AW: Armenia’s Existential Decision: Militarization

The fourth installment of a multi-part series, this article was originally published in Armenian by Mediamax, on June 18, 2022.

Avetik Chalabyan’s legal representatives have published the co-founder of ARAR Foundation’s article penned at the Armavir Penitentiary Institution, where he is currently being held under trumped up charges.

Avetik Chalabyan

In the previous articles, I have tried to outline the prospects of the two key pillars of Armenia’s fateful choice, the regathering of Armenians and modernization, and to present concrete ideas for their implementation. In this article, I will concentrate on the third, and perhaps the most difficult pillar, militarization, as it has garnered the most resistance among different segments of our society. It has also caused the regathering and modernization of Armenians to not gain the desired momentum in the past, given its association with war.

Prior to Nikol Pashinyan’s rise to power, Armenia was quite a militarized country based on some criteria (such as army to population ratio), where it was among the five most militarized countries in the world, and for years and decades the entire society bore that burden. Despite such militarization, Armenia lost the catastrophic 44-day war, and the shock of that defeat led many to question both the existing defense model and the need for militarization in general.

It is not accidental that the obviously false and vain idea about the “peace era” put into circulation by Pashinyan in the beginning found such a positive response in broad segments of the society. Having survived two large-scale wars for three decades, being in the midst of chronic hostilities around them, not having a real sense of security, Armenian society needs more than a sense of peace and minimal security, and that is fair.

But is peace possible through demilitarization, becoming safe for our hostile neighbors, as Pashinyan presents, or should we do the exact opposite?

This is probably our biggest disagreement with Pashinyan, and this disagreement has a deep, historical nature, and each side has its arguments which require honest analysis.

Pashinyan’s “doctrine of peace” is based on the fact that our two Turkish neighbors, compared to us, have large military and geopolitical resources, and confrontation with them will ultimately lead to the defeat and continuous losses of the Armenian side, as evidenced by historical experience. Therefore, in the long run, the Armenian state should not try to compete with our arch-enemies in the military sphere, but by satisfying their “reasonable” demands, find a stable and peaceful model of coexistence, presumably under the auspices of the European Union.

Let us analyze these assertions one by one. First of all, there is no doubt that the Turkish tandem has more resources, but it does not follow that it is able to use those resources freely against the Armenian state, if the latter enjoys relevant alliance agreements. The best evidence of that are the years 1991-1994. It was the first Artsakh war, when Turkey, being constrained not only by Russia but also by the United States, during the three years of the war could not be directly involved in hostilities, having to be satisfied only by regular threats. Second, although this force is large, its use in offensive operations, especially against densely populated areas, also has limitations. It is no coincidence that in 1918, the Ottoman army, which was three times larger than the Armenian forces, advanced through the deserted territory of Western Armenia without difficulty and reached the outskirts of Yerevan in three months, yet it faced significant resistance by people defending their homes motivated to fight to death.

Third, modern history has many interesting examples when small countries, being militarized and ready for war, have successfully resisted large countries. The best example of this is Israel, which in the 25 years since its creation fought four times with Egypt (and its allies) and won every time. Examples include the heroic resistance of little Finland against the Soviet Union in 1940, the widespread mobilization of Switzerland in 1941, which prevented Nazi Germany from invading, Vietnam’s resistance to the US invasion, and a number of similar examples that show a simple balance of power in modern warfare. It can still predetermine the outcome of a war if one side, albeit a small one, is super-militarized and super-motivated, thus creating an insurmountable obstacle for the strong side.

Pashinyan’s last argument is that there is no need to militarize if it is possible to find the key to peace with the Turkish tandem and have the same coexistence with them as we have with our other neighbors, Iran and Georgia.

This would be correct if Turkey and Azerbaijan were the same as Iran and Georgia, that is, they did not have large-scale appetites for Armenia and their other neighbors. The reality, however, is the exact opposite. To this day, Turkey continues to insist on restoring the former glory and power of the Ottoman Empire, at the very least restoring all its Turkic-speaking parts. By that logic, Turkish troops are in northern Syria (and are preparing to expand their sphere of control), regularly invading northern Iraq, having territorial disputes with Greece in the Aegean Sea and carrying out active economic expansion in Georgia, already swallowing Adjara. If Turkey was satisfied with a “cold” war in Armenia by 2020, the 44-day war made its intentions clear given its direct involvement and the decisive role in ensuring the outcome of that war. To assume that Turkey will be satisfied with that if it has a weak and demilitarized Armenia by its side is naïve at best, especially in light of Turkey’s growing imperial aspirations.

However, while Turkey at least tries to hide these aspirations under diplomatic rhetoric, its younger brother, Azerbaijan, is quite vocal about its territorial ambitions towards Armenia. Azerbaijan considers that the modern Republic of Armenia was established in 1918 on the territories of former Azerbaijani “khanats” (principalities). Back in 1920, in the map of territorial claims submitted to the League of Nations, the Republic of Azerbaijan claimed not only Artsakh and Nakhichevan, but also Syunik, Vayots Dzor, the eastern part of Gegharkunik, and most of Tavush and Ararat regions. With that map, only half of today’s Armenia will remain in Armenia.

Even today, Azerbaijan does not hide these ambitions and is well aware that a weak and demilitarized Armenia will not be able to defend its territories, especially in sparsely-populated areas such as Syunik, Vayots Dzor and Gegharkunik. Azerbaijan already tested local invasions in the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia in 2021, and even in the conditions of the peace agreement, it will continue to strengthen its presence in the territory of Armenia by that and other means. Azerbaijan will try the same in Artsakh, taking advantage of the existence of a number of vulnerable points and the weakness or tolerance of the peacekeeping troops there.

Therefore, no matter how much Pashinyan insists that he is determined to open an “era of peace” with our Turkish neighbors/enemies, it will be at best an era of peaceful absorption and Turkification of Armenia (following the example of Adjara), and at worst it may be accompanied by massacres and mass deportations, as already demonstrated in Hadrut and Shushi.

The reality is that Armenia is doomed without militarization, but militarization itself is not a sustainable solution using the model used by the previous authorities which led to waste of resources without the desired security outcome.

