Author: Hambik Zargarian

Azerbaijan has signed a contract to purchase Pak-Chinese fighter jets, JF-17 Thunder Block III (also known as FC-1 Xiaolong.”

Azerbaijan’s offensive capability augmentation comes as Armenia is bulwarking its defenses via Indian and French equipment like Akash surface-to-air missiles.

Azerbaijan will purchase the fighter jets for US $1.6 billion. The deal encompasses pilots’ training and acquisition of armament. The rumors have been going on for some time, but Azernews said that the export of JF-17 to Baku will take place after the completion of 62 fighter jets to the Pakistan Air Force by 2024.

Pakistani expert Dr. Mehmood ul Hassan Khan said that the deal is confirmed by Pakistani sources. The sale of JF-17 ‘Thunder’ to Azerbaijan is the largest defense export deal in Pakistan’s history. The deal will supply eight fighter jets in the first tranche with a clause for a follow-on order of another 8 JF-17s. Azerbaijan has become the third country after Myanmar and Nigeria to opt for the fighter jet.

The JF-17 Thunder combat aircraft is jointly developed by the Pakistan Aeronautical Complex and China’s Chengdu Aircraft Industry Corp. It has a Chinese airframe and Western avionics, and a Russian engine powers it.

The Block III variant boasts enhanced weapons capability, making it more versatile in different combat scenarios. It can deploy diverse ordnance, including air-to-air, air-to-surface, anti-ship missiles, and guided and unguided bombs. It is equipped with the PL-15 Beyond Visual Range (BVR) missile with a range of up to 300 kilometers.

The older variant has been facing problems with the engines. Technical malfunction forced Myanmar to ground its fleet of JF-17. Block III features a new engine, possibly an enhanced derivative of the RD-33MK (which powers the Russian MiG-35) or the WS 10A. This engine upgrade contributes to improved performance and agility.

The JF-17 Block III can exceed Mach 2 speeds by approximately 2,470 kilometers per hour. Its agility and maneuverability are crucial for air combat.

Block III incorporates an active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar, enhancing situational awareness and target tracking. It also features a helmet-mounted display (HMD) for improved pilot targeting and engagement. There are reports of an internal infrared search and tracking (IRST) system being considered.

The cost-effectiveness of JF-17 Thunder is its main advantage. It comes at roughly half the cost of the F-16 Fighting Falcon. While expected to be costlier, the Block III variant still offers significant advantages over its competitors.

Despite the brief spell of peace between the two countries, Armenia and Azerbaijan are re-arming themselves to prepare for future conflict. Armenia has purchased Akash surface-to-air missiles from India to fight Azerbaijan’s aerial threat. India’s supply of air defense systems to Armenia has facilitated restraint from the Azerbaijan side.

Akash is a short-range SAM system manufactured by Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL) to protect vulnerable areas and points from air attacks. The Akash Weapon System (AWS) can simultaneously engage Multiple Targets in Group Mode or Autonomous Mode.

It has built-in Electronic Counter-Counter Measures (ECCM) features. The entire weapon system is put atop mobile platforms.

It can effectively engage helicopters, fighter jets, and UAVs flying in the range of 4-25 kilometers. It is fully automatic and has a quick response time from target detection to kill.

It is highly immune to active and passive jamming. It can be transported swiftly via rail or road and deployed quickly. The project has an overall indigenous content of 82 percent, which will be increased to 93 percent by 2026-27.

The conflict has created two axes – one comprising Azerbaijan, Turkey, and Pakistan and another of Armenia, India, and France. The latest hostilities will see the use of newly acquired Indian weapons like Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launcher (MBRL) to Armenia and Bayraktar Akinci ‘Raider’ drones in Azerbaijan’s inventory.

However, this tumultuous peace is under threat as Baku inks deal for JF-17 Block III fighter jets after displaying its latest Bayrakta Akinci ‘Raider’. The possibility of the clash between two systems – the aircraft and the SAMs- is approaching sooner rather than later.

