Unknown Arshile Gorky painting discovered during routine maintenance

Public Radio of Armenia
Oct 22 2021

“This discovery is the sort of moment that drew so many of us to art in the first place—the wonder and surprise, the invitation to think beyond what we already know, hints of new horizons,” Marc Payot, president of Hauser and Wirth, which will debut the work in a non-selling exhibition in New York next month, told Artnet News in an email.

The painting, which has been dubbed Untitled (Virginia Summer), is being added to a new Gorky catalogue raisonné, due out this month from the artist’s foundation.

When Gorky finished the painting on paper, The Limit (1947), he was in quite a prolific period, making a new work every day. As a result, it appears he was short on materials, and, lacking a stretched canvas to work on, simply placed it atop the earlier work now identified as Untitled (Virginia Summer).

It’s quite possible that this isn’t the only painting the artist obscured this way. “Curators of museums: It’s not a bad idea to take it out of the basement or off the wall, look behind, and see if you’ve got two paintings instead of one,” Matthew Spender, the artist’s son-in-law and author of From a High Place: A Life of Arshile Gorky, told the New York Times.

Gorky used glue along the edges and kraft paper tape, an adhesive designed for easy removal, to affix The Limit onto the canvas, presumably as a temporary measure. But when the artist died the following year, Virginia Summer stayed covered, lost to art history for over seven decades.

Conservators Michaela Ritter and Olivier Masson of the Swiss restoration studio Masson and Ritter undertook the painstaking work of peeling back The Limit to reveal the painting underneath. They then constructed a new stretcher on which to safely display the delicate work on paper.

“Arshile Gorky. Beyond the Limit” will be on view at Hauser and Wirth, 542 West 22nd Street, New York, November 16–December 23, 2021. 



Tensions are escalating between Azerbaijan and Iran over border issue and Armenia

Oct 18 2021

Tensions between Azerbaijan and Iran have reached a boiling point in recent weeks. There are three main reasons behind the strained relationship, including perceptions that Azerbaijan has been strengthening ties with Israel amid the ongoing Iran-Israel conflict. Azerbaijan also launched a joint military exercise with Pakistan and Turkey — a country competing with Iran in Middle East leadership — on September 1. Additionally, in mid-September, Azerbaijan imposed a road tax on Iranian trucks traveling through Azerbaijani territories.

Iran and Azerbaijan are divided by a 700-kilometer border. Parts of this territory and the entry roads were long under Armenia’s control, following the first Karabakh war that ended with the 1994 ceasefire. In 2020, after the 44-day second Nagorno-Karabakh war between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan regained control over large swathes of this territory, including entry roads and land on the Iranian border.

Azerbaijan also resented perceptions that Tehran backed Armenia during the recent conflict. Despite this, the relations were somewhat normal until Azerbaijan decided in September 2021 to impose road tax on Iranian trucks using roadways that are now under the control of Azerbaijan. When Armenia controlled those roads, vehicles could pass freely without having to pay any tax.

Two Iranian truck drivers were arrested on September 15, 2021, further escalating tensions. Baku officials said the two are still being detained and have been charged with smuggling and illegally crossing the Azerbaijani state border.

Northern Iran is populated by ethnic Azerbaijanis who make up the largest non-Persian minority in Iran. During the war last year, ethnic Azerbaijanis organized protests in support of the war in several cities in Iran. “Iran has traditionally stayed neutral in the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. But as tensions have risen, the narrative in Azerbaijan has shifted toward portraying Iran as purely and actively pro-Armenian,” wrote journalist Joshua Kuchera in his overview of tensions on October 12.  Not all agree with this view, though, as political analyst Eldar Mamedov: explained in an interview with Eurasianet, “Iran has repeatedly supported Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity on the level of political and religious leadership.”

Iran repeated its support for Azerbaijan during the 44-day war when President Hassan Rohani’s chief of staff Mahmud Vaezi told Azerbaijani Deputy Prime Minister Shahin Mustafayev that, “The stance of the Islamic republic on Azerbaijan has always been clear and transparent as it has always recognized the neighboring country’s territorial integrity and respected it.”

