Author: Hambik Zargarian
Armenia’s Future Hangs in the Balance
Armenian opposition leader Nikol Pashinyan addresses supporters during a rally in Yerevan, Armenia April 25, 2018. (Reuters / Gleb Garanich TPX IMAGES OF THE DAY)
On May 8, 2018, one day before Armenians observed Victory Day, Yerevan once again erupted in jubilation. Opposition leader Nikol Pashinyan had just been officially elected Armenia’s 15th prime minister by the country’s National Assembly, with 59 votes in favor and 42 votes against. The newly elected PM was confirmed by Armenian President Armen Sarkissian and immediately received warm congratulations from Russian President Vladimir Putin and Georgian Prime Minister Giorgi Kvirikashvili. He also spoke on the phone with Putin personally. This was a striking change of fortune from a week earlier, when the revolutionary leader failed to secure the premiership on May 1, due to the continued efforts by the ruling Republican Party to obstruct such a scenario.
Only one month ago, the prime ministership of Pashinyan would have seemed impossible. The political machine of the Republican Party still dominated Armenian politics, as it had since the late 1990s. It was the fateful decision of Armenia’s then-exiting President Serzh Sargsyan to remain on as PM that prompted Pashinyan to travel throughout Armenia on foot. Supported by his wife, Anna Hakobyan, he and others walked together in protest, from Gyumri to Yerevan. This “Take a Step” initiative signaled the start of the nonviolent April Revolution that culminated in his ascent to the prime minister’s office.
However, the drama has only just begun. Armenia faces many challenges. First among them is political reconciliation. Pashinyan has sought to “close the chapter of hatred” in Armenian politics, and it is now time for the various political forces in the country to come together for the common good. This process is absolutely essential for the new PM as he turns to governance and as he pursues the first order of business: reforming electoral law to ensure free and fair elections. In this regard, there are individuals from the former ruling party, such as the outgoing PM Karen Karapetyan, who could help Pashinyan. Karapetyan’s governing experience, his political and business ties with Russia, and his own impulses for reform are potential assets for the incoming Armenian government. Significantly, as he stepped down from office, the former PM was among the first to extend his congratulations to Pashinyan.
Another, more long-term concern for any future Armenian government is to address the country’s long-standing socioeconomic problems, a process that will likely begin after new parliamentary elections, following electoral reform. Although the revolution was immediately prompted by Sargsyan’s decision to become prime minister, the socioeconomic question was squarely at the heart of it. This question is rooted in the dissolution of the USSR, the collapse of the Soviet welfare system, and the privatization of the Armenian economy in the 1990s. Entire sectors of Armenia’s economic life are monopolized by oligarchs with monikers like Lfik Samo, who act with impunity. Jobs, once plentiful in the Soviet era, are now difficult to find, causing many to seek work abroad, primarily in Russia. Poverty throughout the country remains a major challenge.
Indeed, a striking element of the April Revolution in Armenia was its social consciousness. Most commentators have already observed that the revolution differed from the “color” revolutions in Ukraine and Georgia in that the protest leaders distanced themselves from anti-Russian rhetoric. However, it also differed in the way that social concerns—poverty, jobs, inequality—were at the forefront of the movement. During the protests, one image floating around social media among Armenian activists showed a picture of Armenian children in a rural village living in abject poverty, contrasted with a picture of the ruling elite at an elaborate dinner party, sipping champagne. It was a scene reminiscent of a Victor Hugo novel.
Considering this context, the April Revolution inspired much hope among Armenians from all parts of the country and from all social classes. Its popular leader, Pashinyan, is regarded as a man of the people, not unlike Aleksandr Myasnikyan, the Armenian revolutionary who oversaw the rebuilding of Soviet Armenia in the 1920s. However, as the revolutionary civic activist and father of four exchanges his fatigues and “Dukhov” cap for a suit and the prime minister’s office, the question among Armenians quickly becomes: “Can he deliver?”
If he secures success in the forthcoming parliamentary elections, what will be his socioeconomic agenda for the country? Will he take the tired neoliberal approach as pursued by the “color revolution” governments in Ukraine and Georgia? Or will he strive for a new path in the post-Soviet space—a fair and equitable social-democratic policy (effectively a “New Deal”) for the Armenian people? It is worth noting that even if Pashinyan, or any future Armenian leader, pursues the latter option, change will not happen overnight.
