13:04, 5 June, 2020
YEREVAN, JUNE 5, ARMENPRESS. The performance of the 2019 state budget met the criteria set by the fiscal rules. The tax revenues and expenditures grew in 2019, Deputy prime minister of Armenia Mher Grigoryan said at the joint session of the parliamentary standing committees, introducing the report of the 2019 budget performance.
He reminded that in 2019 the economy of Armenia continued growing at faster rates compared to 2018 and a high 7.6% economic growth was registered compared to the previous year. In the same period the global economic growth comprised 2.6%, the average growths of the EU and the EAEU comprised 1.4% and 1.6% respectively.
“In 2019 the 12-month inflation comprised 0.7%, and the average inflation – 1.4%. The volumes of loans provided to residents by commercial banks and the deposits attracted continued growing at high rates in 2019, and the declining trends in interest rates of loans and deposits with the dram were obvious. The implementation of the 2019 state budget was in accordance with the criteria set by the fiscal rules. The capital expenditures of the state budget surpassed the amount of the state budget deficit”, he said.
In September 2019 Armenia successfully distributed foreign currency bonds worth 500 million USD for a 10-year term in the international capital market, with a 4.2% profitability.
In 2019, nearly 1.5 trillion AMD revenues entered to the state budget, which was an increase of 16.7% or nearly 223 billion AMD compared to the figure of the previous year. Tax revenues grew by 16.4% or 206 billion drams. Tax revenues-GDP ratio rate comprised 22.35%. The state budget expenditures in 2019 comprised nearly 1.6 trillion AMD, ensuring the annual program by 92.4%. In 2018 the budget expenditures grew by 12.6% or nearly 182 billion drams.
The deficit-GDP rate comprised 1% against the predicted 2.2%. As of December 31, 2019, the government’s debt comprised nearly 3.2 trillion AMD (6.8 billion USD or 50% of GDP).
Reporting by Anna Grigoryan; Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan
COVID-19: Armenia records 517 new cases, 19 deaths in past 24 hours
11:12, 2 June, 2020
YEREVAN, JUNE 2, ARMENPRESS. 517 new cases of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) have been registered in Armenia in the past 24 hours, bringing the total number of confirmed cases to 10,009, the National Center for Disease Control and Prevention said today.
25 more patients have recovered and were discharged from hospital. The total number of recoveries has reached 3,427.
19 people have died in one day, raising the death toll to 158.
The number of people who had a coronavirus but died from other disease has increased by 1. The total number of these cases has reached 56.
The number of active cases stands at 6,368.
So far, 59,917 people have passed COVID-19 testing.
Reporting by Lilit Demuryan; Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan
‘Diaspora is part of Armenia’ (Photo: Scout Tufankjian)
BY VIKEN YACOUBIAN, Ph. D.
While in the age of the coronavirus pandemic and its calamitous implications it might seem a bit indiscreet to focus on issues that do not address the immediate crisis, it is nevertheless beneficial to explore certain topics of national interest whose relevance must be sustained in service to exploring and finding long-term solutions. In this respect, the Diaspora-Armenia relationship continues to be a topic that requires further refinement and crystallization.
The paradigm embraced by respective governments vis-à-vis the Diaspora from the day we became an independent republic indicates, at best, a lack of understanding of the Diaspora. Sadly, instead of taking the necessary steps to correct the course, structural solutions were sought to effectuate change, the net result of which has been the perpetuation of a broken system. And with the current administration, the decision to dismantle the Ministry of Diaspora all together has brought us to a new threshold, that of a more stagnant point as it relates to an Armenia that transcends borders and functions with its absolute and full potential.