Others, like Touraj Atabaki, professor emeritus of the social history of the Middle East and Central Asia at Leiden University in the Netherlands, believe Iran is concerned about being politically sidelined. In an interview with Radio Liberty, Atabaki said, “Turkey has the second-largest NATO army, and Pakistan is a nuclear power in the region. When these two countries join Azerbaijan in military maneuvers, it worries Russia and Iran — and the Islamic republic’s military maneuver [reflects] its concern.”

In addition, Iran views Azerbaijan as Israel’s proxy, explained Abbas Qaidari, a researcher on international security and defense policy. Israel and Azerbaijan share a military alliance, and Azerbaijan has received Israeli military and surveillance equipment. “That relationship has been strong for years, although it has been newly visible since last year’s war, in which Azerbaijan used Israeli weaponry to significant effect,” wrote journalist Joshua Kuchera on September 30.

To understand a rapidly changing situation, here is a timeline of the most recent events:

August 26 — Azerbaijan blocked the Goris-Kapan road, Armenia’s only highway to Iran, for nearly 48 hours. Goris and Kapan are the two main towns of southern Armenia. In addition to connecting these two towns, the road includes a 21 kilometer-long segment that passes through Azerbaijan’s newly regained territory.

The Foreign Ministry of Azerbaijan summoned Iran’s ambassador to Baku to share a diplomatic note expressing Azerbaijan’s dissatisfaction with Iranian trucks illegally entering parts of Karabakh now controlled by Azerbaijan. 

September 12 — Azerbaijan launched a joint military exercise with Turkey and Pakistan.

Azerbaijan’s Defense Ministry asked the Russian Defense Ministry that Russian peacekeeping forces stationed in Karabakh prevent “illegal crossing of third-country vehicles into the territories of Azerbaijan.”

September 13 — Azerbaijan confirmed it set up checkpoints and was collecting customs payments at the Goris-Kapan road.

September 23 — Azerbaijan’s Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov met with his Iranian counterpart Hossein Amir-Abdollahian on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly.

September 27 — President Ilham Aliyev said in an interview with the Turkish Anadolu Agency that Iranian trucks were using that route “illegally” prior to the second Karabakh war.

He also criticized the Iranian military exercises, saying to Turkey’s Anadolu Agency: “Every country can carry out any military drill on its own territory. It’s their sovereign right. But why now, and why on our border?”

September 30 — Iran’s Foreign Minister, Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, at a meeting with Azerbaijan’s new ambassador to Tehran, said Iran wouldn’t “tolerate the presence and activity” of Israel against the country’s national security and the country will take actions if such need arises.

The country also announced it would hold large-scale military exercises near the Azerbaijani border, following another set of drills in the same region reported Eurasianet.

October 1 — Tehran launched military drills near its northwestern border with Azerbaijan.

October 3 — Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, tweeted in Azerbaijani, “those who dig pits for their brothers will fall into those pits themselves.”

In response, Azerbaijan held another joint drill with Turkey, this time in its Nakhchivan enclave on October 5.

The rehearsals of the Unwavering Brotherhood-2021 exercise, which will be held in Nakhchivan with the participation of our 3rd Army Command and Azerbaijan Nakhchivan Army Command, were carried out successfully.

October 4 — Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry dismissed Iran’s claims of a third-party presence, calling them baseless.

October 5 — President Ilham Aliyev dismissed Tehran’s allegation of an unofficial Israeli presence in the country. “Let them open their eyes and look. Where do they see Israel here? Not a single person lives here. There is not a single building here. Is there proof? No,” Aliyev told reporters speaking to them from Jabrail, just a few miles from the border with Iran. The president asserted that baseless allegations wouldn’t go unanswered.

The same day, Azerbaijani media reported that Iran cut off its airspace to Azerbaijani military flights, while Azerbaijani authorities shut down a mosque and an office of Seyyed Ali Akbar Ojaghnejad, a representative of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, citing a spike in COVID infections at the mosque.