Armenia protest leader expects to be premier within days
May 7 2018
The man who led unprecedented street protests that toppled Armenia’s prime minister last month said he expected to take power in a matter of days after being rebuffed by parliament last week.
Opposition leader Nikol Pashinyan, who drew vast crowds in the capital, Yerevan, forcing Serzh Sargsyan to resign, told the Financial Times he expected ruling party MPs to elect him as prime minister in a vote on Tuesday.
“Anything is possible, because the political situation is volatile. But we will win anyway,” Mr Pashinyan said in an interview.
A former journalist who leads an opposition faction of just three MPs, Mr Pashinyan masterminded a large protest campaign against Mr Sargsyan, who was president for a decade before he changed Armenia to a parliamentary republic.
Mr Sargsyan assumed the premiership after serving the maximum number of presidential terms but abruptly stepped down last month after Mr Pashinyan drew crowds of more than 150,000 to Yerevan’s Republic Square for several weeks.
Mr Pashinyan has shot from near-obscurity to become the most popular figure in Armenia, a Caucasus state of 3m that became independent from the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. His broadcasts on Facebook Live draw audiences of as much as 800,000 — about a quarter of Armenia’s population.
“The Armenian government was pressing the people continuously. It was like a spring — it opened very quickly,” Mr Pashinyan said.
Last week MPs from Mr Sargsyan’s Republican party, which still has a majority in parliament, voted down Mr Pashinyan’s first attempt to become prime minister in a marathon session that saw them make hints in favour of Russian intervention. Moscow, which normally views mass protests in neighbouring countries as a direct threat, has been unusually restrained and says the political crisis is a domestic Armenian issue.
Mr Pashinyan responded by asking followers, who packed the square and surrounding cafés to watch the hearing, to shut down critical infrastructure including main roads and Yerevan’s airport. After the show of force Republicans agreed to back his candidacy.
“The best way for them is to elect me and hope I will fail,” Mr Pashinyan said. “There are no negotiations. They just said they would vote for me.”
Mr Pashinyan, who is trying to turn his command of the street into a mandate for governing, said he was working on a programme that parliament would have a week to consider if he became prime minister.
He said his priorities would be to break up oligarchic domination of commodity imports and to eradicate corruption “very quickly”.
Mr Pashinyan also said he intended to leave Armenia’s pro-Russian foreign policy unchanged. Armenia is a member of Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union and its collective security bloc, while Russian troops have a base in Gyumri, Armenia’s second-largest city, and help guard its border with Turkey.
A further goal is to change the electoral code, which he says unfairly favours the Republicans, and hold early parliamentary elections. Nonetheless, “even with the current code, we will win,” Mr Pashinyan said. “If not May 8, then after a week or a month.”
Analysts have compared the early euphoria over Mr Pashinyan’s movement to revolutions in neighbouring Georgia, Ukraine, and even Egypt, all of which went sour after heady beginnings.
“There is no comparison because we have no geopolitical context,” Mr Pashiyan said. “This is about the renaissance of the people.”
Pashinyan comments on future cooperation with remaining parties of Yelk faction
Opposition MP Nikol Pashinyan has addressed a question on continuing cooperation with Bright Armenia and Republic parties – the two other parties of the Yelk faction of the Armenian parliament.
Speaking to reporters in the Armenian parliament, Pashinyan was asked on what format he will continue cooperating with the two political parties.
“I have said that our main task will be the creation of an atmosphere of solidarity and agreement. And this goal will accompany us in all actions”, Pashinyan said.
Turkish press: Armenia’s PM Sargsyan resigns after days of mass protests, political turmoil
Activists of ‘#merjirserjin’ (Reject Serzh) initiative hold a protest march against recently nominated Armenian Prime Minsiter, former President Serzh Sargsyan in Yerevan, Armenia, 19 April 2018. (EPA Photo)
Armenian Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan resigned unexpectedly Monday, an apparent move to end massive anti-government protests. The surprise move, announced on his website, followed 10 days of protests in the capital, Yerevan, against Sargsyan’s appointment as prime minister, which is part of a transition to a new governmental system that reduces the powers of the presidency and bolsters those of the premier.
“I got it wrong,” Sargsyan said in a statement issued by his office. “In the current situation there are several solutions, but I won’t choose any of them. It’s not my style. I am quitting the country’s leadership and the post of prime minister of Armenia.”
