VARDAN ASTSATRIAN APPOINTED NKR PRESIDENT’S ADVISER
Noyan Tapan
Feb 5, 2009
STEPANAKERT, FEBRUARY 5, NOYAN TAPAN. Under NKR President Bako
Sahakian’s February 5 decree, Vardan Astsatrian was appointed NKR
President’s Adviser.
According to the report of the General Information Department of
NKR President’s Staff, the same day B. Sahakian signed the law On
Local Self-Government.
DELEGATION HEADED BY ARMENIAN PRESIDENT TO PARTICIPATE IN SESSIONS OF CSTO COLLECTIVE SECURITY COUNCIL AND INTER-STATE COUNCIL OF EURASEC
ARMENPRESS
Feb 3, 2009
YEREVAN, FEBRUARY 3, ARMENPRESS: Delegation headed by the President
of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan is leaving today for Moscow to participate
in the urgent sessions of the CSTO Collective Security Council and
of the inter-state council of the EurAsEC scheduled for February 4.
Presidential press service told Armenpress that the Republic of
Armenia is chairing the CSTO and has a status of observer in EurAsEC.
The delegation headed by the president includes Secretary of the
National Security Council Arthur Baghdasarian, Foreign Minister Edward
Nalbandian, Defense Minister Seyran Ohanian, Finance Minister Tigran
Davtian and other officials.
TURKISH SCHOLAR EXPOSES ANKARA’S VAIN ATTEMPT TO SPLIT ARMENIA FROM DIASPORA
By Harut Sassounian
AZG Armenian Daily
04/02/2009
International
In their persistent efforts to distort the facts of the Armenian
Genocide, Turkish denialists resort to all sorts of tricks. Their
latest scheme is trying to drive a wedge between Armenia and the
Diaspora by claiming that authorities in Yerevan are all too willing
to forget about the Genocide and reconcile with Turks, were it not
for the "sinister influence" of Diaspora Armenians who constantly
undermine all attempts at reconciliation between Armenia and Turkey.
Prime Minister Recep Erdogan, during a press conference in Ankara last
week, claimed that "the Armenian Diaspora is plotting. We can see
very clearly and sharply that their efforts are aimed at utilizing
[the Armenian Genocide issue]. This is so obvious. But I also see
that the current administration in Armenia doesn’t take part in this."
Significantly, it was Turkish scholar Taner Akcam who exposed the false
arguments of all those who share Prime Minister Erdogan’s false notion
that Armenia and the Diaspora are split on the issue of recognition
of the Armenian Genocide. In a recent issue of the Turkish newspaper
Taraf, Prof. Akcam wrote a lengthy analysis of Turkish misperceptions
and misrepresentations on this issue. He argued against the view that
"good neighbor" Armenia and the "bad" Diaspora have opposing views on
the Armenian Genocide. Prof. Akcam correctly stated that Armenians
everywhere agree that what occurred in 1915 was genocide and feel
that it needs to be acknowledged by Turkey. He noted, however, that
there are differences among Armenians (regardless of where they live)
about the consequences of such an acknowledgement.
Prof. Akcam dismissed the Turkish claim that "the Armenian state
has not been very insistent on the subject of ‘recognition of the
Genocide.’" Most Turkish analysts wrongly allege, according to Akcam,
that Armenia is a very "good" neighbor to Turkey and that it reflects
its "goodness" by "refraining from use of the word ‘Genocide’ and by
not demanding ‘recognition’" during the course of Pres. Gul’s visit
to Armenia last September. Turkish analysts further claim that "the
Armenian state is seriously in the grip of and under the influence
of the ‘bad’ diaspora." They conclude that "in order to relieve
Turkish-Armenian tension, ‘our good neighbor Armenia’ must be saved
from the ‘bad’ diaspora."
According to Prof. Akcam, Turkish analysts falsely claim that "the
biggest reason why Armenia has fallen under the influence of the
‘bad’ diaspora" is "poorly conceived Turkish policies. As a result,
in order to save Armenia from the diaspora, Turkey must relinquish its
bad policies and foster ‘good’ relations with Armenia. Consequently,
Armenia will be able to distance itself from the bad policies of the
diaspora, policies like ‘insisting on recognition of genocide.’"