It is really secondary and irrelevant what the structure is. When the underlying understanding lacks and the structure is built on a false premise, it will then undoubtedly falter, as it has over the decades since Armenia’s independence. A dichotomous and hierarchical understanding of the relationship between the Republic of Armenia and the Diaspora flies in the face of historical reality. The diasporic identity has formed in the context of survival, which by definition is adaptive and hence designed to accustom to its environment. This aspect of the diasporic identity is flexible, assimilatory, pragmatic, goal-driven, and absent of much nationalism. At the same time, the diasporic identity has also developed in the context of a sociocultural anchor, where ethno-racial identity serves as a common thread that gives individual experiences a collective framework. This aspect of the diasporic identity is expressed through a vast, multilayered, multifaceted organizational network where the individual yearning for community is translated into a national aspiration. As noted above, these organizational networks or structures are vast, highly organized, multilayered and multifaceted. As such, they have an impact on the individual narrative to varying degrees and serve as overarching barriers against acculturation and to some degree assimilation. The diasporic identity assumes a continuous evolutionary flow and is never static. Any linear definition of it would be false and misleading. For instance, a journalist in Armenia recently suggested that the diaspora can be divided into “institutional” and “non-institutional” entities, hence Armenia-Diaspora relationships can be understood based on this notion. This, at best, indicates a naïve understanding of the diaspora, not to say one that deeply undermines its rich historical evolution. Individual membership in any diasporic organization cannot define a diaspora along some binary scheme because diasporic organizations do not fit the traditional concept of an “institution.” The genesis of the diaspora is, above all, an experience which has ultimately evolved into a highly sophisticated, community-driven infrastructure that is reflective of this experience. Therefore, traditional structural markers do not apply to the Armenian Diaspora as they would to a nation-state. Hence, conceptual misapplications, such as “institutional” versus “non-institutional,” or statistical attributions, along the lines of percentages of individuals who are members of this or that organization or political party, could only lead us down the wrong path. There are zones of influences and community-driven “rules” and “protocols” of political engagement that make the simplistic interpretation of the diaspora an obstacle to any long-term and constructive cooperation between Armenia and the diaspora. The diasporic organizational networks are invariably a part of any unassimilated individual’s ethno-racial identity in the diaspora. Organizational membership plays a role in the degree of involvement and activism; however, it does not define the national identity of the individual in the Diaspora. Diaspora cannot be understood unless it is viewed systemically, as a gestalt, and not as simply something that can be deconstructed into a series of unrelated parts.
The Diaspora-Armenia relationship should start from a perspective of mutual respect. A willingness to understand the historical reality, the dynamics involved, and Diaspora’s place as an independently functioning, empowered, highly sophisticated national force that needs to be systemically integrated into the new reality of Հայոց Աշխարհ rather than be perceived as a tool of bilateral cooperation. In the initial years when Armenia had become an independent republic (after the immense calamity of the Spitak Earthquake and the continuing Artsakh conflict), one may call it its formative years, it was necessary for a unified Diaspora to engage in a supportive role. In those years, survival trumped all else. In the following years of relative stability and expansion however, it was necessary for this relationship to evolve into a higher plane, one where at least an identifiable road map could be achieved that leads to a boundless nation anchored by a nation-state. A Հայոց Աշխարհ based on mutual respect, genuine appreciation of diversity, parity, equality, equitability, intranational democracy, and so forth. Unfortunately, we were not able to move beyond the benefactor-beneficiary relationship which over time achieves nothing more than mutual resentment and distrust, be it overt or covert. Unfortunately, the Ministry of Diaspora and now the reformulated office of the High Commissioner were not able to become agents of positive change or catalysts/facilitators in this regard.
The Diaspora, as a vibrant and dynamic socio-cultural and political entity, is clearly misunderstood. Furthermore, policymakers and influencers in the government of the Armenian Republic continue to propose structures and action plans that aim at “organizing” the Diaspora and defining its role in the larger context of the Armenia-Diaspora relationship when there still is a real confusion as to where the road is in the first place. I have yet to see one proposal that is objective, evidence-based, that even makes an attempt to synthesize a significant number of studies that have looked at various aspects of the complex Diasporic experience. To make things even more complicated, many of the conclusions drawn by individuals in the Diaspora are also far from being evidence-based and therefore often misguided. It is important to resist the urge to propose solutions before a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics that have brought our people to this important and exciting juncture in history is reached.