Opposition politician Nikol Pashinyan, a federal parliament member who was detained over the weekend, was released Monday with fellow protesters. Police detained three opposition leaders, including Pashinyan, and nearly 200 protesters on Sunday, drawing a rebuke from the European Union. “So has everyone now understood that we have won?” Pashinyan told supporters shortly after his release in the capital Yerevan and before Sargsyan resigned.
Pashinian had met the prime minister for talks. Sargsyan abruptly ended the meeting hen Pashinian refused to discuss anything besides the prime minister’s resignation.
Residents of the capital, Yerevan, poured out on the streets to celebrate his stunning departure. People hugged and kissed each other, and motorists honked their horns.
The pressure on the 63-year-old to quit increased sharply when unarmed Armenian soldiers joined the anti-government protests in the capital Yerevan. A group of uniformed former soldiers and veterans who fought in Nagorno-Karabakh, a breakaway region seized by Armenians from neighboring Azerbaijan in a conflict that broke out at the end of the Soviet era, marched with the protesters to parliament. “We condemn the participation of a group of servicemen from the peacekeeping brigade of the Armenian armed forces who, violating the law, took part in an organized rally,” the defense ministry said.
Hundreds of opposition supporters took to the streets of Armenia’s capital Monday. On the 11th day of demonstrations in the ex-Soviet country, young men in small groups briefly blocked roads in Yerevan and shouted slogans such as “Join us!” and “Victory” and the name of protest leader Pashinyan as drivers beeped their horns in support. Hundreds of students, some medical students in white coats, also marched arm-in-arm through the streets, holding Armenian flags.
The protests that began on April 13, center on the appointment of former President Sargsyan as prime minister, part of Armenia’s transition to a governmental system that reduces the powers of the presidency and bolsters the premier’s. Under the terms of an amended constitution approved in 2015 by a referendum, the presidency will become largely ceremonial. Controversial constitutional amendments approved in 2015 have transferred governing powers from the presidency to the premier.
It echoes similar tenure-lengthening maneuvers by Russian President Vladimir Putin — Armenia’s closest ally. Leaders of other former Soviet republics from Belarus to Central Asia have also engineered themselves lifetime jobs.
The Armenian government quickly named former Prime Minister Karen Karapetian as acting premier. A Sargsyan ally, Karapetian also served as mayor of Yerevan and worked in Russia for five years as a senior executive of state-controlled gas giant Gazprom.
Alexander Iskanderian, director of the Caucasus Institute in Yerevan, told The Associated Press that the protests drove Sargsyan into a corner:
“The protests in the past couple of days have swelled to a point that you either had to use violence or find another way out,” Iskanderian said.
Russian officials and state television have been cautious in commenting on the unrest in Armenia. In the past, Moscow decried anti-government rallies in neighboring post-Soviet nations as example of hostile Western interference.
In what appeared to be the first official Russian reaction to the resignation of the Armenian premier, Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova lauded Sargsyan’s decision as a move to unify the nation.
“The people who have the strength to keep respect toward each other despite crucial differences and stay united even in the most difficult moments of its history is a great people,” Zakharova wrote on her Facebook account. “Armenia, Russia is always with you!”
Pashinyan had earlier announced the “start of a peaceful velvet revolution” in the landlocked South Caucasus nation of 2.9 million people. Last Wednesday, more than 16,000 rallied in central Yerevan’s Republic Square, vowing to mount a nationwide campaign of “civil disobedience” in opposition to the Kremlin-backed Sargsyan who was elected by parliament to the post of prime minister after a decade serving as president. Pashinyan said that the protest movement’s objective was to “change power” in Armenia through a nationwide campaign of “civil disobedience” and permanent sit-in protests inside government buildings.
Sargsyan’s ally Armen Sarkisian, a former prime minister and ambassador to Britain, was sworn in as president last week after being elected by parliament in a vote that was meant to herald the start of a power shift to the premier and parliament.
Armenia, a landlocked country of 3 million people in the Southern Caucasus, seceded in 1991 from the then Soviet Union but still relies on Russia for aid and investment. Many Armenians accuse the government of corruption and mismanaging the economy.
