Festival: Artsakh Harvest Festival attracts 900 applications

Panorama, Armenia
Oct 7 2017
Society 14:55 07/10/2017NKR

900 applications have been submitted for participation in the Harvest Festival to be held in the Renaissance Square of Stepanakert, Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), on Oct.8, a Karabakh official said in an interview with Artsakhpress.

According to Ashot Danielyan, the chief of staff of the Artsakh Ministry of Agriculture, all the regions of Artsakh, as well as 30 business entities will take part in the event.

“The Harvest Festival dedicated to the Day of Agricultural Worker will be marked with a number of cultural and festive events. In addition, agricultural products will be sold at 15-20% price lower than the market price at the exhibition-fair, in line with our agreement with the producers,” he said.

Mr. Danielyan also noted that the Ministry of Agriculture of Artsakh will provide fuel to all individuals and businesses from the regions of the republic for participating in the Harvest Festival. 

1. The Minister of Diaspora participated in the opening of the exhibition of the Bulgarian-Armenian artist Petik Petrosyan 2. A concert with the participation of Armenian and Diaspora singers

Please find the attached press release of the Ministry of Diaspora.
Sincerely,
Media and PR Department:
( 374 10) 585601, internal 805
----------------------
Sincerely
Department of Press and Public Relations
( 374 10) 585601, extension 805


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393. The Minister of Diaspora participated in the opening of the exhibition of the Bulgarian-Armenian artist Petik Petrosyan.docx

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OSCE PA members honor memory of Armenian Genocide victims

PanArmenian, Armenia
Sept 29 2017
OSCE PA members honor memory of Armenian Genocide victims

Members of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly’s Committee on Political Affairs and Security visited the Armenian Genocide memorial in Yerevan on Friday, September 29, the Armenian parliament said in a statement.

Accompanying the guests was Armenian lawmaker Khosrov Harutyunyan.

The OSCE delegates laid flowers at the eternal fire and paid tribute to the memory of 1.5 million innocent victims with a moment of silence.

Also, the guests toured the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute (AGMI) to learn more about the tragedy and watch the exhibits displayed there.

Some three dozen countries, hundreds of local government bodies and international organizations have so far recognized the killings of 1.5 million Armenian in the Ottoman Empire as genocide. Turkey denies to this day.

Alan Whitehorn: It is Easier to Hate Than to Love

Categories
Society
World

Alan Whitehorn is a distinguished genocide scholar, writer, author of books, Emeritus Professor at the Department of Political Science of Royal Military College of Canada.

 It took a long way for Alan Whitehorn to re-unite with his ancestral roots in Armenia, but not a long decision to start writing about genocide. Alan Whitehorn is an author of poems and books about the Armenian Genocide and has brought significant contribution to genocide recognition and education not only in Canada, but beyond its boundaries as well.

“My family is half Armenian and half English-Canadian. My grandmother was an orphan of the Armenian Genocide. All her family members were killed. She was discovered wandering in the streets. She didn’t know her name or age. She lived in refugee camps and orphanages from one place to another for over ten years – first in the Ottoman Empire, and eventually in Greece. Finally, she was adopted by an Armenian family in Alexandria, Egypt. My mother was born in Alexandria and met my father during WW II. My mother’s brother and sister and parents went to Soviet Armenia – an area they had never been before. They were to re-populate Armenia after WW II by coming to the homeland. In the case of my grandmother and my grandfather, they had been born in Western Armenia. From the mid-1940s to the 1960s the family was separated by the Cold War. We were in Canada, while my mother’s side of the family was in Soviet Armenia.” Alan Whitehorn adds with pride that his uncle is Armenak Alajajian, who became one of the most famous Soviet athletes from Armenia – the most famous Armenian Olympic basketball athlete. Armenak Alajajian was included in the 50 Greatest Euro League Contributors (2008) of FIBA European Champions Cup and Euro League history.

Going Back to Roots

Alan Whitehorn tried multiple times to go to both Soviet Armenia and the Republic of Armenia – the piece of Armenia that remained after the 1915 Armenian Genocide committed by the Ottoman Empire that wiped out Western Armenia’s indigenous Armenian population. He wanted to see his relatives and ancestral homeland, however, every time something would happen and interrupt his plans.

“Between the early 1960’s and 2004, I tried four times to go to Armenia, and something would happen and I wouldn’t make it. The first time was in 1963, the last time was in 2001 – when the planes stopped flying after September 11. I finally made it in 2005. It was an overwhelming experience. I was coming as a senior academic, but also someone who had lived for more than five decades in the diaspora. You come with a lot of expectations and stereotypes, and you discover how complex, how dynamic and how rich the history of Armenia is. As a professor of political science, you know a lot, but you learn more when you travel to a country for the first time. My trip to Armenia in 2005 was a particularly moving experience. I ended up writing a lot of poems about my visits to different sites, hearing stories, recalling what people were telling me about their family experiences and accounts about the Armenian Genocide. The book ‘Ancestral Voices’, which came out in 2007, is a collection of poems from my travels through Armenia in 2005.”

After his first visit to Armenia in 2005, Alan Whitehorn has been travelling to Armenia for five weeks every year till 2015.

In Search of Roots: the Path that Led to Writing About the Armenian Genocide

As a person who was always interested in self-education, Alan Whitethorn began writing as a political scientist about the Armenian Genocide almost by accident.

“Several decades ago I had heard a lot about the Armenian Genocide. There were not as many books on the Armenian Genocide as there are now. I wanted to learn more. I wanted to know more from primary sources and sources contemporary to the actual events. I went to the archives of the Toronto Globe (now the Globe and Mail) of 1915 and I went through the newspaper microfilm files and I looked at every page of every day for the entire year of 1915. I looked at what was reported, what we knew and what we didn’t know. I was surprised how much was written.