The militarization of Armenia needs a well-thought-out, systemic model, the main elements of which I will present below, hoping to further develop this topic in the future.

First, let’s start with the fact that militarization does not mean just a large army, but refers to all aspects of state organization.

In a militarized state, all public and private sector structures must have clear plans for strengthening peacetime defense capabilities and carrying out missions in hostilities. Any economic, social or residential object must also have a military significance, and in case of war it must be able to serve the purposes of defending the country. The people of the country must be prepared for its defense from an early age, whether it is in the training of their spirit, physical training, technical knowledge, and finally, combat training, leading to the nation having large combat resources at its disposal at any given time.

All this should be managed by the state, but private structures should also be actively involved in solving these problems.

In a militarized society, the special services must be able to perform the functions of informing the military-political leadership of the country, conducting military-technical intelligence, effectively combating the operations of foreign special services, and, if necessary, carrying out specific tasks outside Armenia. The tasks of cyber security and hybrid warfare in the economic, political, social and media spheres must be solved, and done so by the entire society.

In a militarized country, the military industry is of primary importance; it must be able to create complex systems and be able to readily use them on the battlefield. It must not only meet the needs of its own army, but also become globally competitive and provide export revenues to the country (for comparison, in 2021, Israel’s military exports exceeded the total gross output of the Armenian economy).

The role of the military is also changing in a militarized state. First, it becomes the key structure of the state (as it was in Armenia in its first decade of independence), receives its continued support, and military professions become more powerful in the state system, potentially competing with the private sector. This is possible only if the military is rapidly technologically equipped, where the profession begins to be associated with high technology as opposed to blood and sweat, and moves continuously down the path of development and acquisition of universal capabilities, which can also be effectively used in the private sector after demobilization. Moreover, private sector companies need to create demand for ex-servicemen in the labor market, further guaranteeing that they will not only be in demand after demobilization, but will also be able to capitalize on their knowledge and experience (a practice widely used in the US and Israel, where many retired servicemen are involved in the military industry, politics and business sectors).

Compulsory military service in a militarized country must be re-oriented on combat readiness and self-development, achieved through intensive training, not only in the improvement of combat capabilities, but also the acquisition of related knowledge required in peace time. This primarily applies to mathematics and foreign languages, to which programming languages and managerial knowledge can be selectively added, which will allow servicemen not only to effectively perform their immediate combat tasks, but also to integrate quickly into peace time life after service. This will also be facilitated by the one-time bonuses paid by the state after demobilization (depending on the efficiency of the service), which will allow the demobilized to have an adaptation period before starting work or starting new studies. The main combat force of the military should be the contract servicemen recruited on a voluntary basis, signed with the conscripts after the first year of their service, based on their efficiency for long-term military service. A year later, the sergeants must be selected from the same staff, and the best of them must, after some time, undergo officer training to become an officer (this is the practice in Israel). All contract servicemen must regularly participate in military exercises and train, acquiring new combat equipment and operational tactics. Expenditures on these exercises should be significantly increased.

Conscripts who are demobilized must form into reservists, enlist in specific military units (usually where they served), and participate in annual mobilizations. This is an additional burden for the private sector, but in a militarized state it is a necessity and an additional security guarantee for the same private sector.

The active reserve must be separated by the reserve force on a voluntary basis. Active reservists are the most efficient part, where they receive additional salaries from the state, have attached weapons and participate in mobilizations with several times more intensity, and if necessary, they are the first to replenish the military ranks.

In a militarized state, the role of women in the military is equally important. In many modern military professions, women are on par with men, and in some cases even exceed their efficiency. Therefore, the military must actively recruit women and provide effective conditions for combat training and service. That process has already started in Armenia and should gain new momentum. The respect and reputation of female employees must continue to grow, and the state must provide additional social guarantees for them, especially in cases of having and raising children.

Although the modernization of the military and the organization of military affairs are the subject of a separate article (see a previously published article “How to increase Armenia’s military power“), I would like to simply mention here that the future Armenian army does not have to be large, but it must be highly technological. The number of the army of the Republic of Armenia may be in the range of 50,000 servicemen, and another 10-12,000 servicemen should be in Artsakh (mainly locals), but that military must have a significantly different structure from today. Two-thirds of today’s army is the infantry, mainly involved in combat protection. The tasks of combat protection in the future military must be widely automated, and the personnel involved in it must be reduced.

Moreover, automation, the creation of a centralized network management system using artificial intelligence, the transformation of the army into a unified but at the same time very flexible reconnaissance strike system, must become a new way of conducting combat operations on the ground and in the air. At the same time, decentralization methods should be used in the management of troops, in which case each tactical unit should be able to perform the task independently.

Soldiers must be trained in both operational and tactical terms and at the level of individual fighters to conduct both defensive and offensive operations. But, of course, there must be units with specific specialization. Within the framework of the above-mentioned unified system, the problem of multi-layered air protection must be solved, both through pilot aviation and unmanned aerial systems, including concepts from lone wolf or herd animal approaches.

The experience of recent wars shows that the technology of wars is irreversibly changing. This means aircraft (including drones), long-range and precision-guided means of attack, specially trained and equipped infantry in offensive operations, and the implementation of echeloned fortifications, that drastically reduce the effectiveness of various enemy means of attack, in defensive operations. Multi-layer air defense is also important. In this sense, the future Armenian military must find an optimal balance in the development of defensive and offensive means, depending on the general resources at its disposal and the specifics of the terrain, in each case emphasizing the imperative of effective defense of Armenian territories.

If you have reached this point, you will have a question about the means by which all this should be implemented, because each proposed idea has a price tag. Today, Armenia already spends about 4.5 percent of its gross product on defensive needs, which is fairly high by international standards (Russia and Turkey spend about the same proportion). The militarization of Armenia is also a difficult choice, as it will require a steady increase in defense spending, presumably by up to seven percent of GDP in the long run, which is about 50 percent higher than today.

As the current state budget is already tight (although there are some savings opportunities, in particular through the optimization of the state apparatus and the police), the increase in military spending is possible from three sources:

  1. Increase in state revenues, moreover, for targeted defense expenditures (today’s mandatory payments to the Servicemen’s Insurance Fund are a good example of that)
  2. Attracting targeted funds from the Diaspora in the form of investments, as well as through various paid services for citizenship (for example, the right to participate in elections in their country of residence).
  3. Free or preferential assistance from Allied States. It is important to expand the circle of allies and deepen military-technical cooperation.