Presently, Azerbaijan’s air force relies primarily on aging Soviet-era fighter jets like the MiG-29 and Su-25. The addition of the JF-17 Block III would provide a substantial leap in technology and firepower. With its advanced weapons capability, improved radar systems, and agility, the JF-17 can enhance Azerbaijan’s air combat capabilities.

It remains to be seen if SAM will prove adequate against the JF-17, which, with its BVR missiles, can strike from well outside the range of the missile. One thing remains sure: the purchase of JF-17 Block III will further fuel the arms race in the region.

File Image: JF-17

The deal could influence the strategic calculus in the South Caucasus and impact regional stability. Azerbaijan has formed a triad with Pakistan and Turkey; soon after the military offensive against Armenia, the three countries conducted a military exercise called ‘Three Brothers.’

However, with the sale of JF-17 Block III, China’s role in the region could be further enhanced.

So far, Russia has been arming both the parties in the conflict. However, as Moscow is tied down in Ukraine, Baku and Yerevan are looking for alternate sources of military hardware. The JF-17 deal is introducing a new player in the regional military landscape.

Yerevan in Armenia has been named host of the 2027 Francophonie Games, both the Armenian government and the Organization of La Francophonie (OIF) announced last week.

The capital was unanimously elected host of the 10th edition of the event by the 126th extraordinary Session of the Permanent Council of La Francophonie after a campaign was launched last November. The virtual meeting included 88 member states and governments that are French-speaking or former French colonies.

The French-speaking population of Armenia is less than one percent but the nation was admitted to La Francophonie in 2012, activating its eligibility to host the sport and cultural event aimed to promote values among youth in the French language. More than 50 member countries and regions represented by over 4000 athletes are expected to participate in at least nine sports and several cultural activities such as poetry, photography and song.

The OIF and the International Committee of the Francophonie Games (CIJF) have struggled to find hosts for the event that is intended to be held every four years, and a recent string of delays left a six -year gap between the 2017 edition held in Abidjan in the Ivory Coast and the 2023 edition that was staged in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo, last August.

The 2021 edition was set to be hosted by New Brunswick’s Dieppe and Moncton (Canada has three member regions; bilingual province New Brunswick, Quebec and the rest of Canada) but skyrocketing costs blamed on flawed budget estimates had provincial government officials walking away from the project in January 2019. In July that year Kinshasa was chosen as the replacement.

The Games were later delayed until 2022 due the the COVID-19 pandemic and a scheduling conflict with the postponed Tokyo 2020 Olympics held in 2021. Then additional difficulties including construction delays pushed the Games forward a further year until 2023.

Similar problems have plagued other regional multi-sport events. The Commonwealth Games is still desperately searching for a 2026 host after Victoria in Australia backed out due to cost concerns. The Pan American Games is currently considering Asuncion in Paraguay and Lima in Peru as replacement for Barranquilla after the Colombian city had its 2027 hosting rights stripped in January due to missed financial commitments. A new election is scheduled for next month but the winning host will have some catching up to do.

The first Francophonie Games was held in 1989 by Casablanca and Rabat, Morocco followed in 1994 by Paris, France. The Games were intended to be rotated between the North and the South, but recent difficulties have seen that strategy fail.

La Francophonie has already opened up the application process for the 11th edition of the Games scheduled for 2031.

https://gamesbids.com/eng/other-games-bids/yerevan-armenia-elected-to-host-10th-francophonie-games-in-2027-as-the-oif-hopes-to-leave-delays-behind/

The opulent streets of London, long associated with the rich and famous, have become the backdrop for yet another tale of hidden wealth and offshore companies. Recent investigations have unveiled a network of luxury properties owned by the family of Armen Sarkissian, the former president of Armenia, nestled behind the veils of opaque offshore firms.