October 6 — Iran’s Foreign Minister, Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, said Tehran was “deeply concerned by Israel’s presence in the Caucasus.”

October 13 — Questions over what triggered the tensions remain. However, both Iran and Azerbaijan expressed interest in resolving the current diplomatic crisis through dialogue on October 13. Following a phone call with his counterpart Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov, the two officials announced the de-escalation effort.

Armenia accuses Azerbaijan of shelling a village

Caucasian Knot, EU
Oct 15 2021

Today, the village of Yeraskh and the nearby military positions have been shelled from the Azerbaijani direction, the Ministry of Defence (MoD) of Armenia reports.

Today, at about 3 p.m., Azerbaijani soldiers opened fire in the direction of the Yeraskh village, an officer of the Armenian MoD informed the “Caucasian Knot” correspondent.

“As a result of the shelling attack, a barn of a Yeraskh villager and a haystack caught fire,” the official from the Armenian MoD reported.

According to him, the military positions near the village were also shelled. No civilians or soldiers were injured.

This article was originally published on the Russian page of 24/7 Internet agency ‘Caucasian Knot’ on at 04:53 pm MSK. To access the full text of the article, click here.

Author: Armine MartirosyanSource: CK correspondent

Source: 
© Caucasian Knot

Armenia announces starting lineup for 2022 World Cup qualifier against Romania

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 11:27,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 11, ARMENPRESS. The Football Federation of Armenia released the Armenian National Football Team’s starting lineup for the October 11 match against Romania for the 2022 FIFA World Cup qualifier.

David Yurchenko

Davit Terteryan

Varazdat Haroyan

Taron Voskanyan

Artak Grigoryan

Alik Arakelyan

Khoren Bayramyan

Eduard Spertsyan

Lukas Selarayan

Erik Vardanyan

Tigran Barseghyan

Anatoly Ayvazov

Kamo Hovhannisyan

Jordy Ararat

Hrayr Mkoyan

Stanislav Buchnev

Solomon Udo

Henrikh Mkhitaryan

Ishkhan Geloyan

Alexander Karapetyan

Karen Muradyan

Sargis Adamyan

Zhirayr Margaryan

Civilian killed in Artsakh in Azerbaijani shooting

Public Radio of Armenia
Oct 9 2021

A civilian resident of Artsakh’s city of Martakert has been killed in sniper shooting from the Azerbaijani side, the Police of the Republic of Artsakh report.

“According to preliminary information, Aram Tepnants, 55, was killed by a sniper in the pomegranate orchard near Martakert at 1:15 p.m today,” the Police said said.

Investigators are currently working at the scene. The information has ben passed on to the Russian peacekeepers.

Soviet writer Vasily Grossman’s final work, An Armenian Sketchbook

Oct 7 2021

An Armenian Sketchbook, translated by Robert and Elizabeth Chandler, New York Review Books, 133 pages.

Vasily Grossman (1905-1964), the Soviet journalist and writer, is known above all for his two massive novels, Stalingrad (1952) and Life and Fate (1960) , dealing with the Second World War on the Eastern Front. He was also an outstanding war journalist, documenting the Nazi genocide of the Eastern European Jews, as well as all the major battles of the Red Army, which played the decisive role in defeating fascism.

The recent translation of Stalingrad into English for the first time recalls another work of Grossman’s that only became available to an English-speaking audience in 2013. An Armenian Sketchbook, dating from 1962, is a very different sort of book than the earlier war novels. As the title suggests, this slim volume consists of an informal and at times humorous and almost light-hearted account of Grossman’s trip to the small Soviet republic in 1961, where he was tasked with translating a lengthy Armenian war novel. There is much here that puts a smile on the reader’s face.

An Armenian Sketchbook

But the book is also, in its slighter fashion, as deeply moving as Grossman’s previous work. In 12 brief chapters, while objectively and with great affection detailing aspects of Armenian life, the author artfully and naturally interweaves profound insights deeply bound up with the Russian Revolution, the unprecedented struggle of the Soviet people against Nazi barbarism and the bitter experiences of Stalinist terror and dictatorship.