Notwithstanding lessons learned from the past, effective change requires a forward-looking vision. A shift in the social order can bring about significant and long-lasting change if the past, which instigated the shift in the first place, is, at some point, permanently laid to rest and a clear vision of a new future emerges. A vision that aims at achieving real unification, at leveraging our capabilities and resources, and at maximizing our potential as a nation. As we once again remember the independence, against all odds, of our first Republic, we must ensure that our choices reflect our hopes and our actions reveal those hopes. Otherwise the shackles of the past rather than our vision for the future will define us.
Dr. Viken Yacoubian is a member of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation Bureau.
Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced this morning that he and his family tested positive for COVID-19 yesterday. They are self-isolating in the Prime Minister’s residence.
The PM said that they were not showing any symptoms and that he would continue to work from self-isolation.
Pashinyan said he was tested for the virus because he was planning a visit to ‘the frontlines’.
He stated that he believed he was infected during a government consultation for coronavirus prevention work during which glasses for water were set on the table by a staff member who was not wearing gloves and who has since tested positive for the virus.
The Prime Minister’s spokesperson, Mane Gevorgyan, announced that members of the government and the Prime Minister Office’s staff will not undergo testing for COVID-19.
‘If there is a need to conduct tests, it will only be done with a doctor’s prescription,’ Gevorgyan said. ‘Members of the government who have been in contact with the PM had adhered to safety regulations — they had worn masks, kept social distancing, used sanitisers, etc.’
Armenia has recorded over 9,400 cases of the novel coronavirus. There have been 139 deaths.
Artsakh President Arayik Harutyunyan
Artsakh President Arayik Harutyunyan on Friday warned Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev to “never speak in terms of using force,” when referencing Artsakh, saying that if Azerbaijan is threatening use of military force, Artsakh is ready.
Harutyunyan was responding to comments made by Aliyev on Thursday during a ceremony for the opening of apartment buildings for the so-called displaced people from the Karabakh war. During that speech, Aliyev, once again, threatened to use military force to “liberate” Karabakh and reiterated his claim that Yerevan was an ancient Azerbaijani city, which, under his leadership, also will be “liberated.” Aliyev told the crowd on Thursday that the current negotiations were being held over a “stage-by-stage” approach, which envisions Artsakh “returning occupied territories.” Official Yerevan has denied that the negotiations are being under such an agenda.
During a Facebook Live presentation on Friday, President Harutyunyan referenced Aliyev’s remarks about the use of force becoming a priority, asking: “In other words, did you choose the path to solve the issue through force, Mr. Aliyev?”
“We are ready,” Harutyunyan said. “I want to assure that the results are clear to us: what you got in 1994, you will also get today,” referring to the victory of the Artsakh Armed Forces in the war.
“Never try to speak to us in the language of force!” warned Harutyunyan.
He also challenged Aliyev on the “stage-by-stage” approach, saying that he envisioned the first step of that scenario to be the recognition of the Artsakh’s people right to self-determination.
Artsakh President Arayik Hautyunyan (left) meets with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in Yerevan on May 28
“Of course, [the conflict] can be solved through stages, but there is only option: firs, the recognition of the right to self-determination; second, the acceptance of our security guarantees after which we can hold negotiations. There will be no other option,” said Harutyunyan,
President Harutyunyan, who was inaugurated on May 21 after winning the runoff elections on April 14, met with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on Thursday in Yerevan, where he was attending official events marking the 102nd anniversary of Armenian Independence and the establishment of the first Republic of Armenia.
“Armenia and Artsakh are a common security zone, and from this perspective our activities and challenges are obvious, and I am confident that we will be able to manage the challenges in collaboration with each other, leading our homeland to a path of strategic and sustainable development,” Pashinyan said at the meeting.
Some 659 dovecotes for pigeons, built centuries ago inside a very steep rock face on a hill at the Ani Ruins located near the middle of two deep bottlenecks of the Arpaçay River on the Turkish-Armenian border, have raised a lot of interest among people.
