CPP’s Armenian Student Association fundraises for wounded soldiers overseas


Sept 7 2020

BY: DIANA VASQUEZ | @dsvasquezz

This summer, Cal Poly Pomona’s Armenian Student Association fundraised toward the Armenian Wounded Heroes Fund in response to the overseas conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the bordering territory of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Sept. 2 marked the 29th anniversary of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic’s, though there continue to be many disputes over the territory including the recent clashes in July, which prompted the Azeri to protest in the capital of Baku and call for war against Armenia.

The president of the Armenian Student Association, fourth year civil engineering student, Talar Galoustian said she keeps communication with presidential cohorts from other universities and through these conversations learned of the Armenian Wounded Heroes Fund. The organization provides first aid kits, infrastructure upgrades and mental and physical rehabilitation to Armenian soldiers.

“I think we raised our total amount within 24 hours,” said Galoustian. These funds help the organization provide medical kits to soldiers in the field.

ASA members socialize and bond on their annual Big Bear trip. (courtesy of Andre Nazarian | ASA Photographer, Winter 2018)

The club focuses on social issues and keeping Armenian culture alive through activism and education at CPP, according to Galoustian. ASA members encourage others to sign petitions, fundraise and spread awareness through their Instagram account.

The ASA would have normally celebrated the republic’s declaration with a festival during this time, but such a celebration was not possible due to the COVID-19 pandemic, according to ASA Treasurer Soseh Thomasian.

Reflecting on the overseas conflict, Soseh Thomasian, a second-year civil engineering student said, “Sometimes it does feel depressing or sad how there is some people who just don’t know Armenians, unless they know Kim Kardashian or any other celebrities…because there’s more to Armenians. Our ancestors and family members have gone through a lot for us to be where we are today.”

Thomasian visited Armenia and has seen firsthand the consequence of conflict in the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and how it affects families of fallen soldiers.

“We’ve met these people, or we’ve seen the situation that they are living in and how difficult it is for them,” said Thomasian

According to history professor Mahmood A. Ibrahim, whose areas of study include the Middle East and Islam, the border dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan dates back centuries to when the territory, then called the Transcaucasian Federation, was controlled by many empires until the beginning of the 20th Century.

It was in the early 1920s, that the Soviet Union created a federation of the three modern day regions of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The area was recognized as three socialist republics aimed to dissolve nationalities among Armenians and Turks and to spread socialism. Joseph Stalin created the region of Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan, but disregarded the area’s ethnically Armenian population.

“As a Palestinian man myself, I have suffered the same sort of redrawing of the maps and giving the territory to some other people who are outsiders. I lost my village, I lost my land, and I lost my country,” said Ibrahim.

Ibrahim added that during the collapse of the Soviet Union, ethnic Armenians in this territory declared their independence from Azerbaijan and sparked what is known as the Six Year War lasting from 1988 to 1994.

The overseas tension hit home for Talar M. Kilijian, a third-year industrial engineering student. Kilijian lives near the Krouzian-Zekarian-Vasbouragan Armenian School whose campus has been vandalized with hateful words.

“I’m in San Francisco right now and that school is down my street, literally, and I went there for like 12 years,” said Kilijian, “I was shocked that there were people with that kind of mindset.”

Kilijian is distance learning from the Bay Area but said that the ASA is a community at CPP that has helped her feel more at home for the three years she has been involved in the organization.

“The first club that I joined was the ASA because I really didn’t know anyone in Pomona, and I wanted to make friends,” said Kilijian. “It has helped me make better connections for sure.”

Students interested in joining the Armenian Student Association can email Galoustian at [email protected] or visit the ASA’s contact page at https://mybar.cpp.edu/organization/Hayer/roster.

Students who wish to learn more about the history of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic can email Ibrahim at [email protected] or visit

Armenia and Russia general staff chiefs discuss bilateral military cooperation in Moscow meeting

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 16:41, 5 September, 2020

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 5, ARMENPRESS. The Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Armenia Lt. General Onik Gasparyan is leading a delegation to Moscow, Russia to participate in the closing ceremony of the 2020 International Army Games, the Armenian Defense Ministry spokesperson Shushan Stepanyan said on social media.