There is also a connection between this remembrance of Armenia and the destiny of Life and Fate. As translator Robert Chandler explains in his introduction, the Soviet authorities had refused to allow his monumental sequel to Stalingrad to appear in print when he submitted it for publication in 1960. More than that, the manuscript was confiscated, and the regime went so far as to remove carbon paper and typewriter ribbons. Grossman was shattered by what he called “the arrest” of the work to which he had devoted years of struggle. Life and Fate was not to appear until its publication in Switzerland in 1980, long after the author’s death. An English translation followed, in 1985.

In the second half of 1961, perhaps in an effort to soften the blow of the censorship of his novel and to “buy him off” with another assignment, literary officials suggested that Grossman undertake the trip to Armenia. Even though he knew no Armenian, he was asked to edit (“translate,” as that term was generally used during this period) a literal translation of a lengthy novel.

The arduous work of retranslating had to be carried out in Armenia so that Grossman could consult both with the author of the book as well as its original translator. This occupied him for some months.

In the first half of 1962, after his translation work had been completed, Grossman finished writing his reminiscences of the trip. Once again he faced official pressure and censorship. Literary bureaucrats were particularly concerned by a chapter that dealt with the role of Stalin. Grossman, by this time angry over many years of harassment and tangling with the bureaucracy, refused to allow the book’s publication. An Armenian Sketchbook did not appear in the USSR until 1965, some eight months after the author’s death, and whole chapters were omitted.

It should be kept in mind that this period of the early 1960s was the height of the Thaw, under Stalinist leader Nikita Khrushchev, who gave the “Secret Speech” in February 1956 exposing some of Stalin’s monstrous crimes. Political prisoners were released from labor camps, and censorship was somewhat eased. Millions of workers and intellectuals sought an explanation for the Stalinist terror, many raising the slogan “Back to Lenin.” Grossman’s little book reflects the spirit of these times. Even then, of course, the parasitic Stalinist bureaucracy enforced strict limits on what could be said or written, as was revealed by Grossman’s own treatment.

The complete English translation of An Armenian Sketchbook, with missing passages and chapters restored, is a small gem. Grossman’s descriptions of his experiences are no less effective for their brevity. He depicts Armenian villages, austere mountains, the view of Mount Ararat in extreme eastern Turkey and the customs—religious and otherwise—of the people. A few extracts can hardly do justice to the beauty and perceptiveness of Grossman’s prose.

“In Yerevan [the capital] and in towns and villages in the mountains and on the plains,” he writes, “I met people of all kinds. I met scientists, doctors, engineers, builders, artists, journalists, party activists, and old revolutionaries. …I saw plowmen, vintners, and shepherds; I saw masons; I saw murderers, fashionable young ‘mods,’ sportsmen, earnest leftists, and cunning opportunists; I saw helpless fools, army colonels, and Lake Sevan fishermen.”

Grossman feels very close to the Armenian people. He closely and concretely observes, not content to view from afar. His sentiments are not vague and pacifistic. He is close to the masses, with a feeling for their suffering combined with an optimism about humanity’s potential.

He writes, for instance, about meeting “a sweet, asthmatic old man by the name of Sarkisyan. … When he was young, he was an important figure in the Party; during his years as an émigré, he knew Lenin. And then he was denounced as a Turkish spy, beaten almost to death, and sent to a camp in Siberia, where he remained for 19 years.

“And then he returned home, not embittered but convinced that people are essentially good, glad to have enriched his heart through conversations in camp barracks, north of the Arctic Circle, with ordinary Russian peasants and workers, glad to have enriched his mind through conversations with Russian scientists and intellectuals.”

Grossman writes frequently in these pages on the issue of nationalism in the 20th century. The profound impact of the October Revolution can be seen and felt in his prose. His comments on narrow nationalism of course apply today as much as in the previous century.

“Now, after Hitler, it has become more important than ever to look at the question of nationalism—of nationalistic contempt and nationalistic arrogance,” he writes.