Prof. Akcam categorically refuted those allegations by stating that
"when it comes to acknowledging the genocide, Armenia and the diaspora
are on the same page. It is improper to draw a distinction between
the sides on an axis of ‘those who insist on recognition and those
who do not.’ It needs to be emphasized right here, right now, that
Armenians everywhere agree that what occurred in 1915 was genocide
and they feel that it needs to be acknowledged by Turkey."
Prof. Akcam then acknowledged that there may be legitimate differences
among Armenians, regardless of whether they live in Armenia or the
Diaspora, on such complex subjects as "what does it mean to recognize
the genocide?" and "on the issue of addressing an historical injustice,
what steps Turkey might take that will be considered sufficient?"
Prof. Akcam then wondered which option Turkey should pursue — the
Japanese or German model — in confronting its history? The Japanese
model, he explained, would entail a "half-hearted expression" of
apology. The German model, on the other hand, constitutes "acceptance
of all consequences that arise from that acknowledgement, including
providing reparations if necessary, would be required. To follow
in Germany’s footsteps, Turkey would have to identify the events of
1915 as genocide and make serious effort to compensate all who were
injured by those events both emotionally and materially." He thus
raised the serious issue of bringing "restorative justice" to the
victims of the Armenian Genocide.
It is high time that Turkish denialists face squarely the brutal
history of their nation and focus their attention on making amends
to heal the wounds of the past rather than seeking to blame the
descendants of the victims of the Armenian Genocide, be they in
Armenia or the Diaspora!
66 JOURNALISTS MURDERED IN 2008
Panorama.am
11:29 04/02/2009
Russia and Georgia are considered the most dangerous countries in
Europe for journalists to implement their professional duties, says
the report of Press International Center in Vienna.
According to mass media during the previous year four journalists have
been murdered in these two countries. Asia is the most difficult and
dangerous territory for the journalists. In Asia during the previous
year 26 journalists have been murdered while implementing their
professional duties, and 6 of them were killed in Pakistan.
During 2008 66 journalists have been murdered in the world.
PRESIDENT: ARMENIA INTENDS TO GET OUT OF CRISIS WITH MINIMAL LOSSES
ARKA
Feb 3, 2009
YEREVAN, February 3. /ARKA/. The main objective of Armenia is to
find a way out of the global crisis with minimal losses, Armenian
President Serzh Sargsyan said at his meeting with representatives of
Swiss Armenian community in Zurich.
The world faces a new challenge – a global financial and economic
crisis, Sargsyan said as quoted by the presidential press service.
"So far we have managed to ensure financial stability in the country,
but, no doubt, everybody understands that Armenia cannot stay aside
from the global processes," the President said.
Armenia’s failure to get out of the crisis with minimal losses and
to appear in a better condition as compared to other countries will
mean a poor performance by the authorities, Sargsyan said adding that
the authorities do not want to perform poorly.
HOME WORK
The National
0/REVIEW/749525830/1007
Jan 30 2009
United Arab Emirates
Beirut finally has a permanent, non-commercial arts centre. Kaelen
Wilson-Goldie reports from the opening.
On the night of January 15, more than 1,000 people trekked out to a
former wood and furniture factory on the eastern edge of Beirut to
attend the opening of a contemporary art exhibition. The formerly
rundown, two-storey building had been radically transformed from an
industrial carcass to a luminous white cube filled with photographs,
video screens and sound installations. Inside, the crowd murmured,
high-heeled boots clicked along the concrete floors, and a steady
chorus of triple-kissed greetings (Lebanon’s most readily identifiable
social tic) rang out. On its surface, it could have been any night
in the life of the local art scene. But this wasn’t just another
new show. It was also a new – and in many respects unprecedented –
art space.
Five years in the making, the Beirut Art Centre is a permanent rather
than temporary venue. It is defiantly non-commercial. It is the result
of collective effort. And in these respects, it is the first sign
of a potentially major shift in how artist, curators and cultural
organisers function in Beirut.
The Lebanese capital hosts one of the most vibrant and celebrated
contemporary art scenes in the Middle East. L’Agenda Culturel, Beirut’s
biweekly listings guide to cultural happenings in and around the city,
routinely fills its pages with enough events to keep art lovers active
every night of the week. The city has proven itself a reliable platform
for international talents, and curators from abroad regularly visit
the city to select works or conduct in-depth research.