Not always on the first page, but a lot was written. We have seen the equivalent of Americans’ writings of what was in the New York Times and in other newspapers. I took notes, photocopies from the microfilm, which was of terrible visual quality – not like the modern digital technology now. I created a file for my own interest,” says Alan Whitehorn about his efforts to learn more about the Armenian Genocide. He put the files to the side, until about ten years later when a Consul from the Turkish Embassy had written to the Globe and Mail and was denying the Armenian Genocide. “This was too much. I went back to my files of ten years earlier. I went to my notes and photocopies and typed a letter to the Globe, responding to the Turkish Consul. I quoted from the 1915 headlines from the Toronto Globe articles and they published the letter. Who knew that a little letter in reply to someone who was denying the Genocide would become the beginning of a new phase in my life and career, both as an academic and human rights activist?”

Alan Whitehorn did not have any intent or plans to become a genocide scholar, but unexpectedly the Turkish Consul’s denial of the fact of the Armenian Genocide put him on that path. Following the publication of the response letter, Alan Whitehorn was invited to give a paper to a conference on ethnic and religious minorities in the Ottoman Empire. In his overall academic work Alan Whitehorn cooperated with Lorne and George Shirinian, both brothers and sons of orphans of the Armenian Genocide who had been  “Georgetown Boys and Girls”. Over the years, Lorne Shirinian, as a writer and publisher, and George Shirinian, as Executive Director of Zoryan Institute, collaborated with Alan Whitehorn in writing about what happened to Greeks, Assyrians and Armenians in the Ottoman Empire.  In 2001, Lorne Shirinian and Whitehorn “produced a little booklet that was intended to help the members of the Canadian Parliament and others to learn about the Genocide. It is called ‘The Armenian Genocide: Resisting the Inertia of Indifference’. We ended up going to Parliament Hill and giving copies to senators, members of the House of Commons and their staff and did lobbying. At that time, a number of key figures of the Armenian diaspora were lobbying very long and hard. To my pleasant surprise, we eventually succeeded first in the Senate, then the House of Commons and finally with the Prime Minister recognizing the Armenian Genocide. During the debates, some of my poems were read both in the Senate and the House of Commons during parliamentary discussions and debates,” said Alan Whitehorn and went on adding that it didn’t come easily, as there was pressure and intimidation attempts by a foreign government.

Working for Recognition and Education

An important phase that happened in efforts at education about genocide was when the Toronto District School Board started thinking of offering a course on genocide and human rights. Toronto is the largest district school board in Canada, and what Toronto does often is copied by other smaller boards. The discussion was what content and which case studies to include in the education curriculum. A number of scholars and the Armenian community lobbied to include the Armenian Genocide as one of the most important cases of the 20th century. The Turkish community, including its Embassy, lobbied against.

“As someone who is now increasingly writing on the Armenian Genocide and learning more and more, I wrote a letter making a case for why the Armenian case study should be included in such a course. The school board publicly circulated all written submissions and made it available to anyone who was interested. One of the interested parties was the Turkish government. It was interested to see who was writing to recommend that course. Not surprisingly, I experienced backlash. I was doing a lot of writing and lobbying for the recognition of the Genocide, and now I was writing a letter! I was also teaching a course on Genocide and Human Rights at the Royal Military College of Canada.” Professor Whitehorn added that a foreign government began to take greater interest and show significant unhappiness with the work he was doing on the Armenian Genocide and even tried to silence him. There were attempts to lobby and even to threaten the Canadian government to stop him from teaching not only on the Armenian Genocide and human rights, but in other areas as well.

One can frighten or try to silence an academic from publishing scholarly articles or poems, but that wasn’t for Alan Whitehorn. “As a result of that increased attention and threats from overseas to a Canadian academic, I wrote the book ‘Just Poems: Reflections on the Armenian Genocide’. To me, that’s one of the most important books that I have written, as it was clear there were threats not only to me, but the Canadian Government as well. There was a significant risk personally. The book is a collection of poems on the Armenian Genocide. Most of them were written in the troubling 2008-2009 period.” Many of the poems are available in the Armenian language as well. Aram Arsenyan, who is considered one of the best translators in Armenia, transcribed the poems to make them available in Armenia. “We also worked together on a collection of poems for the volume – ‘Return to Armenia’, which came out in 2012. It includes poems from older volumes, including ‘Ancestral Voices’, and new poems as well. It is in a bilingual format – the same poem is both in English on one page and in Armenian on the facing side.”

The First Encyclopedia in English on the Armenian Genocide  

Several years before 2015, the 100th memorial of the Armenian Genocide, Alan Whitehorn was asked by ABC-CLIO, a major educational publishing house in the U.S., to contribute a number of entries on the Armenian Genocide, which would become part of a four-volume encyclopedia entitled ‘Modern Genocide’. “I was asked to do thirteen entries for this encyclopedia, and most importantly, the seven overview essays (introduction, causes, the perpetrators, victims, bystanders, consequences and international reaction) that would begin the large section on the Armenian Genocide.”

There are ten genocides covered in the volumes and the Armenian Genocide, as a major case study, is one of them. As there was increasing demand for a separate volume on the Armenian Genocide, Alan Whitehorn published in 2015 the first encyclopedia in English on the Armenian Genocide – ‘The Armenian Genocide: The Essential Reference Guide’. Any encyclopedia is a collaborative effort and Whitehorn received much-valued assistance from several people, particularly George Shirinian and Vartan Matossian.

There is a challenge when publishing something about the Armenian Genocide as the denial by the Turkish government is so determined, ongoing and malevolent. “When anything is written in such an encyclopedia it needs to be ‘bullet-proof’, which means that it needs to be not only accurate, but also that it can stand up to possible deliberate misinterpretation by those with malevolent intent. You have to be extra careful and need to do additional editing. You need to make sure it cannot be misconstrued. The book, consisting of 425 pages, has about 150 entries, a timeline, primary documents and an extensive biography. The goal of the encyclopedia was to answer questions regarding the Armenian Genocide for the general audience and scholars around the world,” said Alan Whitehorn. Shortly after the encyclopedia was published, he had major health issues and was unable to lecture and promote the encyclopedia and the publication of his next book was greatly delayed. “My sickness was so severe that I couldn’t even look at the computer screen for fifteen or twenty seconds because of pain. Now almost three years later, I am able to do work, albeit at a slower pace. In the new book that is going to be published next year, there is a chapter looking at an analysis of phases and stages of genocide. I am happy to say that the pioneering genocide scholar Gregory Stanton has modified and expanded his eight stages of genocide to ten stages now, and he included two stages similar to that which I had suggested in some of my earlier writings.”