During the visit Lt. General Gasparyan had a meeting with his Russian counterpart, the Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Russia General Valery Gerasimov.

“Bilateral military cooperation issues were discussed,” Stepanyan said.

Editing and Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

Turkish Press: Azerbaijan’s president lends Turkey unwavering support

Anadolu Agency, Turkey
Sept 2 2020
Azerbaijan’s president lends Turkey unwavering support

Faruk Zorlu,Jeyhun Aliyev   | 02.09.2020

ANKARA

Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev vowed Wednesday to “stand with Turkey under any circumstances without any hesitation,” state news agency Azertac reported.

Aliyev made the comments as he accepted credentials of the newly appointed Greece’s ambassador to Azerbaijan, Nikolaos Piperigos, at an event in the capital Baku.

“I can tell you, and it is no secret, that Turkey is not only our friend and partner, but also a brotherly country for us. Without any hesitation whatsoever, we support Turkey and will support it under any circumstances,” the Azerbaijani leader told Piperigos.

Speaking on the recent tensions between Turkey and Greece in the Eastern Mediterranean, Aliyev said: “We support them [Turkey] on all issues, including the issue of intelligence in the Eastern Mediterranean.”

Tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean have heightened as Greece seeks to block Turkey’s exploration of energy resources in the region, which Ankara says is well within its rights.

Greece has attempted to illegally restrict Turkey’s maritime territory, trying to box it into its shores based on small Greek islands near the Turkish coast.

Turkey has argued the sides should instead sit down for dialogue to reach a win-win solution based on fair sharing.

Greece has also recently carried out military drills — including with France — meant to intimidate Turkey into stopping energy exploration, as well as illegally armed Aegean islands, in violation of longstanding peace treaties.

Athens’ recent maritime delimitation agreement with Egypt also violates Turkey’s continental shelf and maritime rights, sparking further tensions between the two neighbors.

Upper Karabakh conflict

Aliyev also briefed the envoy about the Armenia-Azerbaijan Upper Karabakh, or Nagorno Karabakh conflict, adding that Armenia along with other crimes committed a genocide against Azerbaijani people, made homeless a million of Azerbaijanis, and committed a policy of ethnic cleansing in the occupied territories, as well as violated the international law.

He expressed concern about the military cooperation between Armenia, Greece and the Greek Cypriot administration.

Border skirmishes between Armenia and Azerbaijan this July left a dozen Azerbaijani soldiers dead, further escalating tensions between the arch rivals.

Since 1991, the Armenian military has illegally occupied the Upper Karabakh region, an internationally recognized territory of Azerbaijan.

Four UN Security Council and two UN General Assembly resolutions, as well as decisions by many international organizations, refer to this fact and demand the withdrawal of the occupational Armenian forces from Upper Karabakh and seven other occupied regions of Azerbaijan.






Karabakh Ombudsman receives "Armenian Refugees Platform" initiating group coordinator

News.am, Armenia
Sep 1 2020

15:38, 01.09.2020
                  

Human Rights Defender of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) Artak Beglaryan yesterday received coordinator of the “Armenian Refugees Platform” initiating group Artur Ghazaryan.

Beglaryan underscored the importance of social initiatives and platforms for protecting the rights of Azerbaijani-Armenian refugees and persons internally displaced from the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and stressed that the issue is in his focus and expressed willingness to support the group within the limits of his powers.

Ghazaryan presented the main areas of activity and goals of the “Armenian Refugees Platform” and stressed that the aim of the initiative is to combine the efforts of different groups to protect the rights and interests of Armenian refugees, setting Artsakh aside as one of the major directions.