If all this is done in a systematic and united manner with long-term strategic logic, if a mutually beneficial dialogue is built with all our partners where our goals are clear to them, then sooner or later we will be able to achieve the necessary level of resource mobilization, as was the case in Israel (another effective example is South Korea). The good news is that all this has already been tested on a small scale. The Diaspora is already actively investing in the Armenian military industry; the countries that are friendly to us regularly provide military-technical assistance; and both the population of Armenia and the Armenians living abroad provide massive support to the military during hostilities. There are already a number of military-patriotic organizations in Armenia today, which also receive support from businesses, and a number of charitable foundations support the modernization of the military, and so on.

As in the case of education, many mechanisms have already been tested and are working. The task of the next stage is to scale them and bring them together in a systemic manner. For that, a new government must be formed in Armenia, which will renounce the Nikolist “peace-loving” illusions and will start the militarization of the nation.

I urge you to think about what you personally are doing today to increase the protection of our country, and what you can do in the future from the extensive list presented in this article, which is much more extensive in real life, providing each of us the opportunity to defend our right to a free life in our own country.

Ara Nazarian is an associate professor of Orthopaedic Surgery at Harvard Medical School. He graduated from Tennessee Technological University with a degree in mechanical engineering, followed by graduate degrees from Boston University, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology and Harvard University. He has been involved in the Armenian community for over a decade, having served in a variety of capacities at the Hamazkayin Armenian Educational and Cultural Society, the Armenian Cultural and Educational Center, Armenian National Committee of America, St. Stephen’s Armenian Elementary School and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation.


Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 19-07-22

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 17:19,

YEREVAN, 19 JULY, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 19 July, USD exchange rate up by 0.30 drams to 415.35 drams. EUR exchange rate up by 4.46 drams to 425.94 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate up by 0.16 drams to 7.53 drams. GBP exchange rate up by 1.90 drams to 499.25 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price up by 188.72 drams to 22955.87 drams. Silver price up by 5.79 drams to 252.12 drams. Platinum price stood at 16414.1 drams.

Asbarez: SOAR Hosts 2nd ‘I Can’ Special Olympics

A scene from the opening ceremony of SOAR’s “I Can” Special Olympics


Founded in 2005, the Society for Orphaned Armenian Relief provides humanitarian relief to orphaned children and adults with disabilities in Armenia. During the past 17 years, SOAR has remained vigilant by spearheading child protection issues and satisfying the needs of Armenia’s most vulnerable populations.

Growing to meet these needs while keeping true to its mission, SOAR has expanded to prevent institutionalization by providing financial, educational, and humanitarian assistance to at-risk children, youth, and families. Today, SOAR has more than 600 volunteers in 145 Chapters worldwide, supports 34 care institutions in four countries, and has distributed more than $11.5 million in humanitarian aid since its inception.

In May 2018, SOAR’s “I Can” Special Olympics launched a movement in Armenia to break down barriers and end discrimination against people with physical and intellectual disabilities by organizing a national sports festival. Fashioned after the Special Olympics, the games were held in Tsaghgadzor spanning three days, with 150 special needs children and adults participating in a variety of athletic and social activities.

In June, SOAR’s quadrennial “I Can” festival was held in Shirakatsy Lyceum International Scientific-Educational Complex (June 24 to 25) and along Lake Sevan (June 26). More than 120 participants from seven child and adult care centers participated in boccia, table tennis, relay, soccer, and rafting. Raffi Jehanian, Vice-Chairman attended on behalf of SOAR’s Executive Board.

Special guest attendees included the Minister of Labor and Social Affairs, Narek Mkrtchyan; Vakhtang “Vic” Darchinyan, an Armenian-Australian boxer who held multiple world championships in two weight classes, including the IBF flyweight title from 2004 to 2007 and the WBA, WBC, IBF, and lineal super-flyweight titles between 2008 and 2010; Ashot Adamyan, Arm Wrestling World Champion; Arshak Hovhannisyan, Smbat Karapetyan, and Taron Umroyan, surviving soldiers of the 2020 Artsakh War; Hakob Abrahamyan, President of the Armenian National Paralympic Committee; and Tigran Martirosyan, Armenian Weightlifting Champion.

SOAR’s “I Can” Special Olympics empowers people with physical and intellectual disabilities by providing them opportunities to learn skills that transcend the playing field. Our athletes can hold jobs, go to school, and be active members in their communities. SOAR’s hope is to give the “I Can” participants the chance to develop physical fitness, demonstrate courage, experience joy, become self-sufficient, and participate in community activities that foster inclusivity throughout Armenia.

SOAR extends its sincerest gratitude and appreciation to the Harold and Josephine Gulamerian Armenian Orphan Fund; SOAR Kentucky, London, Maine, Ventura County, and particularly Rocky Mountains, which provided one-third of the funding; Jur.am and Coca-Cola for supplying water and juice; and all of our financial supporters and in-country volunteers who made our 2022 “I Can” Special Olympics possible. Headquartered in Philadelphia, SOAR is the world’s only charitable organization devoted exclusively to providing humanitarian relief to orphaned Armenian children.

To learn more about SOAR and view the gallery of Special Olympics photos and videos, visit the SOAR website.

