched a new children’s book series, “Growing Up Proud,” now available on Amazon.

The series is focused on teaching young Armenian children about their culture, tradition, the importance of healthy habits, inclusivity, following dreams and being helpful to others. 

The series currently includes four books: Jace The Armenian Boy Who Loves…Healthy Habits; Sienna The Armenian Girl’s…World Adventures; Jace The Armenian Boy Who…Reaches For The Stars; and Sienna The Armenian Girl Who…Loves to Help. Each book highlights a different value and lesson for children, encouraging them to embrace their Armenian identity and celebrate their unique heritage. 

To help celebrate Easter next month, Boyadzhyan, who is also the illustrator of the series, has released two new books: Sienna The Armenian Girl’s…Easter Celebrations and Jace The Armenian Boy’s…EGG-Citing Easter, perfect for including in Easter baskets for Armenian families. Additionally, as April marks Armenian History Month, these books serve as an excellent tool for celebrating the rich culture, history, and identity of Armenian people. 

“I’m thrilled to share the ‘Growing Up Proud’ series with Armenian children across the diaspora. Through these books, I hope to instill a sense of pride and love for their Armenian identity and heritage,” said Boyadzhyan, “My goal is to inspire young readers to be confident, inclusive and compassionate individuals who will contribute to making the world a better place.”

Press Release: AUA Signs Agreement with ServiceTitan

Hunanian Jack

For Immediate Release  
YEREVAN, Armenia — On March 14, the American University of Armenia (AUA) signed a research collaboration agreement with ServiceTitan, the world’s leading and fastest-growing software technology company and the first Armenian-founded tech unicorn. 

Within the scope of the agreement, AUA’s engineering students from the Akian College of Science and Engineering will conduct research for the company. The goal of the research is to develop novel algorithms based on machine learning and artificial intelligence to solve problems that are highly relevant in the industry.

In his opening remarks, AUA Interim President Dr. Armen Der Kiureghian underscored the importance of such collaborations, stating, “I cannot overstress the importance of having means to engage our students in doing work that is related to their studies and also relevant for the industry. It is very gratifying to have this kind of opportunity, and we are thankful to ServiceTitan for providing this opportunity to our students as well as our faculty.” Dr. Der Kiureghian also mentioned that President and Co-Founder of ServiceTitan Vahe Kuzoyan and his wife Ruzan Kuzoyan are among the 200 AUA Changemakers. Together with his co-founder Ara Mahdessian, Kuzoyan has also established the ServiceTitan Endowed Scholarship Fund at AUA to support the “Yes, Armenian Women Can” campaign. The scholarship currently has two recipients. The Kuzoyans are also supporters of the “Build a Better Future with AUA” capital campaign, and so are Mahdessian and his wife Katherine. 

In his turn, the Managing Director of ServiceTitan Armenia Ashot Tonoyan expressed his enthusiasm for the project, remarking that the company is committed to supporting education and science in Armenia. “One of the gaps that stands out in Armenia is the availability of actual data and work on real industry problems. That is why we decided to partner with AUA to give youth the opportunity to work with real data and solve actual industry problems,” he remarked.


Then the floor was given to Arman Zakaryan (MSCIS ‘20; BSCS ‘18), AUA alumnus and data science engineering manager at ServiceTitan, who briefly introduced the project. AUA Data Science Program Chair Dr. Habet Madoyan introduced the project team which includes data science students Gagik Khalafyan (MSCIS ‘23), Hermine Grigoryan (MSCIS ‘23), and Celine Hovannesian (MSCIS ‘23) led by AUA adjunct lecturer Aram Butavyan. 

The official part of the event was followed by an informal reception during which the attendees had a chance to network with one another and share ideas.

Founded in 1991, the American University of Armenia (AUA) is a private, independent university located in Yerevan, Armenia, affiliated with the University of California, and accredited by the WASC Senior College and University Commission in the United States. AUA provides local and international students with Western-style education through top-quality undergraduate, graduate, and certificate programs, promotes research and innovation, encourages civic engagement and community service, and fosters democratic values.

—

Bella Karapetyan | Communications Manager

Bella Karapetyan|: Communication manager

+374 60 612 514,  

bkarapetyan@


__________________________________________

American University of Armenia

Republic of Armenia, 0019, Yerevan, Marshal Baghramyan Ave. 40:00

40 Baghramyan Avenue, Yerevan 0019, Republic of Armenia

United Arab Emirates names new Ambassador to Armenia

Hunanian Jack

Save

Share

 15:43,

YEREVAN, MARCH 16, ARMENPRESS. The United Arab Emirates has named Dr. Naryman Mohammed Shariff Abdullah Al Mu’alla as its new Ambassador to Armenia, WAM news agency reported.

Dr. Naryman Mohammed Shariff Abdullah Al Mu’alla was sworn in before President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan along with several other new ambassadors.