But even though Beirut possesses a critical mass of creative
figures, the contemporary art scene has operated for 15 years as
a hyper-flexible, ever-malleable system with precious few brick
and mortar spaces to call its own. The city boasts no modern or
contemporary art museum. You can count its commercial art galleries
on two hands (the good ones, on one). And the Lebanese government
allocates little to no money for the arts. In fact, Beirut’s
cultural vitality may be a by-product of Lebanon’s weakness as a
state: censorship is arbitrary at best, and the city has long been
a laboratory for free experimentation in politics as in art. The
city’s contemporary art scene may be defined by a lack of official
infrastructure more than anything else (for this reason, some refer
to Beirut as a post-museum city).
In the mid 1990s, a slew of artist-led organisations – such as Ashkal
Alwan, the Arab Image Foundation and Beirut DC – started creating new
channels for the production and presentation of new work. They staged
interventions in public spaces, organised exhibitions in warehouses,
and programmed forums and festivals in rented theatres that were often
aesthetically and technically unsuitable. These organisations never
seriously pushed for the creation of civic structures like art museums
or research institutions; as they convincingly argued, neither the
political will nor the financial backing was ever there. Outside of
small, administrative offices, they never burdened themselves with
buying or renting venues of their own, or with programming events
that continued throughout the year. Beirut’s contemporary art scene is
therefore ephemeral by definition and design; one cannot pin its energy
to any specific sites. It materialises in bursts of activity: here
today, gone tomorrow, back in a few weeks. All of it is documented in
catalogues and archival videos. But aside from some rather high-minded
graffiti, it makes few physical impressions on the city itself.
That might not be the case a year from now, and not just because
of the Beirut Art Centre. Ashkal Alwan, which is directed by the
curator Christine Tohme, is planning to open a permanent space –
with studios, a library and a multimedia theatre – in seven or
eight months time. Its primary functions will be to host Beirut’s
first contemporary art academy and to give Ashkal Alwan’s annual Home
Works Forum, until now a peripatetic event, a home. At the same time,
Lebanon’s Ministry of Culture is currently conducting an international
architectural competition for Dar Bayrut, a centre for art and culture
to be built in the downtown district with a $20 million gift from the
Sultanate of Oman (it came just after Lebanon’s 2006 war). As such,
Beirut may not be a post-museum city, but rather a city just beginning
to experiment with different museum models.
The idea for the Beirut Art Centre dates back to a tough talk
between two fiery redheads. In 2004, the artist Lamia Joreige sat
down with Sandra Dagher to discuss Espace SD, the gallery that Dagher
had directed since 2000. Espace SD – with its two exhibition floors,
small theatre, cafe, bookshop and design boutique – opened before the
Gemmayzeh neighbourhood became Beirut’s hipster enclave. As the area
gentrified, the gallery became its artsy anchor. The quality of the
exhibitions was inconsistent, but the predominantly young people that
used the space cherished it as a sanctuary and a playground. Still,
Joreige saw limitations: Since Espace SD catered to the local art
market, many of its shows were financially viable but aesthetically
uninteresting.
"I was very critical of Espace SD," she says today.
"I was justifying myself," recalls Dagher.
Somehow, by the end of the conversation, Dagher had convinced Joreige
to form a new initiative within the gallery that would address her
criticisms from the inside out. But as they began to discuss the idea
further, they realised that what they really wanted was to create
something entirely new: a new structure, a new idea.
"The concept came very quickly," says Dagher. "We realised there
was a need for another kind of space that would be non-profit and
accessible to artists whose work is less commercial.
"Our initial idea hasn’t changed since 2004," says Joreige. "The idea
then was to create a structure that would be democratic, in a space
that would be designed specifically for contemporary art. The idea
is not original. It’s just necessary. And this is it."
The necessity is four-fold: first, that the space be active and open to
the public all year round; second, that the space be capable of hosting
local, regional and international initiatives, whether exhibitions
proper or series of events; third, that the space be defined, and its
artistic direction determined, not by a single curator but rather by
an executive board; and fourth, that the space be supported by the
community and through a diversified pool of funds.
So, in addition to seeking out corporate sponsorship, Dagher and
Joreige created a donor scheme – with benefactors, patrons, supporters
and friends (all of their names placed prominently on walls and in
annual brochures) – along with a membership plan in which people
give a small and essentially symbolic amount of money in return for
a small and essentially symbolic set of benefits.