Humanity Does Not Learn Sufficient Lessons From History

Genocide is not accidental – it goes through stages leading to genocide. What we see now happening in the Middle East has gone through many phases that describe the steps leading to genocide. Even now, one century after the Armenian Genocide, such genocidal acts are happening in the Middle East. Could the fact of past genocides not being recognized by the world be one reason why such atrocities are still happening? Could the international community’s failure to recognize genocides in the past unleash the hands of perpetrators and powers with malevolent intent to commit new genocides?

“Yes, we can make comparison with today. I think the more genocides you study and the more you look at the academic literature, the more you can see similarities in terms of not only causes but phases, stages, elements, or dimensions. A number of them are striking. The first is you have some kind of ethnic, linguistic or religious polarization and intolerance. You have separate and unequal divisions, but also non-acceptance. You add to that history of inequality, crises, or war. A war unleashes, first of all, more executive malevolent power and lessens democratic pluralistic constraints. The other thing is that amidst war and crisis there is a sense of urgency and willingness to do more desperate, violent and dramatic deeds. You combine that with individuals who are ambitious, who think authoritarian means are the swifter way. Then combine that with unacceptance of the ‘other’, that being different is unacceptable, intolerable, and link it with the tendency to portray the ‘other’, somehow in cooperation with an outside enemy – another government, another force. If you look at Syria today, as was the case in the Ottoman Empire of WW I, you see many of the same preconditions and, and ultimately a similar outcome.”

What is the role of public opinion of the great powers? What is the role of bystanders? Most of the world is composed of bystanders. Do they help to stop the destruction, conflict, the persecution? Or do they focus on other things? Perhaps they say it’s too far away and not their concern?

“As a political science professor, one of the things I tried to teach my students is that it is sadly easier to hate than to love, it is easier to be fearful than feel secure. It is partly because the outside environment seems to be more threatening. We do not feel in control of things, and this is even more so when war occurs. Thus, the challenge in Armenia in WW I, Rwanda in the 1990s and Syria and Sudan today is ‘How do you get the global community engaged in a sustained way?’. One of the striking things about Syria and the Middle East is many of the roots of the problems go back to the post–WW I settlements and agreements that didn’t really recognize the demographic, ethnic and linguistic composition in the Middle East. It was a peace treaty process that paid more attention to the interests of Britain, France and the bigger corporations. I think we are paying the price today because when the boundaries were drawn, they were not paying attention to the ethnic and linguistic composition and they were thinking in terms of economic and military influence of the French and British and others.”

“Genocide recognition is always important because I think we learn by knowing what happened, and sometimes we need to learn and to re-interpret. I am a strong believer in the importance of military hard power to stop genocide during urgent times, but it is not enough. You need the more time-consuming soft power of education. In the long-run, education is a firmer foundation. In the Ottoman Empire, genocides against the Armenians, Greeks, Assyrians and the others were stopped by foreign armies. The German Nazi genocide of the Jews, the Slavs and the Romani were stopped by the allied armies in WW II. The Cambodian Genocide was stopped by the Vietnamese army. We realize that military hard power as a last resort is needed to stop genocide, but in the long-run to fully put an end to and prevent genocides and stop them from reoccurrence, education is key.”

Armenia Today: A Need for Paradigm Change

When speaking of Armenia, Alan Whitehorn is not optimistic about the future of the South Caucasus. “One of the interesting things is that had the next book come out earlier, my warnings about the future of the South Caucasus and Armenia would have been a cautionary tale ahead of the 2016 conflict, but would not have been as stark as it would be today. I am much more pessimistic today than I was two or three years ago – and I was quite pessimistic then. The closing chapter of the next book suggests that there needs to be a paradigm change. Armenia cannot continue the path it has been on. It is not sustainable in terms of demographics and armed conflict.”

Alan Whitehorn’s new book will discuss ways and mechanisms of re-building peace in the South Caucasus. “Much of the book will be focused on the Armenian Genocide of course – the history leading up to the genocide, analytical writing of genocide leading to the Armenian case study, but also looking at Armenia’s future in a very frank way. One of the areas that increasingly people are agonizing over is the depopulation of Armenia. At some point, there is a critical mass and a time when you reach that critical mass. Coming from Canada, I suggested that we have a history in North America in which we experience waves of immigration as a way of re-generating ourselves. Maybe Armenia needs to reflect more deeply on its emigration crisis, how it occurs and from where it occurs. Maybe Armenia should do like Canada and accept immigrants more widely.”

In private conversations during his visits to Armenia Alan Whitehorn has tried to explain the benefits of immigration and the negative side of depopulation in Armenia, however he found resistance among local Armenians toward different immigration policies. “Unless they come to Toronto and Vancouver to see these incredibly diverse cities, I think it is very hard in Yerevan to conceptualize immigration waves and diversity and explain to people how they work. For example, this is one of my provocative examples – there are apparently about a thousand medical students in Yerevan from India. Many of them are able to pick up Armenian successfully for whatever linguistic reasons. Given that India is overpopulated, Armenia is underpopulated, maybe some of those medical students could be immigrants to Armenia. Many hard-working, bright Armenians had to go to Russia, Canada and other countries to find a better life. Migration is a key part of global history. What was striking for me after so many visits to Armenia was to see so many young people whose fathers, or sometimes both fathers and mothers, were out in other countries to work for so many years. It really hit me – the number of young twenty-year-olds that were living with grandparents.”