Sargsyan grew up in the then Soviet republic of Azerbaijan. He began his political career as a Communist official but became prominent when he joined Armenian separatists in seizing his native Nagorno-Karabakh region in a still unresolved conflict which cost more than 30,000 lives.
He headed the mountainous region of Nagorno-Karabakh’s self-defense forces between 1989 and 1993 and famously refused to evacuate his family from the war zone. He played a key role in negotiations over the area.
“He has played a huge role in the Karabakh war and in the negotiation process,” political analyst Tatul Hakobyan told AFP.
He went on to serve as minister of defense and national security and became prime minister in 2007. He was later elected president in 2008.
In foreign policy, Sargsyan remained a close ally of Armenia’s former master Russia but was also able to maintain relatively warm relations with the European Union and with NATO.
“He has been able to keep Armenia’s age-old balance between the West, Europe and Russia which is unprecedented in the post-Soviet space,” said sociologist Gevorg Pogosyan.
In 2008, he even made an attempt to warm ties with Turkey, with whom Yerevan is at odds over the World War I genocide claims of Armenians by their Ottoman rulers in 1915.
Sargsyan invited then-Turkish president Abdullah Gül to watch a football match in Yerevan, a risky move that proved unpopular among Armenia’s 10-million-strong diaspora.
The two countries then signed a protocol normalizing relations but earlier this year Sargsyan admitted the talks had got nowhere.
At home, corruption in the police and judiciary as well as poverty left an increasing number of Armenians dissatisfied with Sargsyan’s rule.
“People took to the streets because of poverty, unemployment, corruption and because nothing is changing,” analyst Hakobyan said.
All of Armenia’s parliamentary and presidential elections under his rule were accompanied by opposition-led protests.
After Sargsyan was first elected in 2008, 10 people died in bloody clashes between police and supporters of the defeated opposition candidate.
“He is a leader of the authoritarian type, but he’s a supporter of soft authoritarianism,” said Hakobyan.
He served the maximum two presidential terms and enacted controversial constitutional amendments to turn the country into a parliamentary republic with a powerful prime minister.
The ruling Republican Party and the government-friendly Dashnaktsutyun Party then formally nominated Sargsyan as candidate for prime minister despite protests and parliament elected him to the post last week.
Sarkisian plays chess well and is the president of the Armenian chess federation. Chess has been a mandatory subject in Armenian schools under his rule.
Vigen Sargsyan and Edward Nalbandian were reappointed as Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Defense
- 18.04.2018
- Armenia:
- arm
- rus
Today, President Armen Sargsyan signed a decree on appointing Acting Minister of Defense Vigen Sargsyan as Minister of Defense.
According to another decree of the President of the Republic, Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs Edward Nalbandyan was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Until then, with the decrees of Armen Sarkissian Karen Karapetyan was appointed first deputy prime minister. With the next two decrees Armen Gevorgyan and Vache GabrielyanDeputy Prime Ministers were appointed.
Earlier, Armen Gevorgyan was dismissed from the post of the head of the President’s Office. And Vardan Makaryan was appointed temporary acting head of the President’s Office.
Sports: Honored guest of Open European Kung Fu Championship: I really like Armenian culture
By Lusine Shahbazyan
UN Goodwill Ambassador, master of the Shaolin martial arts, one of the ten living legends of Chinese martial arts Fu Biao shared his feelings about his first visit to Armenia.
From April 13 to 15, Yerevan will host the Open European Kung Fu Championship dedicated to the 2800th anniversary of Yerevan’s foundation.
“It is my first visit to Armenia. I am very glad that such an event will be held in your country. This is a great event for both Armenia and Armenian athletes. I really like the Armenian culture. It’s a great honor for me to be an honored guest of the Open European Kung Fu Championship,” he told reporters in Yerevan on Thursday.
According to the President of the Kung Fu Federation of Armenia Sargis Harutyunyan, athletes from Russia, Ukraine, Italy, France, Georgia, Iran, China, U.S. and other countries will participate in the Open European Championship. Twenty two athletes will represent Armenia.
The opening ceremony of the European Championship will be held on April 14 at Mika Sports Arena.
Photos by Emma Asatryan
Transcaucasian Trail: Mapping Eurasia’s forgotten hiking routes
Genocide: Germany’s role in Armenian Genocide detailed in crucial report
PanARMENIAN.Net – Turkish forces mainly used German rifles and other weapons to carry out the Genocide of the Armenian people, a new report has found, according to Deutsche Welle.