"I think people should get more involved, "says Dagher. "With Espace
SD, when I told people we were closing (in the spring of 2007),
they were shocked and sad. The reaction was great and for that I was
grateful. But then some people said to me: ‘No, you are not allowed
to close.’ And I wanted to ask them: ‘Well, what have you done to
make the space work?’ For me it’s important to say: ‘OK, you want a
space to happen? You have to participate in one way or another.’"
The Beirut Art Centre is a stand-alone building with 1,500 square
metres of exhibition space. There is a theatre for screenings and
performances, a carefully stocked bookstore and a cafe, complete with a
rooftop terrace (which is still under construction). There are several
"mediatheque" stations strewn throughout the space, each a sharply
designed cubicle of sorts in which visitors can sit and use a special
computer terminal to browse through an archive of contemporary artworks
from the region. Arranged by country, medium, artist and artwork, the
mediatheque stations make Arab and Middle Eastern cultural production
available to the Lebanese public for the first time.
The Centre plans to mount four major exhibitions a year, to be
complemented by weekly video screenings, talks, round table discussions
and performances. It is also developing an educational outreach
programme, organising workshops for local students and conducting
guided tours for local schools. It all sounds seamless, but it wasn’t
easy, and it took more time than either Dagher or Joreige expected.
Ever since their initial brainstorming sessions in 2004, Dagher
and Joreige have been toiling behind the scenes: establishing the
Beirut Art Centre as a legally registered non-profit association,
fund-raising far and wide, and searching for a site. Over the past
five years, they’ve secured pledges of financial support somewhere
in the vicinity of $600,000. They’ve also found – and lost – no fewer
than 10 potential spaces.
"Every time our hearts would beat," says Joreige. "Every space we
wanted would require a few months of meetings with architects and
negotiations with owners. Every space was either too expensive or too
big or too small. We found one space, and then Rafik Hariri (Lebanon’s
former prime minister) was killed. There was another space that we
found. We had been working on it for many months. Then the war in 2006
happened and the deal fell through. Spaces are very weird in Beirut."
Dagher first saw the Beirut Art Centre’s space two years ago, but
at the time, the owner – or rather the 12 heirs who jointly own the
building and are scattered across Europe and the Middle East – wanted
to sell rather than rent. A year later, they changed their minds,
and a year after that, papers were signed and keys were obtained. The
Beirut Art Centre now has a four-year lease, and according to Dagher,
the long-term plan is to buy the building outright.
"Everything went very fast after we registered with the municipality
and got the keys," says Dagher.
For that reason, the first exhibition, Closer, is composed entirely of
already produced works. None were commissioned for the show. Still,
the exhibition is convincingly unified by an apt and ingenious
curatorial conceit. The overarching theme is intimacy, and the ways
in which art shapes private experiences into public expressions.
Missing Links, Cynthia Zaven’s gorgeous, melancholy sound installation
accompanied by poetic texts and blurred photographs, demands that
viewers lower their heads toward the work to hear the whispers of
muted conversations. The piece slips between fact and fantasy as Zaven
strolls through Istanbul, collecting traces of her Armenian grandfather
who fled Constantinople not because of the genocide but because he fell
in love with a woman, Zaven’s grandmother, and followed her to Beirut.
Jananne al Ani’s five-channel video installation A Loving Man thrusts
viewers into a womblike space, a circular room draped in darkness. On
each screen is a woman’s face. Clearly, all five are sisters. Riffing
on the children’s memory game, in which lines are added to a story in
rounds, they construct a moving narrative about their missing father,
sentence by repeated sentence, memory by painful memory.
Jil Magid’s Composite consists of a slide projection, a handwritten
letter and an audio track. For the work, Magid asked former lovers
to describe her face from memory. Then she gave the descriptions to
police artists, who drew her as they would the suspect of a crime. The
resulting sketches vary wildly. Who among these men ever really knew
her? On the wall is a handwritten letter Magid sent to one man, asking
him to record his description of her. Through headphones, we hear
his narration, which gradually becomes less and less precise, less
and less sure, as if putting the image of a former lover into words
obliterates his ability to recall anything precise about her at all,
as if seeing her in his mind simultaneously erases her from his memory.