Alan Whitehorn is not optimistic about economic development prospects in Armenia and in the South Caucasus. “The economic conditions are less than promising in Armenia. Unless you have a greater sense of altruism in the government stratum and less entrenching of power and enriching private wealth, the country’s opportunities are not as good as they should be. Ultimately, closed borders and ongoing threats of war are going to stop Armenia from having a bright dynamic future.”

As war and other conditions prevent Armenia’s economy from growing, Alan Whitehorn believes that the status-quo in Artsakh is not a viable long-term option. “Weaponry on both sides of the conflict are getting more and more dangerous. The status-quo is not a viable option. As a political scientist, I say that. As a diaspora Armenian, I am always hopeful. If we could survive the Armenian Genocide, we can survive anything. The lectures I give on the South Caucasus and international relations are somehow more pessimistic than my lectures on genocide because for the Genocide the worst has passed, but for the South Caucasus the worst is likely ahead, unless there is a paradigm change.”

By Kamo Mailyan
Toronto-Yerevan



There is no alternative to free and independent life of our faithful people in Artsakh – Karekin ll

Armenpress News Agency , Armenia
September 8, 2017 Friday
There is no alternative to free and independent life of our faithful
people in Artsakh – Karekin ll
YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 8, ARMENPRESS. A meeting of the religious leaders
of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia was held in the St. Daniel's
Patriarchal Monastery of Moscow (Russian Federation) on September 8,
at the invitation of His Holiness Kirill I, Patriarch of Moscow and
All Russia.
As ARMENPRESS was informed from the press service of the Mother See of
Holy Etchmiadzin, during the trilateral meeting, His Holiness Karekin
II, Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos of All Armenians conveyed his
remarks to His Holiness Kirill I, Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia
and Sheikh ul-Islam Allahshukur Pashazade. ARMENPRESS presents the
full text of the remarks.
“Your Holiness, Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and All Russia, Dear Sheikh
ul-Islam Allahshukur Pashazade,
We welcome you at this regular meeting of the regional spiritual
leaders, which became possible due to the steady mediation efforts of
our spiritual brother Patriarch Kirill. Six years have passed since
our last meeting in this format, which took place in Yerevan in
November 2011, convened on the occasion of the Presidium meeting of
the CIS Interreligious Council.
In the hope of establishing peace in the lives of our peoples, we
direct our steps toward these meetings to discuss the ways through
which the spiritual leaders can contribute to the peaceful settlement
of the conflict in Karabakh.
Unfortunately, today the results of the invested efforts are not
significant, but the expectations of our people in this search for a
peaceful coexistence are much greater and substantial.
In this regard, we expect positive results from the organized meetings
of the Presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan, their Foreign Ministers,
and the negotiations process.
Despite the statements made during the meetings of the Armenian and
Azerbaijani Presidents, and the calls and messages of the spiritual
leaders, today, the ceasefire continues to be strained on the
borderline, there are still soldiers killed and sometimes also
peaceful residents of the border settlements. We find it particularly
worrying the cases of shielding behind the civilian population and
turning them into an intentional target.
Militaristic appeals and statements on increasing armament do not stop
beyond the border. All of this greatly endangers the efforts to build
an atmosphere of mutual trust and understanding, and shatters the
already fragile ceasefire, transforming a new reality of conflict
expansion which we witnessed in April 2016 when large-scale military
operations were unleashed by the Azerbaijani armed forces.
Everyone knows the chronology of those days, which was also documented
by the international community, soldiers killed in battle as well as
the tortures committed against peaceful civilians; atrocities and
violence caused losses and destruction.
Remembering these incidents, a natural question arises: how can
stability and peace of the situation be preserved when the efforts
made in that direction are unilateral. How can we achieve peace when
efforts and measures are not spared to instigate hatred and enmity
among their own population against the neighboring Armenian people in
all possible and impossible ways; and to counteract the fair and
objective assessments of the Armenian side and the international
community with unjustified accusations.
There is no alternative to peace in our region, as well as the
settlement of the conflict in Karabakh exclusively through
negotiations. There is also no alternative to the free and independent
life of our faithful people in Artsakh
It is imperative today to display will and commitment in solving the
problem solely on the negotiating platform, and prevent acts of
ceasefire violations, remove snipers from borders - to stop the
continuous firing and not become a reason for families misfortune in
ceasefire conditions; keeping the life of our military children safe.
Each bullet that is released against God's creature is also against
God.
Here we see the mission of our spiritual leaders: to exhort and
preach; together form the consciousness and the atmosphere of mutual
understanding and tolerance, under which conditions the progress of
the process of the peaceful settlement of the conflict should become
possible. At the same time, we should convey our daily appeal to our
military servants to maintain the ceasefire and avoid provocations.
We attach great importance to the role of the international community,
particularly the mission of the OSCE Minsk Group in the use of
surveillance mechanisms at the line of contact and the investigation
of border incidents. We express our gratitude to Patriarch Kirill and
the Russian Orthodox Church for the caring and mediatory efforts
displayed since the very first day of the conflict.
God is pleased with those who are walking the path of justice and
peace, because there is His love and blessing, shelter and mercy, and
as the Holy Bible states: “Butthe fruit of righteousnessin peace is
sown forthemthatmake peace” (James 3:18). Therefore, let's unite our
efforts and walk this road together. We all have a responsibility in
this process.
We offer our prayers to Almighy God and ask Him to bless the
initiatives of all individuals, non-governmental organizations, and
public organizations, which are aimed at restoring inter-ethnic
relations, and the strengthening of solidarity and a formation of the
atmosphere of mutual trust. Through the blessings of the Almighty, may
the spirit of reconciliation always prevails in the life of our people
and the world.
Thank you for this meeting”.

Fire in Byurakan forests continues

Firefighters in Armenia continue battling forest fires which broke out near Byurakan settlement three days ago. Strong wind helps spread the fire rapidly.