“Imagine our Russian intellectuals, the kind, merry, perceptive old women in our villages, our elderly workers, our young lads, our little girls being free to enter the melting pot of ordinary human intercourse with the people of North and South America, of China, France, India, Britain and the Congo.

“What a rich variety of customs, fashion, cuisine, and labor would then be revealed! … And the beggarliness, blindness, and inhumanity of narrow nationalism and hostility between states would be clearly demonstrated.”

“When a large and strong nation,” he continues, “with huge armies and powerful weapons, proclaims its superiority, it threatens other nations with war and enslavement. The nationalistic excesses of small oppressed nations, on the other hand, spring from the need to defend their dignity and freedom. And yet, for all their differences, the nationalism of the aggressors and the nationalism of the oppressed have much in common.”

The influence of Marxism finds _expression_ in the way Grossman approaches a variety of subjects, despite the awful perversions of the Stalinist regime, which falsely claimed to represent socialism and turned Marxism into its opposite, a defense of nationalism and bureaucracy.

On a visit to the world-famous Lake Sevan, for instance, he writes with profound understanding of the relationship between the object and subject. He describes “a little cloud lit by a quiet sunset” and a “summer rain or a young moon reflected in the pockmarked surface of a forest stream in April.” He continues: “For a particular scene to enter into a person and become part of their soul, it is evidently not enough that the scene be beautiful. The person also has to have something clear and beautiful present inside them. It is like a moment of shared love, of communion, of true meeting between a human being and the outer world.”

A similar grasp of Marxism is suggested by the following digression on art, which savagely depicts the monstrosity of “socialist realism,” the only work approved by the Stalinist regime: “… there is, surprisingly, more true realism in the craziest picture of the most abstract subjectivist, in the silliest concoction of lines, dots, and spots, than in all the harmonious worlds commissioned by bureaucrats. A strange, silly, crazy picture is, after all, a true _expression_ of at least one living human soul. But whose living soul can we sense in this harmonious, officially sanctioned world so full of apparently naturalistic detail, so dense with ripe ears of wheat and fine forests of oak? Nobody’s—there is no soul in a government office.”

In the final chapter, Grossman gives a detailed account of an Armenian wedding to which he has been invited. After hours of celebration, a collective-farm carpenter addresses Grossman directly. His words are translated for the Russian Jewish guest.

“The carpenter was talking about the Jews, saying that when he was taken prisoner during the war he had seen all the Jews being taken away somewhere separate. All his Jewish comrades had been killed. He spoke of the compassion and love he felt for the Jewish women and children who had perished in the gas chambers of Auschwitz. He said how he had read articles of mine about the war, with portrayals of Armenians, and had thought how this man writing about Armenians was from a nation that had also suffered a great deal. … Long, thunderous applause confirmed that the Armenian peasantry did indeed feel compassion for the Jewish nation.”

Discussing anti-Semitism, Grossman obliquely but firmly indicts the regime for tolerating, even promoting anti-Semitism: “I have more than once heard Russians—both intellectuals and simple people—speak with compassion of the horrors that befell the Jews during the Nazi occupation.

“But I have also encountered the vicious mentality of the Black Hundreds. I have felt this hatred on my own skin. From drunks on buses, from people eating in canteens or standing in queues, I have heard black words about the nation martyred by Hitler. And it has always pained me that our Soviet lecturers, propagandists, and ideological workers do not speak out against anti-Semitism—as did Korolenko, as did Gorky, as did Lenin.”

Grossman with the Red Army in Schwerin, Germany, 1945 (Wikipedia)

The lasting impact of the October Revolution on the best sections of the Soviet intelligentsia and working class can be seen in these lines and throughout the small volume. This occurred despite the horrors or Stalinism, and even the participants’ own lack of understanding. Grossman himself became somewhat discouraged and disoriented in the face of the degeneration of the Revolution, but he never abandoned a profound belief in human progress. This, in the face of all that he had witnessed, has an enormous objective significance. Almost 60 years after the writing of this book, the cause of socialism remains thoroughly alive.