RFE/RL Armenian Report – 08/31/2020

                                        Monday, 
Serzh Sarkisian’s Former Bodyguard Again Under Investigation
        • Gayane Saribekian
Armenia - President Serzh Sarkisian (R) and his chief bodyguard Vachagan 
Ghazarian (L), Yerevan, April 14, 2012.
Law-enforcement authorities confirmed on Monday that they have launched a fresh 
criminal investigation into the former chief bodyguard of ex-President Serzh 
Sarkisian almost one year after he transferred 2.9 billion drams ($6 million) to 
the state.
A spokeswoman for the Special Investigative Service (SIS) told RFE/RL’s Armenian 
service that Vachagan Ghazarian is suspected of having misused large amounts of 
public funds in his past capacity as deputy chief of a security agency providing 
bodyguards to Armenia’s leaders. She did not give any other details, saying only 
that Ghazarian has not been formally charged with any crime so far.
In a report not refuted by the authorities, 1in.am said Ghazarian could be 
prosecuted for illegally ordering an employee of the State Protection Service 
(SPS) to work as a driver for his wife and forcing six other SPS officers to 
work as security guards at a Yerevan music club owned by him and his wife.
The officers allegedly guarded the club at taxpayers’ expense from 2013-2017. 
They have already been interrogated by investigators, according to the media 
outlet.
Armenia - Vachagan Ghazarian empties his bag filled with cash after being 
arrested by the National Security Service in Yerevan, 25 June 2018.
Ghazarian headed Sarkisian’s security detail for over two decades. He was 
arrested in June 2018 on charges of “illegal enrichment” and false asset 
disclosure shortly after the “Velvet Revolution” that toppled Armenia’s former 
leader. He was subsequently also charged with tax evasion.
A Yerevan court freed Ghazarian on bail a few months later, after he and his 
wife, Ruzanna Beglarian, agreed to “compensate” the state for taxes evaded by 
them. The SIS announced in October 2019 that the couple has completed the $6 
million payment. In return, the law-enforcement agency dropped the criminal 
charges.
Officers of Armenia’s police and National Security Service (NSS) found $1.1 
million and 230,000 euros in cash when they raided Ghazarian’s Yerevan apartment 
in June 2018. The NSS said he carried a further $120,000 and 436 million drams 
($900,000) in a bag when he was caught outside a commercial bank in Yerevan a 
few days later.
In early 2019, the NSS secured an even heftier payout, worth $30 million, from 
Serzh Sarkisian’s indicted brother Aleksandr. The money was held in Aleksandr 
Sarkisian’s Armenian bank account frozen by the security service following the 
2018 revolution.
Putin Again Congratulates Kocharian
Russia – Russian President Vladimir Putin (L) and Armenian President Robert 
Kocharian meet in Sochi, August 20, 2004
Russian President Vladimir Putin telephoned Robert Kocharian on Monday to 
congratulate his indicted former Armenian counterpart on his 66th birthday 
anniversary.
Putin also sent Kocharian a separate congratulatory message on the occasion.
“People in Russia know you as a remarkable statesman who has done a great deal 
for the development of modern Armenia,” read the telegram publicized by the 
Kremlin. “We highly value your personal contribution to strengthening the 
friendship and alliance between our countries.”
Putin has made a pointing of congratulating Kocharian since the latter was first 
arrested in July 2018 on charges stemming from the 2008 post-election violence 
in Yerevan. He was also subsequently charged with bribery. The Russian Foreign 
Ministry criticized the arrest as politically motivated.
Kocharian, who strongly denies all charges leveled against him, was released 
from custody in August 2018, only to be arrested again three months later.
The ex-president, who ruled Armenia from 1998-2008, was again set free days 
after going on trial in May 2019. He was arrested for a third time nearly two 
months later.
The Russian ambassador to Armenia, Sergei Kopyrkin, was criticized by Prime 
Minister Nikol Pashinian’s political allies and summoned to the Armenian Foreign 
Ministry after meeting with Kocharian shortly before his third arrest. Putin 
continued to signal support for Kocharian even after that. He met with 
Kocharian’s wife Bella during an October 2019 visit to Yerevan.
Kocharian, who is very critical of Pashinian’s administration, was freed again 
in June this year after paying a record $4.1 million bail set by Armenia’s Court 
of Appeals. The bulk of the hefty sum was reportedly provided by four wealthy 
Russian businessmen.
Armenian officials maintain that Moscow’s gestures of support for Kocharian have 
not damaged Armenia’s close political, economic and military ties with Russia. 
The ex-president’s loyalists claim the opposite.
Mayor Accused Of Broken Promises Over Yerevan’s Transport Woes
        • Artak Khulian
Armenia - An overcrowded public transport minibus in Yerevan, October 16, 2018.
An opposition member of Yerevan’s municipal council on Monday accused Mayor Hayk 
Marutian of failing to deliver on his promises to completely revamp and 
modernize the city’s collapsing system of public transport.
Ever since the mid-1990s, the system has been dominated by minibuses belonging 
to private companies. Few of them have invested in their fleet of aging vehicles 