Over 18 firefighting crews from Yerevan, Aragatsotn, Ararat, Kotayk and Gegharkunik are working in the area. Representatives of the Ministry of Emergency Situations are also 

Undeliverable: Vintage Armenian postcards on display at USC library

Public Radio of Armenia
Sept 4 2017
13:25, 04 Sep 2017

The USC Institute of Armenian Studies presents a one-of-a-kind installation of extremely rare postcards from Anatolia, displayed alongside scenes from many of the same locations captured a century later.

Undeliverable: Postcards and Photos of Lives Interrupted,” which runs August 28 through December 18 in USC’s Edward L. Doheny Jr. Memorial Library, revolves around 160 original printed sepia tones, some of which have never been exhibited before, hand-picked from the world’s largest collection of Ottoman postcards. Illustrating the everyday lives of Armenians in cities, towns and villages­, these pictorial souvenirs would be banal had their subjects not been exterminated by near-total genocide

Collected over 32 years by Istanbul-based businessman Orlando Carlo Calumeno, the 80,000 unique postcards, all printed between 1895 and 1921, belong to a larger collection of books, furnishings and printed ephemera documenting quotidian life in multicultural, multilingual, turn-of-the century Anatolia.

“The postcards are especially interesting artifacts to work with,” says exhibition co-curator Narineh Mirzaeian, a Los Angeles-based designer and architect. “They’re pre-genocide, but they foreshadow what is about to happen. Or they don’t foreshadow it, which feels even more stark.”

As a counterpoint to the vintage postcards, the installation features Brazilian photographer Norair Chahinian’s visual explorations into his own Armenian roots. Drawn from two books of his photography, Armenia (2008) and The Power of Emptiness (2012), they include images captured using an antique camera owned by Chahinian’s grandfather, an Anatolian refugee who operated a photo studio in Aleppo, Syria, before joining the Armenian diaspora in São Paulo.

Photography and photographic printing, notes the collector, Calumeno, were almost exclusively Armenian trades in Ottoman Turkey. Religious prohibitions against making graven images prevented Muslims from entering the profession until 1910, and it fell to Christians, particularly Armenians, to fill the vacuum.

Postcards, he says, “were what the Internet is today”—an easy, low-cost way to preserve a travel memory or to keep in touch with loved ones. “In those days, people received hundreds of postcards from friends everywhere,” Calumeno says. “Most were thrown away.”

Some postcards included in the “Undeliverable” installation depict world heritage sites along the Silk Road. Others document ordinary village life and mundane urban structures—a new factory wing, school building or orphanage. Missionaries used these to support fund-raising efforts.

Calumeno, who is Armenian on his mother’s side and Levantine-Italian on his father’s side, focuses his postcard collecting on Anatolia’s diverse minority communities: Assyrians, Jews, Greeks, Kurds and especially Armenians. “The greatness of Anatolia was that melting pot,” he says. “Now it has become a mono-cultural, mono-lingual environment.”

His favorite card—the first he ever purchased, at age 16—depicts Istanbul’s Hippodrome Square near Hagia Sophia, the cathedral-turned-mosque and a major tourist attraction. Curiously, on the back side, the sender had jotted down a home remedy for nursing mothers to prevent cracked nipples. The card is addressed, in swirling Armenian cursive, to the woman’s sister in Bursa.

“These postcards are very important,” says Calumeno. “Each one is a gateway to connect with the past—a glorious past where everybody called each other ‘my brother, my sister.’ You see these naïve people, not knowing what is going to happen in the future. In these images, they live happily forever.”

“Undeliverable” is presented on two floors, in multiple parts, spanning the Doheny Library’s Treasure Room, Rotunda and Arts Corridor.

Working closely with USC Institute of Armenian Studies director Salpi Ghazarian, 160 vintage postcards are displayed in vitrines on the ground level, alongside documentary-style black-and-white images taken by Chahinian in recent years.

But in the Treasure Room, the curator has taken an unconventional approach. Focusing on 10 of the most intriguing postcards, she has scanned, enlarged and optically separated the images, creating layered, three-dimensional dioramas. Standing at eye-level on tripods, each diorama box invites visitors to peer into a lost world through a time-bending tower viewer. On the surrounding walls and ceiling, Mirzaeian has splashed full-scale murals of Chahinian’s bleak architectural photography illustrating modern Anatolia’s abandoned spaces, including a dilapidated Armenian church dome looming overhead.

The installation design invites visitors to navigate the curated scenes at two scales, says Ghazarian—zooming in to study nuances of daily life brought to life in the postcard dioramas, and zooming back out to see the blight left in the wake of genocide.

“It’s this surreal emotional landscape where alienation meets nostalgia, what-if encounters why, and despair yields to an irrepressible urge to reconstruct and build upon the erased past,” she adds

Genocide exhibitions typically focus on victims, notes Mirzaeian. This installation focuses on places.

“It’s a different approach to what was lost, and what has remained,” she says. “It goes beyond victimhood—all these feelings we slip into that are unproductive. It’s more about re-inhabiting these spaces through the persistent architectural details. Those imaginative realities are interesting because they beg a lot of productive questions. Anytime you can do that, it’s good.”

“We’re very pleased to be able to present this immersive installation, in a timeless, three-dimensional space, here in the Library.  This is especially important because the library’s long hours (open ‘til 10 pm weeknights, ‘til 8 pm Fridays and Sundays, and 5 pm Saturdays) will make it easy for anyone who wants to spend time in this lost world to attend. Admission, of course, is free,” said Ghazarian.

Lt. General Hayk Kotanjian introduces new recommendations to Minsk Group, UN, for containing war in Karabakh

Armenpress News Agency (English)
September 2, 2017 Saturday
Lt. General Hayk Kotanjian introduces new recommendations to Minsk Group, UN, for containing war in Karabakh



YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 2, ARMENPRESS. On 1 September at Yerevan “Marriot Hotel” “Tigran Mets” Hall, the Armenia George C. Marshall Center Alumni Outreach Event was held on the topic “Armenia’s Security Challenges”. The Event was chaired by H.E. Richard M. Mills Jr., the US Ambassador to Armenia, H.E. Bernhard Matthias Kiesler, the German Ambassador to Armenia, Mr. Artak Zakaryan, First Deputy Minister of Defense of the Republic of Armenia, and Lieutenant General (R) Keith W. Dayton, Director of the George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies.