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 07/11/2022

                                        Monday, 
Plans For Giant Statute Of Christ Spark Controversy In Armenia
        • Susan Badalian
Armenia - Businessman Gagik Tsarukian (right) and Economy Minister Vahan 
Kerobian (center) attend a ground-breaking ceremony on Mount Hatis, July 9, 2022.
Ignoring objections from the Armenian Apostolic Church, archeologists and many 
other people, Armenia’s government has allowed a wealthy businessman to erect a 
giant statue of Jesus Christ on a mountain near Yerevan.
However, the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture unexpectedly ordered a 
halt to construction of the monument one day after it officially began on 
Saturday in the presence of a government member.
The businessman, Gagik Tsarukian, announced plans to build the statue on Mount 
Hatis in January, saying that it must serve as a “guardian of our country and 
people” and impress the outside world. The Armenian Apostolic Church objected to 
the idea, saying that is inappropriate and goes against Armenian Christian 
tradition.
That did not stop Tsarukian from organizing a contest for the statue and 
announcing its winner in May even before securing the government’s approval of 
his project.
The statue designed by sculptor Armen Manvelian will stand 33 meters (108.3 
feet) tall atop a 44-meter pedestal to be perched on Hatis. The mountain itself 
stands more than 2,500 meters above sea level.
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian described the project as “acceptable” as he 
chaired a cabinet meeting in Yerevan last Thursday. He argued that the statue of 
Jesus Christ will give Armenia a new tourist attraction.
Pashinian’s economy minister, Vahan Kerobian, also put the emphasis on 
commercial benefits of Tsarukian’s supposedly faith-based undertaking when he 
attended a ground-breaking ceremony held at the summit of Hatis two days later.
“Just like in the case of other investors, we are ready to do our best to ensure 
that the project is put into practice as soon as possible and without hurdles,” 
said Kerobian.
Armenia - A maquette of a planned statue of Jesus Christ.
“We believe in Jesus,” Tsarukian reasoned, for his part. “The whole world has 
[statues of Christ]. Why shouldn’t we have too?”
A spokesman for the Armenian Church’s Mother See in Echmiadzin, Rev. Yesayi 
Artenian, told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service that it remains opposed to the project. 
He said that the ancient church, to which the vast majority of Armenians 
nominally belong, has not erected or worshipped statues of Jesus throughout its 
more than 1,700-year existence.
In an unexpected statement issued late on Sunday, the Ministry of Education, 
Science, Culture and Sports said Mount Hatis is home to about two dozen ancient 
monuments legally protected by the state. It singled out the ruins of a Bronze 
Age fortress discovered at the mountain’s summit by an Armenian-Italian 
archeological expedition in 2019.
The statement warned that Armenian law does not allow any construction at such 
sites without special government permission. It said that Tsarukian’s eponymous 
charity must therefore suspend all construction work carried out there.
Education and Culture Minister Vahram Dumanian on Monday declined to clearly 
explain why he did not voice these objections when Pashinian gave the green 
light to the project last week.
Armenia - Historian Hamlet Petrosian speaks to RFE/RL, .
Hamlet Petrosian, a prominent Armenian historian and archeologist, said that 
significant damage has already been inflicted on Hatis’s cyclopean fortress 
stretching back thousands of years.
“They have covered a large part of the fortress with soil to build a platform,” 
Petrosian told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service. “Several parts the [newly built] road 
[leading to the summit] pass through fortress walls. There is no doubt that 
nothing will be left there if the construction continues.”
Some representatives of the Armenian tourism sector echoed these concerns. They 
said that Hatis, which is located about 30 kilometers northeast of Yerevan, is a 
tourist attraction in itself given the rich historical heritage lying on its top 
and slopes.
“As a specialist and citizen, I find the existence of such a statute 
unacceptable,” said Yasha Solomonian of the Armenian Association of Tour Guides
Reacting to the ministry statement, the Gagik Tsarukian Foundation said on 
Monday that work on the statue of Jesus and its equally huge pedestal will not 
start until it secures all necessary permits from “competent state bodies.” But 
it made clear that the construction of the road as well as water and gas supply 
lines for the site will continue as planned.
Armenia - Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian meets Gagik Tsarukian, March 18, 2021.
Pashinian’s swift approval of Tsarukian’s extravagant project came as a surprise 
given the uneasy relationship between the two men. The tycoon leads the 
Prosperous Armenia Party (BHK) which claims to remain in opposition to the 
current government.
As recently as in September 2020, Tsarukian was arrested on charges of vote 
buying which he described as government retribution for his calls for 
Pashinian’s resignation. He was freed on bail one month later. The 65-year-old 
has avoided publicly criticizing the government since his party failed to win 
any parliament seats in last year’s general elections.
As well as giving the nod to the statue of Jesus, Pashinian’s cabinet on 
Thursday decided not to challenge a court ruling that revoked a hefty penalty 
imposed by tax authorities on Armenia’s largest casino belonging to Tsarukian. 
The Ministry of Finance revoked its operating license shortly after Tsarukian 
was indicted in June 2020. A company operating the casino is understood to have 
regained the license last year.
Armenian Opposition To Keep Boycotting Parliament
        • Gayane Saribekian
Armenia - Opposition leader Ishkhan Saghatelian holds a news conference in 
Yerevan, .
A leader of Armenia’s main opposition coalition said on Monday that it has no 
plans to stop boycotting sessions of the parliament and trying to topple Prime 
Minister Nikol Pashinian with street protests.
“You can be sure that our voters do not want us to go the parliament and deal 
with secondary issues there,” Ishkhan Saghatelian told a news conference. “What 
our voters want is even more extreme and resolute actions than what we are doing 
now.”
“Our agenda is in the streets,” he said. “That’s how issues will be solved. We 
must shake up the movement and attain our declared goal. There is no other 
option, path anymore.”
Opposition lawmakers began the boycott in April ahead of daily antigovernment 
protests launched by their Hayastan and Pativ Unem alliances against Pashinian’s 
apparent readiness to make major concessions to Azerbaijan in the 
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The boycott is continuing despite the ruling Civil 
Contract party’s threats to strip the oppositionists of their parliament seats.
Armenia - Empty seats of opposition deputies boycotting a session of parliament, 
Yerevan, June 14, 2022.
The parliamentary majority has not yet carried out those threats. Instead, it 
has dismissed Saghatelian and another opposition leader, Vahe Hakobian, as the 
parliament’s deputy speaker and chairman of its economic committee respectively. 
Virtually all other opposition deputies holding leadership positions in the 
National Assembly have resigned in protest.
Saghatelian again did not exclude that the three dozen lawmakers representing 
Hayastan and Pativ Unem will themselves decide to resign from the parliament. 
But he said such a dramatic move would be premature at this juncture.
With Pashinian refusing to step down, the opposition decided on June 14 to hold 
major rallies on a weekly basis. Attendance at those rallies visibly declined 
this month.
Saghatelian downplayed this fact, saying that the opposition coalition is now 
setting up regional chapters to “eliminate shortcomings” and reinvigorate its 
“resistance movement.” It is also reaching out to other opposition groups and 
individuals critical of the government, he said.
Armenian, Turkish Leaders Hold First Phone Call
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian an Turkish President Recep Tayyip 
Erdogan.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol 
Pashinian discussed ongoing efforts to normalize relations between their 
countries during their first-ever phone conversation on Monday.
“The leaders stressed the importance of the bilateral process of normalizing 
relations between their countries, which will also help to strengthen peace and 
stability in the region,” read the official Armenian readout of the call.
According to the statement, both Erdogan and Pashinian said they expect a quick 
implementation of agreements to open the Turkish-Armenian border to citizens of 
third countries and to allow mutual cargo shipments by air.
The Turkish presidential press office released a virtually identical statement 
on the conversation cited by the official Anatolia news agency.
Special envoys of the two neighboring states reached the agreements during a 
fourth round of normalization talks held in Vienna on July 1. The Turkish and 
Armenian foreign ministries said after the talks that “third-country citizens” 
will be allowed to cross the land border “at the earliest date possible.” They 
gave no possible dates.
Pashinian instructed Armenian government agencies last Thursday to closely 
cooperate with their Turkish counterparts for implementing the agreements “as 
soon as possible.” Visiting Armenia’s Armavir province on Saturday, he inspected 
the ongoing reconstruction of a local road leading to the Turkish border.
Armenia - Workers rebuild a road in Armavir province leading to the Turkish 
border, July 9, 2022.
Ankara has long made the opening of the border and establishment of diplomatic 
relations with Yerevan conditional on a resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh 
conflict acceptable to Azerbaijan. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu has 
repeatedly said that his government coordinates the Turkish-Armenian dialogue 
with Baku.
Armenian leaders have said, for their part, that they want an unconditional 
normalization of Turkish-Armenian ties.
Monday’s phone call marked Pashinian’s first-ever direct contact with Erdogan.
Pashinian reportedly offered to meet with Erdogan last September. The Turkish 
leader appeared to make such a meeting conditional on Armenia agreeing to open a 
transport corridor that would connect Azerbaijan to its Nakhichevan exclave. 
Earlier in 2021, he echoed Azerbaijan’s demands for Armenian recognition of 
Azerbaijani sovereignty over Nagorno-Karabakh.
Armenian opposition leaders denounced at the time what they described as 
Pashinian’s secret overtures to Erdogan. They maintain that Ankara has not 
dropped its preconditions for normalizing Turkish-Armenian ties.
Turkey provided decisive military assistance to Azerbaijan during the six-week 
war in Karabakh stopped by a Russian-brokered ceasefire in November 2020.
Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2022 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.
 