in the past decade. The minibuses as well as a smaller number of buses provided 
by the municipal authorities have become even more overcrowded as a result.
A British transport consultancy, WYG, was contracted by Yerevan’s former 
municipal administration in 2016 to propose a detailed plan to change the 
transport network. Then Mayor Taron Markarian essentially accepted the proposals 
in 2017, pledging to replace the battered minibuses with new and larger buses by 
the end of 2018.
Markarian was forced to resign in July 2018 two months after the “Velvet 
Revolution” that brought down Armenia’s former government. Marutian, his 
successor allied to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian, pledged to address the 
problem after taking office in October 2018.
Marutian’s office asked Pashinian’s government last year to raise more than $100 
million to buy 820 modern buses which it said would end the Armenian capital’s 
transport woes. In a related development, it called in April this year an 
international tender for the purchase of 100 new and large buses. The tender was 
not completed for still unclear reasons.
The municipal administration announced in July it will buy instead 100 small 
buses and hold another tender for that purpose. The international tender was 
formally launched on Monday.
Davit Khazhakian, an opposition member of the city council, claimed that 
municipality is planning to buy more minibuses, rather than regular size buses 
repeatedly promised by Marutian. He said the bidding specifications are such 
that the tender will inevitably be won by the Russian company GAZ whose GAZelle 
minibuses form the backbone of Yerevan’s public transport network.
“The authorities have told the public for the last couple of years that they 
will buy new buses and create a new network,” Khazhakian told a news conference. 
“But they are going to commission more GAZelles.”
Deputy Mayor Hrachya Sargsian did not deny that the municipality wants to 
continue to at least partly rely on minibuses. He insisted, however, that the 
outcome of the tender is not a forgone conclusion and that Western carmakers 
could also win it.
Sargsian also told RFE/RL’s Armenian service that the municipality has not 
abandoned its plans to purchases hundreds of new buses. But he could not say 
when the Armenian capital will have a new and modern transport system.
Marutian said last year that nearly half of some 900 minibuses catering to 
commuters in Yerevan are too old and must be decommissioned.
Armenia In Talks With Russia Over Another Fighter Jet Deal
        • Harry Tamrazian
Armenia -- Su-30SM fighter jets of the Armenian Air Force fly over Yerevan, May 
5, 2020.
Armenia is holding talks with Russia to buy more Sukhoi Su-30SM fighter jets for 
its armed forces, Defense Minister Davit Tonoyan said over the weekend.
“The acquisition of a new batch [of Su-30SM jets] is planned,” he told RFE/RL’s 
Armenian service. “Negotiations are underway at the moment.”
Tonoyan, who most recently visited Moscow last week, gave no details of the 
negotiations.
In a significant boost to its small Air Force, Armenia has already purchased 
four such multirole jets at an undisclosed price. They were delivered to an 
airbase in Gyumri in December. Tonoyan said earlier in 2019 that Yerevan plans 
to acquire eight more Su-30SMs in the coming years.
Su-30SM is a modernized version of a heavy fighter jet developed by Russia’s 
Sukhoi company in the late 1980s. The Russian military first commissioned it in 
2012.
Before receiving the first four Su-30SMs the Armenian Air Force largely 
consisted of 15 or so Su-25 aircraft designed for close air support and ground 
attack missions. The Armenian Defense Ministry contracted on August 24 a Russian 
defense company, United Aircraft Corporation (UAC), to modernize some of these 
aging jets.
Tonoyan revealed on Saturday that UAC will repair and upgrade four of them in 
Russia. He stressed the importance of that deal, saying that the Armenian 
military had sought it “for years.”
The deal was signed in Moscow in Tonoyan’s presence. While in the Russian 
capital, the latter also attended the opening ceremony of the International Army 
Games and met with Russia’s Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu.
Tonoyan praised the current state of Russian-Armenian military cooperation and, 
in particular, defense contracts signed by Moscow and Yerevan in the last 
several years.
He also said: “In the area of defense industry there have been quite interesting 
developments. I don’t want to go into details now, but I am buoyed by the 
involvement of private companies in the creation of [Russian-Armenian] joint 
ventures in Armenia.”
One such development is the production of advanced models of Kalashnikov assault 
rifles which was launched by the Armenian company Neitron in July. Russia’s 
Kalashnikov Concern has granted Neitron a 10-year license to assemble up to 
50,000 AK-103 rifles annually.
Russia has long been the principal source of military hardware supplied to the 
Armenian army. Membership in Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization 
(CSTO) allows Armenia to acquire Russian weapons at knockdown prices and even 
for free.
Reprinted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2020 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.
 