Among the speakers were Marshall Center Graduates Lieutenant General, Professor Hayk Kotanjian, Doctor of Political Science, Head, National Defense Research University (NDRU), Colonel Gevorg Sarukhanyan, Deputy Head, NDRU, and Colonel (R) David Chilingaryan, Head, Academic-Publishing Center – Editor-in Chief, “Haikakan Banak” Defense-Academic Journal, NDRU.

Below is the text of Professor Hayk Kotanjian’s speech, the key notions of which he had delivered to the Russian party of the Minsk Group Co-Chairs at the Joint Session of the Standing Committee on Foreign Relations of the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia and the Committee on International Affairs of the State Duma of the Russian Federation on 19 November, 2016.

By this speech Lieutenant General Kotanjian introduces the new recommendations elaborated via the additional research on the containment in the Karabakh Conflict zone conducted by the NDRU research-fellows.

***

First of all, I would like to express my gratitude towards the US Embassy in Yerevan for its support and efforts in organizing today’s event.

It’s my pleasure to have an opportunity to use my Alma Mater estimable Marshall Center academic-expert podium for the balanced promotion at this turn to the Western audience of the idea to raise a tremendous security possibility. The case is made for transferring our region’s conflict zones’ orbital outer sensing results to the UN Office of the Outer Space Affairs for the technical assessment of said results. I have presented earlier the idea of using orbital sensing as a deterrence tool in Karabakh Conflict to the Minsk Group Russian Co-Chair party at the Joint Session of the Standing Committee on Foreign Relations of the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia and the Committee on International Affairs of the State Duma of the Russian Federation.

The current presentation is an outcome of the additional research conducted by our NDRU team, targeted at the Minsk Group peace-oriented process to the tangible way ahead. Now, I believe, this is a timely occasion to convey these instrumental messages to the Minsk Group American Co-Chair party.

Elaborating the ways to move forward towards the settlement of the Karabakh conflict, we cannot circumvent the issue of US – Russia relations being two UN Security Council permanent members and Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group. Both American and Russian experts, generals and diplomats, involved in the professional evaluation of US–Russia relations in recent years, did mention the discrepancy of negotiating parties’ positions in the Minsk format on Ukraine, as well as in talks on Syria.

Meanwhile, the platform of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairmanship on the Karabakh Conflict peaceful settlement stands out among the political-diplomatic platforms of long-lasting and unbroken international security consensus regarding the positions of the US, Russia and France. This unbroken consensus confirmed its exceptional value also in the Vienna Summit Talks of 16 May, 2016 and the 20 June, 2016 Summit in St. Petersburg.

Speaking on dynamics of US – Russia relations, it’s worthy to mention that at the dawn of the “US–Russia Reset” in 2010, I happened to be an academic consultant of the “US–Russia Strategic Dialogue” at Harvard Kennedy School of Government, which enabled me to professionally keep a close watch of the dynamics of US–Russia relations.

Discussing the ways forward in the Karabakh conflict settlement process, we should take into account that any resumption of hostilities entails a threat of opening a new chapter of genocidal tragedies across this region bridging the East and the West, where dismal genocide of Christians, Jews, Yazidis, and Muslims, not engaged in the terroristic jihad, has been perpetrated by the torturers of the Islamic State.

The urgency of the “Never Again” principle for the Armenian people once again was called forth during the Perestroika in the USSR – at the time of pogroms committed by Azerbaijan against its Armenians population [3]. On 23 November, 1991, the Supreme Council of Azerbaijan passed a law on the dissolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO) without the Karabakh people’s consent and with violations of the basic international norms regarding the peoples’ right to self-determination. In response to those illegal actions, on 10 December, 1991, Nagorno-Karabakh initiated the process of its independence in compliance with the domestic legislation of the USSR. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, two states were formed: the Republic of Azerbaijan on the territory of the Azerbaijan SSR, and the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh on the territory of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast. The establishment of both States has a similar legal basis, therefore, the legitimate establishment of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, on the basis of its peoples’ right to self-determination, should never be considered within the scope of the Republic of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity.

Strictly meeting international standards and the USSR Law of 3 April, 1990, a Referendum of Independence was held in Nagorno-Karabakh attended by international observers. The Azerbaijani minority of the NKR was given an opportunity to take part in the referendum; however, on Baku’s instructions they declined that opportunity [4]. Subsequent events eliminated the imperative obligation of coordinating the referendum results with the USSR central bodies, since on 21 December, 1991 the Alma-Ata Declaration on the Dissolution of the Soviet Union was signed [5]. Hence, the referendum held on the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh is legal; the establishment of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic was carried out in conformity with the principles and attributes required by International Law. In 1992, the Azerbaijani Republic launched a war against Nagorno-Karabakh, which was waged until 1994 when Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia signed a ceasefire agreement with no time limitation, and in 1995 – a tripartite agreement on strengthening the ceasefire in the Nagorno-Karabakh. These agreements were recognized by the conflicting parties and the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict as permanent by nature and constituting the basis of a long-run truce in the conflict zone. The international community has repeatedly reaffirmed its vision of the settlement of the Karabakh Conflict, which has to be based on the three main and equal principles of the International Law: “the equal rights and self-determination of peoples, the non-use of force or threat of force, and territorial integrity”.