Azerbaijan to build one of the longest tunnels in the world to bypass Nagorno-Karabakh


July 7 2022

  • JAMnews
  • Baku

Murovdag tunnel in Kalbajar region

One of the longest tunnels in the world will be built on the highway that will connect the city of Ganja with Kalbajar. It will pass under the Murovdag ridge. Why did Azerbaijan need a several-kilometers-long tunnel to Kalbajar, and for what reason is it being built to bypass Nagorno-Karabakh? According to the expert, an alternative road never hurts, but there are also serious questions.


  • Closed borders: why Azerbaijani authorities refuse to reopen land communication?
  • Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev: “OSCE Minsk Group cannot be revived, it is dead”
  • Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan: “Baku is trying to legitimize another war”

After the end of the second Karabakh war and the return of the Kelbajar region under the control of Azerbaijan, the question of communication with this region arose.

Before the start of the Karabakh conflict, the only road to Kalbajar ran through the Aghdere (Mardakert) region. Later, the Azerbaijani authorities abolished this region and administratively it joined with the Terter region. The road through Agdere (Mardakert) still exists, but it passes through part of Karabakh, where the Russian peacekeeping contingent is stationed.

The northern, much more difficult road to Kalbajar runs through the Murovdag Range and is almost impassable in winter.

In the part of Karabakh where the peacekeeping contingent of the Russian Federation is deployed, the authorities are completely subordinate to Moscow, Azerbaijani politician Igbal Agazade believes

August 16, 2021, i.e. nine months after the end of the 44-day war, the foundation was laid for the tunnel – part of the road that will connect the city of Ganja (the second most important city in Azerbaijan) with Kalbajar.

The length of the tunnel will be 11,658 meters, and according to the Azerbaijani authorities, it will become one of the longest road tunnels in the world.

The tunnel is planned to be commissioned in 2025.

According to expert Nazim Gamidov, the very construction of this tunnel and the year it was put into operation raise several questions at once.

“Let’s be honest, a tunnel under a mountain with a length of almost 12 kilometers requires huge material investments. In other words, for Azerbaijan it is not a matter of image, or something else, there were simply no other options.

If you look at the map, on the western side, the Kelbajar region borders Armenia. From the south, with the Lachin region, which also returned under the control of Azerbaijan. But in the Lachin region, there is a corridor 5 kilometers wide connecting Armenia with Khankendi (Stepanakert). It is also problematic with the eastern side – the old road runs through the zone of responsibility of Russian peacekeepers.

Only the northern direction remains for unhindered communication. But…

The tunnel will be put into operation only in 2025. As we remember, the period of stay of the Russian peacekeeping contingent in Karabakh expires in the same year. Official Baku has already stated several times from the lips of various persons close to the government that it will not renew the agreement with Moscow on the continuation of the peacekeeping mission. And the agreement of November 10, 2020 has not yet been ratified by the country’s parliament. If you follow the law, the peacekeepers are illegally on the territory of Azerbaijan recognized by the whole world.


But here we have a multi-million dollar tunnel construction project, which could not have been built if we were sure that by 2025 Baku would have unhindered access to the road through Agdere to Kalbajar. Apparently, there is no such certainty. But in any case, the second – an alternative road will not hurt anyone.