Mauser, Germany’s main manufacturer of small arms in both world wars, supplied the Ottoman Empire with millions of rifles and handguns, which were used in the Genocide with the active support of German officers.
“German officers who served in Turkish-Ottoman military staff actively helped carry out individual murders,” the report by Global Net – Stop the Arms Trade (GN-STAT) said. “The majority of the aggressors were armed with Mauser rifles or carbines, the officers with Mauser pistols.” Many German officers witnessed and wrote about the massacres in letters to their families.
The report represents the first “case” being researched and developed by Global Net, a new multilingual worldwide network of over a 100 organizations, and a database for activists, whistleblowers, journalists, artists, and others interested in arms exports.
The Turkish army was also equipped with hundreds of cannon produced by the Essen-based company Krupp, which were used in Turkey’s assault on Armenian resistance fighters holding out on the Musa Dagh mountain in 1915.
In 2015, German President Joachim Gauck acknowledged Germany’s “co-responsibility” for the Armenian Genocide, while a book published in the same year by journalist Jürgen Gottschlich detailed the political collusion of Turkey’s most important European ally in the first world war, which provided military advice and training for the Ottoman Empire throughout the Wilhelmine period. But the new GN-STAT report is the first to detail the sheer extent of the material support provided by Mauser and Krupp.
“Mauser really had a rifle monopoly for the Ottoman Empire,” said the report’s author Wolfgang Landgraeber, a filmmaker who has made several films about German weapons exports. Mauser is now defunct as a company, but Krupp’s successor, German steel giant ThyssenKrupp, has never publicly acknowledged the part it played in the Genocide.
“The question of who actually supplied the weapons, not only for the Genocide but also for the First World War in Turkey, no one has really addressed that question before,” said Landgraeber. “And to what extent German officers took part in murders by actually picking up the rifles and firing them themselves — that wasn’t known before.”
Many of the first-hand German accounts in the report come from letters by Major Graf Eberhard Wolffskehl, who was stationed in the southeastern Turkish city of Urfa in October 1915. Urfa was home to a substantial Armenian population, which had barricaded themselves inside houses against Turkish infantry. Wolffskehl was serving as chief-of-staff to Fahri Pasha, deputy commander of the fourth Turkish army, which had been called in as reinforcement.
“They (the Armenians) had occupied the houses south of the church in numbers,” the German officer wrote to his wife. “When our artillery fire struck the houses and killed many people inside, the others tried to retreat into the church itself. But … they had to go around the church across the open church courtyard. Our infantry had already reached the houses to the left of the courtyard and shot down the people fleeing across the church courtyard in piles. All in all the infantry, which I used in the main attack … acquitted itself very well and advanced very dashingly.”
While German companies provided the guns, and German soldiers the expert advice on how to use them, German officers also laid what Landgraeber calls the “ideological foundations” for the Genocide.
That the German Reich shared the Ottomans’ mistrust of the Armenians was no secret — both feared they were colluding with mutual enemy Russia, while Gottschlich’s book quotes navy attache Hans Humann, a member of the German-Turkish officer corps and close friend of the Ottoman Empire’s minister of war, Enver Pasha, as saying, “The Armenians — because of their conspiracy with the Russians — will be more or less exterminated. That is hard, but useful.”
Landgraeber is keen to underline that the new research does not absolve the Ottoman Empire of its guilt — but simply fills in the gaps in the historical record. “It happened as we have researched it, and nothing should be sugarcoated — but the entire picture should be more complete.”
Some three dozen countries, hundreds of local government bodies and international organizations have so far recognized the killings of 1.5 million Armenians in the Ottoman Empire as Genocide.
On June 2, 2016, a resolution recognizing the Armenian genocide passed almost unanimously in the German Bundestag. In response, Turkey recalled its ambassador in Berlin and Germany’s Turkish community held protests in several German cities.
Turkey denies to this day.
Armen Ashotyan concerned about company granting Schengen visa
Armen Ashotyan wrote on his Facebook page the following:
Responding to the concern of our numerous citizens related to the decision to let the Turkish grant entry visas to a number of EU countries to the Turkish company, I inform that on behalf of the Foreign Relations Commission I addressed the Government of the Republic with inquiries.
I will inform you about the process further.