Grossman’s concluding lines underscore the fact that, although this particular visit had deeply affected him, he was writing not only about Armenia:

“Though mountains be reduced to mere skeletons, may mankind endure forever. … Probably I have said much that is clumsy and wrong. But all I have said, clumsy or not, I have said with love.

“Barev dzez—All good to you, Armenians and non-Armenians!”

 

Iran, Armenia confer on establishing new transit routes

Tehran Times, Iran
Oct 8 2021
October 8, 2021 – 15:30

TEHRAN – Iranian Deputy Transport and Urban Development Minister Kheirollah Khademi has announced an agreement between Iran and Armenia for establishing new transit routes, IRNA reported.

“The alternative transit route for Iranian trucks in Armenia will be asphalted within the next month, and there will be no need to use the previous route which passes through Azerbaijan and requires us to pay tolls to the country,” Khademi said.

Earlier this week, Khademi visited Armenia on top of a delegation for discussing solutions to resolve recent transit problems posed by Azerbaijan along a 20-kilometer section of Armenia’s Goris-Kapan Road stretching from Norduz (in Iran) to Yerevan.

“Positive meetings were held with Armenian officials, including the Minister of Infrastructure and his deputies. In order to determine a new route for Iranian trucks; good solutions were also suggested with a specific schedule to solve the problem,” the official stated.

The northern part of the route (from Yerevan to Georgia) has been completed by Armenia and the southern part toward the Norduz border in Iran is remaining which the two sides agreed to launch the construction operations. 

According to Khademi, Armenia’s long-term plan is to build section 4 of this global corridor, and Iran has announced its readiness for its consultants and contractors to participate in the implementation of this project.

Azerbaijan is controlling and claiming ownership for approximately 20 km out of a 400 km route from Norduz to Yerevan. Since last month, Azerbaijan has imposed strict regulations on Iranian drivers which are posing major problems for them passing through the 20-kilometer section of Armenia’s Goris-Kapan Road including paying tolls levied by Azerbaijani border guards.

Iran and Armenia are seeking ways to bypass Azerbaijan for their traffic.

The Goris-Kapan Road is the main traffic route in southern Armenia. Since the end of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, a 20-kilometer section of the road has been under Azerbaijani control. But since early 2021 it has set up border guard posts on their sections of the road, thereby disrupting the traffic along the route.

EF/MA

Strategic mistakes of Azerbaijan republic and Armenia

Iran Front Page
Sept 30 2021

Fars News Agency: Tension is high along Iran’s northwestern borders and many videos have emerged showing the deployment of Iranian armed forces to the areas on the Armenian and Azerbaijani Republic’s border.

How did it start?
Several issues have been the main cause of tension in the region: First, the military forces of the Republic of Azerbaijan have blocked the Goris-Qapan axis and do not allow heavy vehicles to pass through this route. In addition, the joint military maneuver of Azerbaijan Republic, Pakistan and Turkey in recent days near the Iranian border was another issue that caused sensitivities in our country.

Another issue was the sharp and undiplomatic remarks of the members of Azeri Parliament against the territorial integrity of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The last thing was the possibility of border changes and a deal over some areas in the Armenian territory and the Republic of Azerbaijan, as a result of which part of the territory of Armenia bordering the Islamic Republic of Iran will be ceded to Azerbaijan Republic and Armenia will effectively lose its border with Iran.

What is the context of this story?
The statements of Azeri officials or some movements such as the ban on Iran’s exports to Armenia are not issues that can escalate the conflict to this high level. What is important is that the United States and Israel would scramble for proxy actions on the northwestern borders of our country.

Political analyst Saadollah Zarei wrote in a note, “The Armenian government and Prime Minister Pashinian, who is considered pro-Western compared with the former government, have joined the US-Turkey project in the hope of enjoying political and economic benefits, which is a betrayal of Armenia.”