As for the statements about one of the longest tunnels in the world, the Murovdag tunnel is not even included in the first hundred of the longest. If taken on a global scale. But undoubtedly, this is a huge project on a regional scale,” Hamidov said.

https://jam-news.net/azerbaijan-to-build-one-of-the-longest-tunnels-in-the-world-to-bypass-nagorno-karabakh/

Turkish press: Iran says ‘misunderstandings’ with Azerbaijan cleared

Syed Zafar Mehdi   |04.07.2022


TEHRAN, Iran

Iran and Azerbaijan said Monday they are on course to accelerate their bilateral relations after overcoming their “misunderstandings.”  

The announcement was made by Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian during a joint presser with his Azerbaijani counterpart Jeyhun Bayramov in Tehran. 

The top Iranian diplomat said the presidents of Iran and Azerbaijan have met twice in the past ten months, more recently on the sidelines of the Caspian Sea littoral states summit in Turkmenistan, describing the talks between them as “constructive” and “forward-looking.” 

In Monday’s meeting, Amir-Abdollahian said the issue of territorial integrity of countries, including Azerbaijan, was emphasized. 

He said Tehran reiterates its support for the “peaceful settlement” of the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the Karabakh region based on the “principles of international law.” 

Karabakh was liberated from the Armenian occupation after almost three decades last year, but Armenia has continued to make territorial claims on the region. 

Amir-Abdollahian reaffirmed Iran’s readiness to help resolve the dispute between the two neighboring states through dialogue “based on respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty of the two parties.” 

The Iranian minister also backed regional formats, saying he agreed during a recent visit to Ankara that a tripartite meeting between Iran, Türkiye, and Azerbaijan at the level of foreign ministers will be held in Tehran, besides an expert-level meeting in the 3+3 format. 

The dates of the two summits, as well as Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s planned visit to Tehran, are expected to be decided during Bayramov’s stay in Tehran. 

The two sides, Amir-Abdollahian said, also discussed bilateral economic ties, describing energy and transit as “two key areas of cooperation” between Tehran and Baku, and announcing that Iran’s oil minister will be visiting Baku this week. 

The issue of pollution of rivers in Iran’s northeastern provinces bordering Azerbaijan also figured in their discussions, with both sides pledging to resolve the issue at the level of experts. 

Bayramov, in his remarks, said relations between the two sides are based on “cultural commonalities,” stressing that meetings between Aliyev and Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi have paved the way for the expansion of Tehran-Baku ties. 

He said the two sides discussed expanded economic cooperation, stressing the importance of the North-South corridor as well as the Persian Gulf-Black Sea corridor. 

The top Azerbaijani diplomat said his country seeks normalization of ties with Armenia and has taken steps in that direction by submitting a five-point peace plan as well as proposals of transit between the two countries. 

Bayramov said the reconstruction of liberated lands in Karabakh was Baku’s “top priority,” announcing that Iranian companies will be undertaking reconstruction work of a hospital and a school in the region. 

He further said that his government supports Iran’s position on regional formats, including the 3+3 format.

PM considers high inflation rate concerning

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 12:50, 30 June 2022

YEREVAN, JUNE 30, ARMENPRESS. Armenia’s economic activity index in May comprised 13% compared to the same month of the previous year, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said at the Cabinet meeting today, presenting the data of the Statistical Committee.

He said that the main locomotives of the growth are the construction sector, the increase of which comprised 18.1% in May, and the services field, the increase of which comprised 30.2%, as well as the electricity production with an increase of 8.2% and the export growth which increased by 33.7% this May compared to last May.

“But, in line with good indicators, there is also a figure that creates concern, particularly the industrial production volume increased by just 2%, and also high inflationary environment is maintained which is concerning, but with the figures of five months we have entered a double-digit economic growth zone”, the PM said, adding that the plan envisaged for the first half of the year has been overperformed by 47 billion drams.

“We still have more than 10 billion EAEU customs allocations to receive”, he said.

Azerbaijan’s refusal to return Armenian POWs aims at discrediting the activity of Russian peacekeepers – PM

Public Radio of Armenia
Armenia –

Azerbaijan’s refusal to return the Armenian captives aims at discrediting the actions of Russian peacekeepers in Nagorno Karaabkh and along the Lachin corridor, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said during an online press conference today.

“I say this during meetings with our Russian counterparts, as well. I’m stressing this because more than 90 percent of our compatriots has been taken captive after the deployment of Russian peacekeepers and in the area of their responsibility,” PM Pashinyan said.

‘We continue to raise the issue on international platforms. We have filed cases with international courts and we will be consistent in our efforts to ensure that all captives are repatriated,” he added.

The Prime Minister stressed that Azerbaijan is trying to politicize humanitarian issues and make those a subject of political manipulation.

“This is an anti-humanitarian step, which also goes against the trilateral statement of November 9 and the civilized humanitarian logic, in general,” he added.

As for the number of Armenians kept in Azerbaijani captivity, PM Pashinyan said it’s necessary to distinguish between two groups.

He said in case of 38 people it has been confirmed that they are in Azerbaijan. The second list includes names of people, whose presence in Azerbaijan has not been confirmed.

AW: Presenting Armadi Tsayn

Armenian music is rich in history, tradition and genre. It can be liturgical music. It can be classical music in both the Western sense or in a traditional Armenian style. And it most certainly can be folk musicEastern or Western with traditional instrumentation or modern keyboards, guitars and drums. For those of us children, grandchildren or great-grandchildren of survivors who migrated to America after the Genocide, Armenian music is rooted in the music those amazing people brought with them. It was the village music that sometimes overlapped with Kurdish, Greek, and, yes, even Turkish music. It has always been our music. Generations of musicians have preserved, perpetuated and evolved this music. Sometimes it is called kef music, others might call it “deghatsi” music and picnic music. To generations of AYFers, it is the soundtrack of dances, parties, the Olympics, and, without too much exaggeration, of our lives.

Musicians often worry about this “deghatsi,” Western Armenian, kef music. Will it last? Will it fade away? Who will take it over? Will they make it better while preserving the core of what makes it so special, that je ne sais quoi that gets into our hearts and souls and ties us to our culture in the most visceral way. I believe it is in my very genetic code, and I know I am not alone in thinking this way.