Overall, the exhibition is pensive and tender; each work pulls viewers
in and holds them close. It is also a clever ruse, requiring visitors
to spend time in the space taking in the artworks, getting to know
the Centre – and then, maybe, contributing to its survival.
ARMENIAN, TURKISH FMS INSTRUCTED TO DOUBLE EFFORTS FOR NORMALIZATION OF RELATIONS
PanARMENIAN.Net
30.01.2009 12:56 GMT+04:00
/PanARMENIAN.Net/ Aspired to maintain the thaw in bilateral relations
after Turkish President Abdullah Gul’s landmark visit to Yerevan in
September 2008, Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan met with Turkish
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan on the margins of the World
Economic Forum in Davos.
The top officials assessed the results of their first meeting as
positive and instructed their Foreign Ministers to double efforts for
normalization of relations between the two states, the RA leader’s
press office told PanARMENIAN.Net.
The Huffington Post
January 30, 2009
Harut Sassounian
Posted January 29, 2009 | 03:54 PM (EST)
Major American-Jewish Organizations may no Longer Back Turkey in Congress
CommentsThere are serious indications that Israel and American-Jewish
organizations are no longer willing to support Turkey’s lobbying efforts in
Washington.
The dispute between the two strategic allies began with Turkish Prime
Minister Recep Erdogan harshly denouncing Israel’s incursion into Gaza and
accusing the Jewish state of committing crimes against humanity. He
suggested that Israel be barred from the United Nations as mass
demonstrations were held throughout Turkey with banners that read: "Gaza
will be a grave for Israel" and "Put Israel on trial for war crimes."
Israel’s Consul General in Istanbul, Mordehai Amihai, told Milliyet that the
consulate received hundreds of anti-Semitic e-mails every day during the
fighting in Gaza.
Initially, Israeli officials expressed their displeasure through diplomatic
channels. But as the anti-Israel rhetoric intensified, Israel’s Deputy
Foreign Minister publicly warned Turkey that Tel Aviv might retaliate by
acknowledging the Armenian Genocide. Last week, Israel’s Prime Minister
Olmert invited the leaders of France, Britain, Germany, Italy, Spain and the
Czech Republic to dinner in Jerusalem after their summit meeting in nearby
Egypt. Significantly, Turkey’s President Abdullah Gul, who also had attended
the summit, was excluded from the dinner.
American-Jewish organizations, which had for years supported Turkey’s
denialist agenda on the Armenian Genocide in the U.S. Congress, were highly
incensed by the Turkish condemnations of Israel. The American Jewish
Committee sent a letter to Erdogan on January 8, to express its "grave
concern over recent official statements" by Turkey’s Prime Minister and
Foreign Minister. On January 21, a second letter was sent to Erdogan, this
time signed by five leading American-Jewish organizations, expressing their
"profound concern over the current wave of anti-Semitic manifestations in
Turkey."
In their joint letter, the American Jewish Committee, Anti-Defamation
League, B’nai B’rith International, Conference of Presidents of Major
American Jewish Organizations, and Jewish Institute for National Security
Affairs complained about "gravely distressing" recent incidents: "Protestors
besieging the Israeli Consulate in Istanbul have expressed their hatred of
Jews. Billboards around Istanbul are full of anti-Jewish propaganda posters.
The door of a Jewish-owned shop near Istanbul University was covered with a
poster that said, ‘Do not buy from here, since this shop is owned by a Jew.’
The defacing of an Izmir synagogue has brought about the temporary closure
of all but one of that city’s synagogues." The American-Jewish groups also
stated that the Jewish community in Turkey feels "besieged and threatened. A
connection is clearly perceived between the inflammatory denunciation of
Israel by Turkish officials and the rise of anti-Semitism."
Ironically, Abraham Foxman, ADL’s National Director, who is now complaining
to Prime Minister Erdogan about anti-Semitism in Turkey, had presented a
prestigious award to him in 2005. Foxman conveniently overlooked the fact
that four days before he gave that award to Erdogan, the Middle East Media
Research Institute, based on a report from Hurriyet, revealed that Erdogan
in 1974 had written, directed and played the lead role in a play called
"Maskomya," an acronym for the triple "evils" of Masons, Komunists
(Communists), and Yahudis (Jews).