Armenian President addresses congratulatory message on Knowledge and Schooling Day

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 10:14, 1 September, 2020

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 1, ARMENPRESS. President of Armenia Armen Sarkissian addressed a congratulatory message on the occasion of Knowledge and Schooling Day, the Presidential Office told Armenpress.

The message runs as follows:

“Dear pupils and students, tutors and parents,

Today is the Knowledge and Schooling Day, and on this occasion I congratulate you all and send my best wishes.

My special congratulations go to the first-graders and teachers who will enter the school for the first time.

The road leading to knowledge has always been enjoyable and difficult. It becomes especially difficult in extraordinary situations.

But a person is not only able to set a goal but also overcome emerging difficulties.

You, today’s generation, have the opportunity to do it not only in a classical way but also by using modern technologies, by creating and mastering them. But before it, the first step to be done is entering the school.

The path, which will become your life road, starts here. It is the road toward simple human relations, road to work, road to love and happiness and, certainly, toward knowledge.

Knowledge about life, people, the world and nature… It is a key which seems to be far away but in reality it is very close and available. It is a key which can open every door, from the door of your home, to a space shuttle door, from the door to the most secret hiding place in our heart, to a seemingly unlockable door of artificial intelligence. To master that key is easy – it is necessary to learn, to toil, to work.

Dear pupils and students, you get the knowledge with the help of your teachers in kindergarten, in school, your lecturers in university, and, certainly, your parents. I take this opportunity to thank all tutors and especially our first teachers who leave a profound imprint in our life. Knowledge is power which allows to move mountains in direct and indirect sense.

That power comes first of all from the Family, Fatherland, and native land. Fatherland ought to become the main place where your knowledge will be used. You can receive the best possible education and knowledge, master foreign languages and modern technologies, create artificial intelligence with your own intelligence and channel it towards the creation of great values.

But always remember that familial and national values come first as well as national interests. Knowledge is a double-edged sword:

It can help but also can harm if it is not supported by the highest human values and morality, which are based on the love for the man and the nature, love and dedication to Fatherland, to one’s own history and nation.

I wish you good health and peace, success and all the best”.

Iran earthquake felt in Artsakh’s capital

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 09:19,

YEREVAN, AUGUST 25, ARMENPRESS. The Armenian Seismic Protection service detected a magnitude 3,1 earthquake 22:35 local time August 25 some 27km south from the Iranian city of Parsabad.

The quake was felt in the Artsakhi capital city of Stepanakert at 2 degrees on the MSK scale.

Translating by Stepan Kocharyan

The Japanese monk, his vow for peace, and Armenia

MediaMax, Armenia
Aug 22 2020

Many people in Yerevan and other cities of Armenia already know this Japanese monk with a distinguishing appearance. Buddhist monk Kanshin Ikeda has traveled the world for years to chant the voice of peace.

 

He has told Mediamax about his vow, travels, and the days spent in Armenia.

 

The decision to become a monk

 

Kanshin Ikeda travels to different cities of Armenia, mainly on foot. He always has a drum-like musical instrument with him, which he strikes and chants the mantra for the sake of world peace.

Kanshin Ikeda

Photo: Mediamax

Passers-by, who already know him, greet him in Armenian and try to talk to him. Ikeda does not understand what they are saying but always replied “Thank you” several times in response to everyone. It will be difficult to count how many times a day he utters that word. He has even learned the word for “thank you” in Armenian- “shnorhakalutyun”, which Armenians themselves often consider too long to pronounce.

 

Ikeda was born and raised in Japan. He says that although there were no monks in his family, his mother and grandmother visited a Buddhist temple quite often.