Ani was ruled by the Urartus, Scythians, Persians, Macedonians, Seleucids, Arsakids, Sasanians and Gamsaragans before it was seized by Muslim armies in 643. It was then controlled by the Bagrationis from 884 to 1045 and by the Byzantine Empire from 1045 to 1064.
Known in history as the “40-Ported City,” “The City with 100,000 Inhabitants” and “The Cradle of Civilization” and named in the UNESCO World Heritage List in 2016, Ani was conquered by Sultan Alparslan on Aug. 16, 1064.
After the Seljuk/Shaddadids rule, both the Georgians and then the Mongols took over Ani. Following 80 years of uninterrupted control under the Ilkhanates, Ani came under the rule of the Khanate of Golden Horde, the Jalairids, the Karakoyuns, the Timurid Empire, the Akkoyuns, the Ottomans and the Russian Tsardom. Ani finally became part of the territory of the Republic of Turkey in 1920.
While various civilizations lived in the city, built on an area of 85 hectares, Christians and Muslims lived side by side and its people spoke at least six languages including Armenian, Greek, Turkish, Arabic, Georgian and Persian from 970 to 1320.
Ani was the heart of multi-dimensional trade between the East and the West in medieval times and its commercial mobility extended to China, India, Russia, Europe and Africa. Egyptian cotton and Chinese silk were sold in the city’s markets.
Approximately 25 buildings, including mosques, cathedrals, palaces, churches, monasteries, fire temples, baths, walls, bridges and a closed passage, some parts of which have been destroyed, have managed to survive.
Nearly 1,500 underground structures in 32 regions of five valleys, where a significant portion of the Ani population lived, shed light on the history of the city.
One of the most admirable is the dovecotes carved into a rock face formed by tuff, which is a mostly light-colored, slightly porous type of sedimentary stone composed of ash, sand and lava particles spewed by volcanoes on a hill on the opposite bank of the Bostanlar Creek, located in the west part of Ani. The subterranean structure embodies fine craftsmanship and has the appearance of a honeycomb.
Sezai Yazıcı, a researcher and author who has written four books on Ani, and a team of journalists from Anadolu Agency (AA) reached the dovecotes, which is 150 to 170 meters away from the road, after a challenging climb with the help of a ladder and rope. The structure is located in the rocks of a steep hill. The dovecotes are 2.5 kilometers from the entrance gate of Ani and 1,100 meters above the point where the Alaca Stream meets the Arpaçay River.
Sezai Yazıcı told AA that he carried out the first systematic study on Ani’s underground structures in Turkey.
Indicating that he climbed to the dovecotes in Ani for the first time in 2014, Yazıcı said: “I have been working on this area since 2010. I presented the first systematic study on the dovecotes and Ani caves in Turkey at a symposium at Kafkas University.”
Pigeonholes Carved into Tuff
Yazıcı has been studying the dovecotes around Bostanlar Creek for years. “Although it is known that there are 1,013 caves in five different valleys and 32 regions surrounding Ani, we have determined the presence of around 1,500 caves as a result of our new studies. The dovecotes in Ani are one of the most sophisticated areas. It is full of pigeonholes, 659 from ceiling to floor.”
Providing information about the structure of the dovecotes in pigeon nest measurements, Yazıcı noted: “Pigeonholes in the lower rows of the dovecotes are 30, 28 or 24 centimeters wide and 25, 24 or 11 centimeters deep, while their height is 11 centimeters. The east-west front of this area is 4 meters, the south-north front is 6.25 meters in size.”
“It is estimated that pigeons here were used in the postal service. There are two holes in the upper dome. We can tell that light comes from one of the holes to the southeast and pigeons come in and out from the other. This can also be considered a very sophisticated structure built to obtain quality fertilizer.”
He pointed out that pigeon breeding was carried out for different purposes in the past. “It is hard to imagine a classic postal service consisting of pigeons. We also have seen that the fertilizers obtained from the dovecotes in Bostanlar Creek have proven very useful in vegetable and fruit production here,” he added.