On 2 April, 2016, 22 years after the 1994 ceasefire agreement, the Azerbaijani Armed Forces launched a large-scale surprise attack along the Karabakh-Azerbaijani line of contact with the main goals to undermine the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs mission to peacefully resolve the conflict, occupy Nagorno-Karabakh, and commit genocide against its Armenian population. This behavior of Azerbaijan is largely due to the lack of investigation mechanisms that would register the dynamics of the resumption of hostilities around the line of contact. Azerbaijan has persistently rejected the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairs’ proposals on monitoring the ceasefire by use of technical and human professional resources that would contain the resumption of hostilities.

The convergence of positions of Russia, the US and France in Vienna consultations on the results of the April 2016 Four-Day War in Karabakh led Armenia and Azerbaijan to agree on the need of establishing control over the preparations for war in the armed conflict zone in order to prevent the parties from resuming hostilities. Enacting the smart combination of technological innovations along with the methods of political-diplomatic influence on the preparation for combat operations will pave the way for developing a concept of containment through effective investigation mechanisms for ceasefire violations and more efficient implementation of monitoring over military forces’ accumulation and movement signaling war preparations.

In this sense, it is essential to proceed from the understanding that under the current trend towards the escalation of the arms imbalance between Artsakh Republic on the one side, and Azerbaijan – on the other, it is unacceptable to rely purely on the traditional military deterrence seeking to prevent the resumption of hostilities. In that event, we find it vital to academically comprehend innovative approaches to cooperating with the international community aimed at utilizing its high-tech tools for the sensing of military forces’ dangerous maneuvers signaling preparations for expanded military operations.

The point is the methodology we developed in the National Defense Research University of Armenia for engaging the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chair states in the initiative of sensing any dangerous dynamics of force in the Karabakh Conflict zone through the sighting aid from the supranational outer space via orbital facilities of remote sensing.

As you know, the International Space Law enables the international community to inspect from the near-Earth space the dynamics of the troops preparation for the resumption of hostilities in the conflict zones. Targeted at preventing a war, this kind of remote inspection can be used in conformity with international norms and regulations as an innovative power tool of political-diplomatic containment through consultations and negotiations.

According to the Declaration of Legal Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, “To promote and intensify international cooperation, especially with regard to the needs of developing countries, a State carrying out remote sensing of the Earth from space shall, upon request, enter into consultations with a State whose territory is sensed”,[l] and the Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies states that “Outer Space, including the Moon and other celestial bodies, is not subject to national appropriation by claim of sovereignty, by means of use or occupation, or by any other means”[2].

With the proviso that mediating peacemaker powers applied this innovative method of containing war resumption via orbital facilities of remote sensing could become an effective tool in the case of protracted smoldering conflicts, and be a strategically important factor for the regional security.

The meeting between the Armenian and Azerbaijani Presidents in Vienna in May 2016 yielded an agreement on the establishment of investigation mechanisms for ceasefire violations along the conflict’s line of contact, and the expansion of the capabilities of the team of the Personal Representative of the OSCE Chairperson in Office. This was a timely decision since one of the sides has been actively buying offensive weapons, thus upsetting the military balance. Simultaneously, the results of the 2016 meetings in Vienna and St. Petersburg could be considered not only as a consensus on monitoring the ceasefire regime from the national air spaces of the two conflicting parties, but as successful consultations with the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan on investigation mechanisms from the outer space targeted at revealing warlike preparations through the accumulation of offensive weapons and movement of troops. [6].

In this regard, The United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA) may play an important role. This office is responsible for promoting international cooperation in the peaceful uses of outer space, and serves as the secretariat for the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. [7]

The Committee was established in 1959 to govern the exploration and use of space for the benefit of all humanity. Currently Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as all three Minsk Group Co-Chair states, are members of the Committee, which creates a unique opportunity for using the Committee’s capabilities to support peace and stability in conflict zones.

To my mind, it would be useful if the United Nations Office for Outer Space Affairs received the data of conflict zones orbital sensing to further make a technical assessment and present results back to the concerned parties. The successful launch of this mechanism will create unique opportunities to use the UN Office for Outer Space Affairs for the purpose of the technical assessment of data received from conflict zones orbital sensing. I am hopeful that in this way this precedent can be transformed into a significant tool of promoting international peace and stability in Karabakh and beyond.

See Principles Relating to Remote Sensing of the Earth from Outer Space,http://www.un.org /ru/documents/decl conv/conventions/earth remote sensing.shtml.

See Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies,

http://www.un.org /ru/documents/decl conv/conventions/outer space governing.shtml.

See USSR Law “On the procedure for resolving issues related to the withdrawal of a union republic from the USSR” No. 1410-1 of April 3, 1990.” Gazette of the Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR, Supreme Soviet of the USSR”, 1990, No. 15, Declaration on the Proclamation of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic; Jacques Derrida, Isaiah Berlin, Alain Finkielkraut, Richard Rorty, and Adrian Lyttelton. An Open Letter on Anti-Armenian Pogroms in the Soviet Union. Joint Initiative of the Helsinki Treaty Watchdog Committee of France and Intellectuals from the College International de Philosophic, Paris. September 27, 1990. The New York Review of Books, http://www.nybooks.com /articles/1990/09/27/an-open-letter-on-anti-armenian-pogroms- in-the-sov/; (USSR Law “On the procedure for regulation of issues related to the secession of a Union Republic from the USSR” No 1410-1 of3 April 1990, “Bulletin of the Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR, the Supreme Council of the USSR”, 1990, No 15, Declaration on the Proclamation of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic), www.nkr.am/ru/declaration/10/.

SeeActontheresultsofthereferendumoftheindependenceofNagorno-KarabakhRepublic),www.nkr.am/ru/referendum/42/.

See The Declaration of Alma-Ata, December 21, 1991.http://cis.minsk.bv/page.ph p?id=178.

See Joint Statement of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Secretary of State of the United States of America and State Secretary for Europe Affairs of France http://www.osce.org /mg/240316, Meeting with Serzh Sargsyan and Ilham Aliev, http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/52189.

UnitedNationsOfficeforOuterSpaceAffairs, /oosa/en/aboutus/roles-responsibilities.html.