 

“When I was 10 years old, my grandmother brought me to Buddhist temple for the first time and I felt a deep connection with Buddhism. After graduating, while working in the one company, I bought a book about Buddhism and started learning it by myself. 2 years later, at the age of 28, during one of my visits to the monastery, I made a clear decision to become a monk,” Ikeda has told Mediamax.

 

The journey with the sounds of peace

 

After years of spiritual practices in Tokyo, in 2017 Ikeda decided to travel abroad to raise his peace prayers around the world.

He has been to the United States, the United Kingdom, Austria, Italy, and a number of African countries. Sometimes he walked with other practitioners, sometimes alone. He has participated in various rituals over the years, as well as in the construction of Peace Pagodas in different countries.

 

In 2019, he went to India where he joined the campaign “Jai Jagat”, the one-year peace march from India to Switzerland, and traveled to Armenia afterwards.

 

Many of the pilgrims have returned to their home countries because of the coronavirus, while Ikeda and a few friends continue their mission.

 

Overnight in the open air

 

Living in Armenia since March, Ikeda has visited Gyumri, Spitak, Ijevan, Sevan, and a number of other cities. He usually walks, but sometimes, kind people drive him to his destination.

“I met a kind woman in Noravank Monastery, who wrote for me the following in Armenian on a piece of paper: “Can I stay at your house for one night?” I show this paper to the locals, and often people are very kind to me: they invite me in, let me take a shower, spend the night in their house,” tells the monk.

Ikeda says he often sleeps in caves or just in the open air using his sleeping bag. Sometimes he finds abandoned houses on the way that become a shelter for him.

 

“Armenians are very hospitable and very kind to me. Sometimes my bag becomes too heavy because of food donations. People always serve vegetables, lavash, other foods, and often donate money. I really appreciate this attitude towards me and I am deeply grateful for that,” he says.

 

“Mantra is like medicine”

 

The musical instrument that always accompanies the monk was made in Japan. Later, he wrote on its surface the mantra “Na Mu Myo Ho Ren Ge Kyo”, which is a pledge to never yield to difficulties and to win over his suffering. It is also a vow to help others discover this principle in their own lives and achieve happiness.

“It is impossible to explain the essence of the mantra because it is completely spiritual. It’s like medicine. You believe the doctor, you take the medicine he prescribes and you recover. The same is in the case of the mantra, the mantra uttered with deep belief heals and eliminates suffering,” says Ikeda.

 

War-free civilization

 

The Japanese monk says that although he personally did not face war, he is well-acquainted with history and knows about the sufferings caused by wars. He is also aware of the Armenian Genocide and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. This is one of the reasons he regards prayers for peace in Armenia as an important aspect.

“The earthquake in Japan in 2011 damaged the Fukushima nuclear power plant, which caused great damage to people and nature. Having witnessed this tragedy, at the end of July I wanted to visit Metsamor, where there is a nuclear power plant. On my way, a policeman stopped me and took me to a police station, where I was interrogated for a long time. When I left the police station, it was already late and I had no idea where I was going to pass the night. But one policewoman was so kind, she gave me food and donation, also introduced me to one social worker lady who gave me shelter and food. I highly appreciate their kindness,” recalls Ikeda, adding he still finished his prayer for the Metsamor nuclear power plant, but from the distance of 2 km.

The monk also considers it important to spread the message of his spiritual teacher Nichidatu Fujii message to people, which is as follows: “Civilization does not mean to have electric light or airplanes or nuclear bombs. Civilization means not killing people, not destroying things, not making war. Civilization means to hold mutual affection and to respect each other.”

 

“Peace will come if…”

 

“We are all the same human beings, no matter what country we are from, what beliefs we have, we are brothers and we should have deep respect for each other. If we love and respect each other, sincerely pray and believe, peace will come. I believe in that,” Ikeda assures.

As soon as the borders open, the Japanese monk will leave Armenia to continue his mission in other countries. He has to return to Japan in November to attend two major Buddhist ceremonies.

 

“I want to thank the people of Armenia. I appreciate their kindness and I hope to be in Armenia again in the future,” concludes Kanshin Ikeda.