Having given Erdogan one of ADL’s highest awards, Foxman must have been
shocked by the Turkish Prime Minister’s recent criticisms of Israel. Foxman
told Milliyet last week: "Turkey was our friend. We were friends. I still
can’t believe it. I am very sad and confused. The Jews in Turkey are
threatened…. They feel encircled…. The Prime Minister spoke very
harshly. We were friends. How did we come to this situation?" Jacob
Isaacson, an official of the American Jewish Committee, was also unhappy
with the Turkish reaction. "Once you start poisoning the well, you do not
know where it leads," he said. Moreover, an unnamed American-Jewish leader
was quoted as saying: "This time, we are going to face great difficulty. In
the past, we defended the Turkish position, not only because Turkey was
right, but also because we were friends." Yet another American-Jewish
official, washing his hands from further involvement in Turkey’s lobbying
efforts on the Armenian Genocide, told Milliyet: "Count us completely out of
this problem. We don’t believe Congress should deal with it. Let Armenia and
Turkey resolve it between them."
In another indication of diminishing support for Turkey among Jewish
circles, Prof. Benjamin Yafet advised this writer that he had "very reliable
information that all major American Jewish organizations are now fed up with
Turkey and are ready to support the Armenian Genocide resolution."
It appears that this time around Israel and American-Jewish organizations
will not be as forgiving as they have been in the past, in the face of
persistent and vicious anti-Semitic attacks emanating from Turkey. After the
loss of lobbying support from American-Jews, Pres. Obama’s election, and
Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress, Turkey is expected to have
great difficulty in the coming months to block a renewed attempt to pass a
congressional resolution on the Armenian Genocide. Faruk Logoglu, Turkey’s
former Ambassador to Washington, should know! He told Milliyet: "The Jewish
lobby is the strongest in the United States and the only one supporting
Turkey. Therefore, the letter of disappointment sent to Erdogan [by 5 Jewish
groups] is of great importance."
To listen to this writer’s hour-long interview with radio KZSU Stanford on
this subject, please go to: radio4all.net.
CULTURAL LANDSCAPE OF GNISHIKADZOR VALLEY PRESENTED FOR BEING INCLUDED IN THE UNESCO WORLD HERITAGE LIST
ARMENPRESS
Jan 28, 2009
YEREVAN, JANUARY 28, ARMENPRESS: The cultural landscape of
Gnishikadzor valley has been presented for being included in the
UNESCO world heritage list. From Armenian cultural monuments Sanahin
and Haghpat monastic complexes, Geghardavank with Azat river valley,
church complexes of Etchmiadzin Mother Cathedral – Hripsime, Gayane,
Shoghakat and Zvartnots temple have found place in this list.
Head of the Agency of protection of historical and cultural monuments
of Armenian Culture Ministry Artyom Grigorian told Armenpress that
the Gnishikadzor’s "nomination’ differs from others because nature
is actively involved here, that’s to say creation by the nature and
people are harmoniously juxtaposed.
"There are natural landscapes here, for example the wheat fields,
gardens of grapes, water carrying system, which are also liable to
protection", A. Grigorian noted. Nearly 120 historical and cultural
monuments are registered in the cultural landscape of Gnishikahogh
valley including the Noravank monastic complex, Areni church, Bears’,
Mizrov caves, etc.
"If previously UNESCO used to involve concrete objects, historical
and cultural monuments in its list, now landscapes and environments
are also included", – head of the agency informed.
He noted that the final decision of being involved in the World list
belongs to UNESCO World heritage committee.
At present 851 famous monuments of world importance from 141 countries
are involved in the UNESCO list of world cultural heritage, 36 of
which are in China.
VIGEN SARGSYAN APPOINTED DEPUTY HEAD OF STAFF OF THE OFFICE TO THE PRESIDENT OF ARMENIA
armradio.am
27.01.2009 14:16
President Serzh Sargsyan today signed a directive on dismissing Vigen
Sargsyan from the position of the Assistant to the President of the
Republic of Armenia.
According to a presidential decree, Vigen Sargsyan was appointed
Deputy Head of Staff of the Office to the President of the Republic
of Armenia.
According to another presidential decree, Garnik Isagulyan was
dismissed from the position of the Adviser to the President of Republic
of Armenia and was appointed RA President’s Permanent Representative
at the National Assembly.