Well, it does my heart good to report there is nothing to worry about. There is a cadre of young musicians that are equally enticed by and devoted to this music. They are quite talented, versatile and entrepreneurial. They love our music and want to play. They want to entertain and share their gifts and talent. Two of these musicians—Alek Surenian and Sam Sjostedt—just formed a band called Armadi Tsayn, and they are touring Armenia the next two weeks. They recently recorded and released a single, “Artsakh Aghves.” Surenian and Sjostedt are also part of the Norkef Ensemble, which is performing at the upcoming AYF Olympics in Worcester.  

Armadi Tsayn founders Alek Surenian and Sam Sjostedt (Photo: Knar Bedian)

I had the virtual pleasure of interviewing the founders of Armadi Tsayn before the start of their tour in Armenia on June 28. As a bonus, I have also included comments from their teachers and mentors.

A.W.: How did you two decide to form this group and why the name Armadi Tsayn?

Alek Surenian and Sam Sjostedt: It started as a pretty vague idea. Once we started having a couple performance opportunities offered to us, we wanted to have a name that would fit what we were doing the best we could. The chemistry between us felt unique, and more like friends playing music than anything else.

We wanted to think of a unique name, and something that connected us to our Armenian identity. Armadi Tsayn, translated to “Sounds/Voice of the Roots” seemed to fit quite well when thinking about what to name the project. We’re always talking about our roots and where we come from, so this name seemed to be a manifestation of that idea.

A.W.: Is it just the two of you?

A.S.: No, most of the time we perform with other musicians and friends. We are always open to bringing in new people and change our sound depending on who enters. For instance, we’ve done most of our performances with Rebecca MacInnes, a Berklee graduate and violinist. She will be accompanying us during our tour in Armenia, as well as Datev Gevorkian on oud and Beck Sjostedt on guitar.

A.W.: How did you meet and decide to collaborate?

S.S.: We met via a connection through the AYF internship. It was friends of friends that brought us together. Once Alek moved to Massachusetts for work, we decided to start working together and bounce ideas and compositions off each other until we found things that really started to work.

A.W.: How did you create, book and otherwise arrange this awesome tour of Armenia?

S.S.: Once things picked up and we established this project more concretely, the idea to perform in Armenia was shared as a possible opportunity for the future. It became reality when Alek’s friend Garin Bedian reached out to us to propose a tour in Syunik province where we would bring the sounds of the Armenian Diaspora to our homeland and breathe new energy into a region which has been combating border incursions and acts of aggression by Azerbaijan. Bedian, originally from Chicago, now lives in Meghri and has been working with us to book venues, contact locals and arrange for shows throughout the country.

AW: What is the tour schedule?

A.S. and S.S.: We will start our tour in Kapan, Lijk and Meghri in Syunik and make our way north to perform in Gyumri and Yerevan.

A.W.: How are you planning to document this tour?

A.S. and S.S.: We definitely aim to share our travels through the country on social media and encourage locals and diasporan alike to attend our shows.

A.W.: Tell me about the recent single “Artsakh Aghves”…

A.S.: It was a composition that Sam wrote only a few months ago, while reflecting on a lot of the events and tragedy of the war and its effects on the Armenian population as whole. It has a bit of a jumpy and bouncy nature to the song structure, which kind of made me think of the way a fox would hop.

It was composed by Sam, and Mal [Barsamian] and I gave our own flare to it once it was pretty much laid out in full. It was a pretty quick process, going from the brain and then into the studio with it. Usually compositions tend to lay around for months before anything actually happens, but this one just felt right to get it out while the piece was still new and entertaining for us.

A.W.: Are you planning more recordings?

A.S. and S.S.: We’re definitely planning to continue releasing music. Hopefully one or two more singles, and then a full EP release. Whatever feels right to do. After we get back from Armenia, we will spend the rest of our time this summer writing and recording, aiming for some late summer/early fall releases for new music.

A.W.: You guys recently did a concert in Cambridge. Tell us about that…

A.S. and S.S.: It was extremely successful! We hosted it at the Lilypad and had two other local groups from our area, Souq El-Jum3a and The Cypress, also play with us. It was so cool for all of us to see such an insane turn out for this style of music, and people enjoying all aspects of the concert.

A.W.: Alek, how did you get into playing the dumbek?

A.S.: I grew up in the suburbs of Chicago in a household where music was common, as both my parents played music in their youth. My dad was a drummer, and my mom played the piano. Some of my earliest memories hearing the dumbek was listening to kef music at local events like AYF Midwest Junior Olympics and the madagh picnics in Racine, WI. However, kef music isn’t as popular in the midwest compared to the east coast. When I eventually started going to AYF events east like Camp Haiastan and Junior Seminar during my early teenage years, I was exposed to the music more which got me curious in giving the dumbek a try. I first got one when I was very little to mess around with and decided to revisit it. I began taking lessons in Chicago from Mid East Beat multi-instrumentalist Jimmy Hardy. He set the foundation for me— teaching the basic time signatures and importance of keeping tempo. From there, I took the knowledge he gave me and refined my skills further while also seeking out any events I could play at, particularly with my close family-friend Datev Gevorkiana fantastic young oud player from Bedford, MA. Over the past few years, we’ve established ourselves as a kef duo playing at many AYF events and recently brought on good friends like Sam and clarinetist Michael Kamalian to create the Norkef Ensemble.

A.W.: What role did your time at Camp Haiastan play in your musical development?

A.S.: Camp Haiastan played a tremendous role because it provided opportunities for me to sit in with amazing musicians like Mal Barsamian, John Berberian, Ron Tuntunjian and Bruce Gigarjian, who would regularly come to perform kef music at the Saturday night dances while I was working as a counselor. It was very much a “learning by doing” atmosphere because they taught me how to play different songs, develop my musicianship and explore the nuances of playing in a full bandall while performing live. I owe a lot to them because they were always supportive and welcoming when I would ask to join. It’s an honor to have them as mentors and continue to play with them today.

A.W.: What is your day job?

A.S.: I’m a footwear designer and majored in product design at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. I became interested in footwear design because I wanted to combine my passions for sport and art into a career path and have worked at various brands such as Wolverine Worldwide, Timberland, Puma and Clarks.

A.W.: Might music ever become your primary work?