 

Gayane Yenokyan (text and photos)


Neither Peace Nor War: Why Clashes on the Armenia-Azerbaijan Border Didn’t Change the Status Quo

VALDAI, Russia
Aug 21 2020
 
 
 
21.08.2020
Sergey Markedonov
 
 
Has the July escalation brought about any significant changes? It may be too soon to tell. At the same time, it is clear that the transition from military escalation to a new diplomatic round and vice versa, known as the Nagorno-Karabakh pendulum, has been delayed this time. After the four-day war, the negotiating process resumed almost at the same time as the ceasefire agreement was reached. This time, however, there could be other factors at play, writes Sergey Markedonov, Leading Researcher of the Euro-Atlantic Security Centre at MGIMO University
 
The new round of military escalation along the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan in July 2020 projected the South Caucasus region into the spotlight. Although sidelined in the media by the developments in southeastern Ukraine and in the Middle East over the past six years, this is still one of the most explosive regions in Eurasia. Moreover, conflicts along ethnic and political lines in the Caucasus that emerged with the collapse of the Soviet Union have to be placed in the context of intense international competition and rivalries between countries.
 
As such, the Turkish and Iranian factors are essential for understanding the prospects of the Nagorno-Karabakh settlement, just like the developments around Abkhazia and South Ossetia are inseparable from the confrontation between Russia and the West, especially considering NATO’s possible expansion into former Soviet republics. Some researchers have argued that the post-Soviet space is about to shift from “ethno-politics to geopolitics,”   with disputes over ethnicity-related matters supplemented over time with the competing interests of external actors.
 
There has been no shortage of analysis on the July escalation in the confrontation between Armenia and Azerbaijan today. All the commentators seem to agree that this was the largest escalation since the April 2016 four-day war in Nagorno-Karabakh. It was even more dangerous in many aspects, since this time the confrontation focused on the state border, not the line of contact. Armenia is a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO). Azerbaijan, while traditionally seeking to distance itself from integration projects, has a military and political alliance with Turkey, which has the second-largest army among NATO countries. Sifting through all these statements and comments, we need to find an answer to an essential question: was the July escalation yet another military incident (even if larger than the preceding ones), or did it upend the existing status quo? If we assume that the status quo has fallen apart, what future pathways might there be? What is the probability of Armenia and Azerbaijan sliding into a new war? Or could a diplomatic deal be possible, paving the way to a peaceful settlement? If both of these scenarios fail to materialise, would it be possible for the two countries to continue teetering on the brink between peace and war, as they have been doing for several decades?
 
The tenets of the Armenia-Azerbaijan status quo
 
The new round of military escalation along the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan in July 2020 projected the South Caucasus region into the spotlight. Although sidelined in the media by the developments in southeastern Ukraine and in the Middle East over the past six years, this is still one of the most explosive regions in Eurasia. Moreover, conflicts along ethnic and political lines in the Caucasus that emerged with the collapse of the Soviet Union have to be placed in the context of intense international competition and rivalries between countries.
 
The answer to these questions starts with a definition of the status quo in the South Caucasus and in terms of the relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan. What are its main elements and have they been violated or broken?
 
The dissolution of the Soviet Union made the South Caucasus republics independent, resulting in the collapse of the old order. The new status quo could not be achieved peacefully, and required four armed conflicts and the creation of three unrecognised entities, not to mention tens and hundreds of thousands of refugees and multiple casualties. Between 1992 and 1994, the ethnic and political conflicts in the Caucasus were frozen, but not resolved, with Russia taking on the exclusive role of a mediator, and recognised as such by the United States and its allies.
 
Not everyone was happy with the frozen state of regional conflicts in the 1990s, for example Georgia and Azerbaijan, who wanted to disrupt the balance of power that did not benefit them. They sought to find an alternative to Moscow’s privileged status, which eventually transformed conflicts raging in the South Caucasus into international issues. This quest would later unfreeze conflicts in South Ossetia and Abkhazia in 2004-2008, giving rise to a second status quo based on two parallel political and legal frameworks: the same territories that used to be autonomies within the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic exist as independent states and Russian-occupied territories of an independent Georgia.
 