Un public enchanté par le trio Gayaneh

Ouest-France
mardi 15 août 2017
Un public enchanté par le trio Gayaneh
Samedi, dans l'église, le public est tombé sous le charme du trio
familial Gayaneh, composé de Richard Kayadjanian, le père, d'origine
arménienne, de Marie-Jeanne Lechaux, la maman, et d'Amandine, leur
fille. Au violon, dès le premier coup d'archet de Marie-Jeanne, tout
le monde s'est laissé emporter dans une java.
La promenade musicale a continué et a traversé la Bretagne, l'Irlande,
l'Amérique, sans oublier le peuple gitan juif d'Espagne, et l'Arménie.
Richard a délaissé son violon de concertiste pour la guitare, la
darbouka et même l'harmonica, et Amandine l'a accompagné à la flûte
traversière.
Le trio sera présent ce mardi, devant le rocher de la Vierge
Notre-Dame de la Garde, pour assurer le programme musical de la messe
qui aura lieu à 10 h 30. En cas de mauvais temps, l'office aura lieu
dans l'église Notre-Dame de l'Assomption.
Un CD a été enregistré et est vendu au prix de 5 ¤.

BAKU: Gazprom is unlikely to go agree to modernize the gas pipeline through Armenia," the Georgian political scientist

Turan Information Agency, Azerbaijani Opposition
 Wednesday
Gazprom is unlikely to go agree to modernize the gas pipeline through
Armenia," the Georgian political scientist
Baku/10.08.17/Turan: "Cooperation in the field of energy between
Georgia and Azerbaijan has a long history. What is especially
important is the history of positive relations and it is based on the
simple fact that we need each other," Turan responded to a recent
statement about the gasification of Georgia by the new energy
minister, Ilya Eloshvili, a political analyst at the Institute for
Strategic Studies of that country Gela Vasadze.
In an interview with the local newspaper Eloshvili noted that the
process of gasification of Georgia by the Georgian "daughter" of the
State Oil Company of Azerbaijan (SOCAR) is going according to the
schedule, and by the end of the year the obligations of SOCAR Georgia
on gas supply to 250,000 Georgian subscribers will be fully met, and
even exceed this figure. According to him, the gasification works
cover most areas outside of Tbilisi, and at the moment most of the gas
imported by Georgia comes from Azerbaijan (90%), which, since 2007,
has gradually replaced Russian gas after the pipeline explosions. In
addition, a number of SOCAR subsidiaries are successfully operating in
Georgia.
"For Georgia Azerbaijan is a source of gas, and for Azerbaijan our
country has become a road for energy exports to the world. Is there an
alternative to this cooperation? Theoretically yes. Georgia could buy
gas from Russia, and Azerbaijan could also export its energy resources
through Russia. But in either case, this means childish dependence on
the northern neighbor, and what this threatens is well known in
Tbilisi and Baku. So everything here is natural and mutually
beneficial. Of course, Georgia has an alternative opinion that it
would be good to share gas supplies and distribution in the regions.
But arguments in the way of the fact that everything should not be
given in one hand, seem do not seem very convincing," Vasadze said.
Regarding the cost of Azerbaijani "blue fuel" for Georgian consumers,
he noted that "... firstly, Georgia has a commission for regulating
energy prices, and without it no one can raise the price. Secondly,
with this level of interdependence, both sides have powerful arguments
for protecting their interests. So I do not see any threat that SOCAR
gasifies the regions, he said. As for raising the price of gas, taking
into account the inflation rate, and the fact that the price did not
rise for more than ten years, the price hike could be more serious.
But here the general fall in prices for energy carriers in world
markets affected."
Turning to the issue of the strategic relationship between the two
countries in the field of politics and economy, which is one of the
key aspects of the energy security of the neighboring country, as the
new Georgian energy minister said, it is noteworthy that Russia
receives 10% of Russian gas supplies to Armenia in Russia As payment
for its transit. "Without this cooperation, Georgia will remain
without gas, and Azerbaijan will not be able to sell its oil and gas.
Naturally, this is a key aspect of the security of both countries. For
the transit of Russian gas to Armenia, Georgia is now receiving a cash
payment. This year, Georgia buys Azerbaijani gas for this money. No
one knows what will be the next year, perhaps the scheme will be the
same," Vasadze is sure.
Touching on the resonant desire of official Yerevan to participate in
the transit of Iranian gas to Europe via Georgia, the political
scientist noted that this proposal remains at the level of
speculation: "It is unclear how realistic it is. The attitude to it
among experts in the field of energy is, of course, positive, because
the more gas pipelines, the better. Another issue is that most experts
are skeptical about the prospects of the project, primarily because
the gas transportation system of Armenia is in the hands of Gazprom,
and they are unlikely to go for the modernization of the gas pipeline
through Armenia. Why let such a competitor as Iran? In addition, the
regime of sanctions operates against Iran, as well as against Russia.
"
One should not exclude the possibility that Georgia faced a difficult
choice, on the one hand, being behind the scenes the energy and
military-political ally of Azerbaijan in the conditions of the created
geopolitical axis Baku-Tbilisi-Ankara, on the other, this neighboring
country maintains friendly relations with Armenia. At the same time,
Baku does not comment on the media reports on the agreement between
Moscow and Tbilisi to restore direct communication between Armenia and
Russia through the territory of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
Apparently, the leadership of Azerbaijan is waiting for explanations
from official Tbilisi on this issue, believe in local expert circles.
The position of our interlocutor on this issue is as follows: "There
is no such agreement, and it is unlikely to be," Vasadze said.
In general, as Eloshvili recently said, the strategic relationship
between the two countries in the field of politics and economy is one
of the key aspects of the country's energy security. At present,
Azerbaijan is the main supplier of natural gas to Georgia. The supply
of fuel is provided by SOCAR from the volumes of gas extracted from
its own fields. In addition, Georgia receives gas through the South
Caucasus gas pipeline from the Shah Deniz field.--0--