By Samvel Sukiasyan
NEWS.am Sport continues to represent young Armenian football players playing abroad and wishing to play for the national team of Armenia in the future.
Armenian winger Henri Margarjan plays at FC Fredericia U19 in Denmark.
“Henri was born on May 31st, 2002 in Denmark. He speaks excellent Armenian,” Ashot Margarjan, the footballer’s father, told NEWS.am Sport.
“My son has been playing football since he was 6 years old,” he said.
Since 2008, Henri has been playing at the club academy FC Fredericia, playing in the first division of the Denmark championship. He was the captain of the team in the age categories up to 14 and up to 15 years, his father said.
“During the summer of 2018, my son went through viewing in Yerevan’s Artsakh with the support of Robert Arzumanyan, who at that time also trained as part of Artsakh.
In the same year, Henri played for the adult team of KUFM. This is the second team of the city of Fredericia. Now my son represents the youth team of FC Fredericia U19,” Ashot Margarjan added.
According to him, so far, his son has not been invited to the youth national team of Armenia but will join it with great pleasure.
Armenia has beat its own record for daily infections even as it continues to lift social-distancing restrictions. Authorities have said that maintaining the restrictions was economically unsustainable.
On 18 May, public transport, kindergartens, indoor restaurants, and gyms were allowed to reopen, with strict additional hygiene and sanitary requirements in place. The same day, the country registered 351 new confirmed cases, the highest number recorded in a 24 hour period at that point.
Outdoor restaurants, beauty salons and other businesses were allowed to open several weeks prior, on 4 May.
The State Commission on the State of Emergency announced that starting from 25 May, people must wear masks in all outdoor and indoor spaces or face fines of ֏10,000 ($21).
Armenia’s government has made it clear that the novel coronavirus will not be going away anytime soon, and that keeping the country’s economy in lockdown will have dire consequences.
Despite the growing outbreak, the government believes the economy must reopen and has called on Armenian citizens to express social responsibility and continue to follow proper social distancing and hygiene measures despite the decrease in legal restrictions.
The country will now be divided into 119 regions, each with its own monitoring groups consisting of police officers and personnel from the Ministry of Emergency Situations. These groups will ensure that residents, businesses, and other organisations are following all necessary social distancing and hygienic measures.
In an interview with Civilnet, Health Minister Arsen Torosyan said that Armenia has more than enough tests (over 50,000), and has been carrying out 10 tests for every one confirmed case.
According to him, as of last week, Armenia’s infection rate was 1.4, each person infected with COVID-19 was infecting an average of 1.4 people.
Health Minister Torosyan has stressed in the past that Armenia is one of the few countries that has been, for now, been able to hospitalise all confirmed cases of COVID-19.
But this strategy is changing. On 19 May, the Ministry of Health announced that due to the growth in new cases the country is adopting a patient reclassification strategy which would entail sending patients who are asymptomatic as well as those with mild symptoms back home.
Patients will stay in quarantine there under the supervision of state clinic doctors, this will allow rooms in medically repurposed hotels and hospitals to be opened up for those patients that require more urgent medical care.
Armenia currently has over 100 patients in critical condition and a death rate of 1.3%.
Armenia registered its first case on 1 March, and as of 19 May has 5,041 confirmed cases, 2,164 recoveries, and 64 deaths.
A state of emergency was announced on 16 March and included the closure of schools and non-essential businesses alongside strict measures limiting freedom of movement.
Health Minister Torosyan has said that the country’s initial anti-COVID-19 strategy was to test and trace the social contacts made by infected individuals. While the outbreak initially started as three major viral clusters, on 10 April, authorities confirmed that the virus’s spread had been so wide-ranging that it had gone beyond traceable ‘clusters’.
By 10 May, the country’s confirmed number of infections were doubling every two weeks. On 21 May, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced that if current trends continue, Armenia will have 10,000 cases by 29 May and 20,000 cases by 12 June.