In this case, instead of a direct and obvious presence, the United States uses the Zionist regime’s nearly 30 years of security ties with Azerbaijan Republic and Armenia. Although exact figures are not available, numerous reports indicate the growing security presence of the Israeli regime, especially in Azerbaijan Republic, mostly at the “Qibla Air Base”.

The number of Israeli forces is between 500 and 1,000, while this criminal regime has gained significant influence in the last decade in the pillars of Azerbaijan Republic and the family of Elham Aliyev such that the Zionist leaders referred to Azerbaijan Republic as “Lebanon of Israel”. In this way, we have said, we can entangle the Islamic Republic in a long-term border security challenge and blunt its impact in the region. However, it’s absolutely clear that such claims and their capability to translate them into action are far apart.

What is clear is that a trans-regional event is taking place that is the result of linking neo-Ottoman tendencies with Zionism, and in the meantime, Turkey is trying to play its role well in line with these developments.

What is the mistake of Azerbaijan Republic and Armenia?
For many years, Azerbaijan Republic has been a haven for pro-Israel currents and even allowed the direct presence of Zionism in the region. It has forgotten that in the time of serious and historical crises in this region, it was Iran that supported Azerbaijan Republic’s territorial integrity and did not allow the extra-regional powers to disrupt the strategic order of this region. Iran has also played its rightful role as a neighbor to Armenia.
Iran has tried to have secure and strong neighbors according to a grand strategy. But now Armenia, with its pro-Western president, and the Republic of Azerbaijan, with a pro-Israeli government, are seeking to play a proxy role in confronting the Islamic Republic of Iran. Azerbaijan Republic is a Shia Muslim country and will naturally, in the short term, come into social confrontation with the anti-religious and anti-Shia currents of the West and Israel. This is the main mistake of the Republic of Azerbaijan.

Armenia must also realize how important countries in the region play their roles, and in this case, if the important and influential role of such countries as Iran and Russia is not taken into account, it will certainly not be possible to move forward in regional equations.

What does Iran want?
Iran pursues two main issues: First, Iran does not accept the strong presence of Israel on its borders and cannot allow the enemies of the Iranian people to equip themselves around Iran’s borders. The second issue is that Iran can in no way accept border changes in its northwestern regions. The principle of good neighborliness is an issue that neighbors should respect. Iran has always wanted security and power for its neighbors, and they are also expected to reciprocate.

France will spare no effort to contribute to resumption of dialogue within OSCE MG Co- Chairmanship – embassy

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 16:38,

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 27, ARMENPRESS. France will spare no effort to contribute to the resumption of dialogue between Armenia and Azerbaijan within the framework of the OSCE Minsk Group Co-Chairmanship, aimed at the lasting settlement of the conflict and the stabilization of the situation in the South Caucasus, the French Embassy in Armenia said in a statement issued today on the occasion of the anniversary of the 2020 Artsakh War.

“Today, at 11:00, the Embassy of France in Armenia held a moment of silence in memory of the victims of last year’s bloody conflict. We express our sincere condolences and support to the families of the victims and injured”, the statement says.

September 27 marks the anniversary of the 44-Day War unleashed by Azerbaijan against Artsakh. Despite the statement on the ceasefire signed on November 9, Azerbaijan still refuses to return all Armenian captives.

 

Editing and Translating by Aneta Harutyunyan

Armenian calls for Tehran-Yerevan cooperation in oil and gas

Iran Front Page
Sept 25 2021

Iran’s Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian and his Armenian counterpart Ararat Mirzoyan have held talks on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly meeting in New York.

The Armenian foreign minister congratulated Amirabdollahian on his appointment as Iran’s top diplomat. He also described Iran-Armenia talks as “good and expanding”. 

Mirzoyan underlined the need for holding an Iran-Armenia joint commission as soon as possible. He also called for the two countries to start their cooperation in the oil and energy sector. 

Amirabdollahian also underscored the transit capacity between Iran and Armenia and described cooperation in the energy sector as an important component in economic relations. The Iranian foreign minister said the Islamic Republic is ready to host Armenia’s energy minister for a review of the related possibilities of the two countries.