A.S.: No, I don’t see it as something that I would pursue full-time. My career in footwear design is something I worked very hard towards, and I plan to go down this career path for the rest of my life. However, I aim to continue my hobby of playing music outside of my day job as it is a form of escape and therapy for me. It’s a great pleasure to invest in this passion by improving my musical skills, sharing it with good friends, and getting the opportunity to perform at events and explore this new project with Armadi Tsayn.

A.W.: As a designer, can we assume you do the graphics for Armadi Tsayn?

A.S.: So far, yes. I’ve designed a handful of things like the cover art for our new single. The beautiful thing about music is that it’s a multi-faceted art-form where the visual and sonic collide. Having passions for both art and music, it’s really fun to combine and explore both mediums. I regularly work on graphic and apparel design projects outside of my professional work through my own brand as.am or with the AYF.

The cover art for Armadi Tsayn’s first single “Artsakh Aghves”

A.W.: Sam, where are you currently studying?

S.S.: I’m an undergraduate at Berklee College of Music. I study film score and plan on taking a second major in performance as well.

A.W.: What is your primary or first instrument?

S.S.: My primary instrument is the oud now. When I was around 10 to 13 years old, I mainly played drums, and then moved to guitar. I ended up playing mostly in punk, hardcore and rock bands for most of my high school years and even a bit after high school. Once I took up oud though, everything musically seemed to change, and the change was definitely for the better.

A.W.: You have a relatively well-known, if not, famous dad? Can you provide some background information and how he influenced you?

S.S.: When I was born, my dad was signed to A&M Records with his band at the timeApe Hangers (he was a big motorcycle guy growing up). He had a huge song in the movie “Empire Records,” and that’s what most people know him from. It’s weird to this day that people I meet will fan out over that song and him as a musician. Now, he plays in the Boston-based band Muck and the Mires. His influence on me is honestly bigger than probably any. He introduced me to a lot of cool stuff when I was growing up, from KISS’ “Alive!” to Echo & The Bunnymen’s “Ocean Rain.” These albums had a major influence on me musically, especially hearing them at such a young age. I always had cool music around me growing up.

A.W.: When did you become interested in Armenian music?

S.S.: I spent a lot of time with my maternal grandparents growing up, especially during summers when my parents would work. They introduced the whole concept of Armenian culture to me. My great aunt shared Armenian music with me, which I found mesmerizing…artists like Artie Barsamian and Udi Hrant. I would see videos as I got older of Richard Hagopian playing the oud and just be absolutely enthralled. As I got older and researched liturgical and folk music, I was really able to get a grasp on the beauty of the music as a whole, rather than something that I just sort of did because it was in my culture. I’m truly fascinated by it and always crave more.

A.W.: The great John Berberian is your oud teacher. Please talk about his influence on your music.

S.S.: Yes, I started playing the oud with John. It started with weekly lessons at his house, but it was one of those things where I went home and played for maybe four to five hours a day, if not more. I have a small studio at my parents’ house, and I would be locked in there for hours on end, listening to different players and just trying to build my ear for the music as I played. John really encouraged me to take it seriously and gave me so much knowledge and a plethora of really cool music that inspired me to attend music school. At Berklee, my oud teacher is Simon Shaheen, who I’ve grown quite close to and share a similar bond with as a teacher and friend. These are two of the most incredible players there are, and I’m forever grateful to be able to spend my time learning from them.

A.W.: I understand you also play the duduk and Mher Mnatsakanyan is your teacher.

S.S.: I started playing duduk during the pandemic. It was one of those things that I bought out of boredom. A friend of mine, Ann Lucas, connected me with Mher, who taught me how to play from the ground up. It was so cool, as I’ve never played a wind instrument before, to fully immerse myself in that side of music. Mher is also the king of duduk. He is just the real deal. I’ve also been lucky enough to study with his father Manvel, who is also an absolutely unbelievable player.

Mal Barsamian played clarinet on “Artsakh Aghves.” As usual, he did an excellent job and added a lot to the recording. I talked to Mal about Sam and Alek’s tour in Armenia. Mal related, “I remember when we used to play at the Camp, and Alek used to join us. I thought he had potential back then. I have not known Sam for as long, but I am very impressed by his playing both on oud, duduk, bass and guitar. It is a great thing they are touring Armenia. I cannot wait to hear all about their experience when they return. I really liked the song ‘Artsakh Aghves’ that Sam wrote and was honored they asked me to play clarinet on the album.”

Armadi Tsayn founders Alek Surenian and Sam Sjostedt (Photo: Knar Bedian)

I also talked to John Berberian to get his perspective on Alek and Sam. He said, “Sam has been my student for two and a half years. His passion for learning was great, and he couldn’t get enough of it. I am so excited for Alek, Sam, Datev, and Rebecca to tour Armenia and get the flavor of our people in the homeland and in turn sharing our music with them.”

Mher Mnatsakanyan is from Armenia. The master duduk player was equally complimentary of the duo and their tour. “These two young individuals are very talented and incredibly enthusiastic. They will do whatever needs to be done to improve and master their knowledge of our music. I once had the chance to play with Alek and Sam. I was very impressed with their eagerness and desire to play our folk music in both Eastern and Western styles.”

Alek’s dad Ara is a good friend. He told me he is very excited about his son’s new project and tour in Armenia. “First, I have known Garin Bedian since he was born and so proud of his move to Meghri. This tour is his idea to bring Armenian American culture and AYF members to parts of Armenia that are not regularly exposed to the diaspora considering the very real possibility that some or all of this region could be lost in the very near future. Second, Datev is my godson and has grown to be an incredibly gifted musician. To see him and Alek start playing together at a young age in the AYF Olympics hotel lobby year after year to now touring Armenia is an incredibly proud moment for me. Finally, I can’t say enough about Alek’s perseverance. He showed an affinity for percussion at a young age. I recall purchasing his first dumbek and sharing with him all my Armenian kef music CDs. He would practice for hours. As he grew older, it became his personal mission to carry on this incredible musical tradition. He is now taking what he learned at home in Chicago to the homeland and sharing it with communities that may have never heard anything like this.”

It’s clear after connecting with Alek and Sam that “our music” is in good hands. Wishing them the best on their exciting tour in the homeland!

Mark Gavoor is Associate Professor of Operations Management in the School of Business and Nonprofit Management at North Park University in Chicago. He is an avid blogger and oud player.