In a report by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), it was revealed that Sarkissian’s relatives, including his wife and sons, own multiple high-end properties in London’s affluent neighborhoods. The ownership, hidden behind offshore entities registered in the British Virgin Islands, has come to light following new transparency regulations enacted in the United Kingdom in 2022.

The properties, including a five-story mansion on Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, and several other prestigious residences, are purportedly owned by Sarkissian’s sister, Karine Sargsyan. These revelations raise questions about the origins of the wealth used to acquire such prime real estate and the implications of using offshore structures to obscure ownership.

Sarkissian, a successful businessman prior to his political career, claims that he entrusted his wealth to his sister in the 1990s, earned from ventures in software development and video games. However, discrepancies arise as the properties were not declared in Sarkissian’s asset declarations during his tenure in public office, as required by Armenian law.

Moreover, previous investigations have uncovered undisclosed assets and foreign citizenship held by Sarkissian, further complicating the narrative. Allegations of constitutional violations regarding foreign citizenship are under scrutiny by Armenian authorities.

The intricate web of offshore companies extends beyond real estate ownership, revealing connections to corporate assets and business ventures. Sarkissian’s family has been linked to companies involved in importing major international brands in Armenia, Georgia, and Uzbekistan, indicating a broader network of financial interests.

Additionally, the transfer of ownership within these corporate entities, particularly to Sarkissian’s son, raises concerns about the transparency and legality of such transactions. Questions linger about the true beneficiaries and motivations behind these intricate financial maneuvers.

The revelations underscore broader concerns about the role of the United Kingdom as a haven for illicit wealth and dark money. Despite recent legislative efforts to increase transparency, the ease of establishing opaque corporate structures and concealing beneficial ownership highlights ongoing challenges in combating financial secrecy and corruption.

As investigations continue into Sarkissian’s family wealth and offshore activities, calls for greater accountability and scrutiny of individuals holding public office resonate. The case serves as a poignant reminder of the intricate nexus between wealth, power, and opacity, and the imperative of robust regulatory frameworks to safeguard against abuse and exploitation.

In 2023, Armenia witnessed a significant influx of humanitarian aid, totaling $35.6 million. The United States led the charge as the largest donor, contributing over $8.1 million, followed closely by Italy and Switzerland, with $3.8 million and $2.8 million, respectively. This outpouring of support, however, came with a stark contrast; the volume of humanitarian aid decreased by 58.8% compared to the previous year.

Delving deeper into the data, Germany, China, and France emerged as notable contributors, offering $2.1 million, $1.8 million, and $1.3 million in aid, respectively. When analyzing the regional distribution, it became clear that European Union (EU) countries played a pivotal role, accounting for 46.8% of the total humanitarian assistance. The United States followed suit, providing 22.8% of the aid.

Intriguingly, the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries contributed a mere 0.1%, raising questions about the regional dynamics at play. This disparity in contributions paints a complex picture of the global response to Armenia's humanitarian needs.

The 58.8% decrease in aid from 2022 to 2023 is a striking figure, prompting reflection on the shifting priorities and challenges within the international humanitarian landscape. As the world grapples with numerous crises, the allocation of resources becomes an increasingly delicate balancing act.

For Armenia, the implications of this decline are far-reaching. While the country received substantial support in 2023, the reduction in aid could potentially impact the ongoing efforts to address pressing humanitarian concerns.

As the world turns its attention to Armenia's humanitarian situation, the importance of international cooperation and understanding cannot be overstated. The intricate tapestry of aid, woven together by diverse countries and regions, serves as a testament to the power of global solidarity.

In the face of adversity, Armenia continues to navigate the complexities of humanitarian aid, forging a path forward with the support of the international community. As the world watches and responds, the story of Armenia's resilience unfolds, illuminating the enduring power of hope and unity in the face of challenge.

As we move further into 2024, the global audience remains captivated by the evolving narrative of Armenia's humanitarian journey. With each twist and turn, the world is reminded of the vital role that international aid plays in shaping the future of nations and the lives of those who call them home.