However, the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan did not reach a similar turning point. Unlike the standoff in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the status quo has changed little between the 1990s and 2000s. Active hostilities stopped on May 12, 1994 with the coming into force of a permanent ceasefire agreement,    followed by talks mediated by an ad-hoc OSCE Minsk Group. That said, these negotiations have so far failed to produce any substantial breakthrough. To an extent, this was due to the fact that the conflict between Yerevan and Baku was not regarded as a proxy-conflict between Russia and the West, unlike the incidents between Georgia and South Ossetia and between Georgia and Abkhazia. Even when Moscow decided to recognise the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and later annexed Crimea, the United States did not refuse to work with Russia on the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. This explains why the Minsk Group has survived for so long, and the convergence of approaches guiding efforts by the West and Russia to resolve the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Unlike Abkhazia, South Ossetia or Transnistria, there were no Russian or international peacekeeping forces in Nagorno-Karabakh. The balance of power between Azerbaijan and Armenia has been and is likely to remain one of the core elements of the existing status quo.   As such, the question of deploying peacekeepers is part of the negotiating process.
 
Nevertheless, the conflicting sides have not been ready to make concessions on all points, including the future status of Nagorno-Karabakh, the de-occupation of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region, and returning refugees. It is unlikely that any breakthrough ideas for settling the conflict will emerge any time soon. In fact, all the initiatives that are of any relevance have already been proposed, including package agreements, stage-by-stage approaches, the idea of a shared state and exchange of territories. In November 2020, it will be the 13th anniversary of the Madrid Principles that set out the framework for a peace settlement. Eleven years ago, in July 2009, Russia, the US and France as the co-chairs of the Minsk Group presented an updated version of the “basic principles” with a recommendation that the conflicting sides “reach an agreement.” In all these years, Baku and Yerevan have not made even the slightest step towards implementing the principles proposed by the mediators.
 
Without the will or desire to reach a negotiated compromise, the two sides have alternated between diplomatic rounds and military pressure. Any resurgence in the negotiating process is interspersed with ceasefire violations, even if no one has so far questioned the effectiveness of the permanent ceasefire agreement or the status of the OSCE Minsk Group, although its critics were never in short supply in both states of the South Caucasus.
 
There was one equally important sphere not covered by the “basic principles:” the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan outside of Nagorno-Karabakh. In fact, the July escalation took place 300 kilometres from the Nagorno-Karabakh line of contact. Except for the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region, there are no territories along this border seeking to change their status. The problem, however, is that this border has not been demarcated or clearly defined, which means that there are grey areas, claimed by both Yerevan and Baku. This also makes military incidents inescapable, and detached from the negotiating process. These skirmishes can be best described as an appendix to the Nagorno-Karabakh peace process.
 
Therefore, “neither peace nor war” is the best way the status quo in Armenia-Azerbaijan relations can be described. While not officially at war, Yerevan and Baku have been unwilling to promote diplomatic relations. What is left is an unsettled conflict and talks that have been going on for many years, with occasional ups and downs, alternating with armed incidents.
 
An explosive permanence
 
Has the July escalation brought about any significant changes? It may be too soon to tell. At the same time, it is clear that the transition from military escalation to a new diplomatic round and vice versa, known as the Nagorno-Karabakh pendulum, has been delayed this time. After the four-day war, the negotiating process resumed almost at the same time as the ceasefire agreement was reached. This time, however, there could be other factors at play. After all, both Armenia and Azerbaijan are facing public health emergencies due to the coronavirus pandemic, which makes reviving the negotiating process problematic, to say the least.
 
However, Yerevan and Baku refused to raise the stakes too high. Armenia has always a trump card up its sleeve, the possible recognition of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. This topic keeps resurfacing in the Armenian media and on social networks whenever the conflict escalates, and this time was not an exception. So far, Yerevan has chosen another path, for obvious reasons: should Armenia recognise Nagorno-Karabakh as an independent state, it would be viewed as a revisionist state by international mediators, who are otherwise quite neutral regarding the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. This move would have serious ramifications, which explains Yerevan’s caution and why it treats its Nagorno-Karabakh trump card as a last resort. In 2016 and in 2020 the escalation did not produce any significant territorial changes. In 2016, the unrecognised Nagorno-Karabakh Republic’s infrastructure remained intact, and in 2020 neither side made any foray into the other’s territory, enough to refer to the incident as “occupation” or “liberation.” Furthermore, it has to be noted that escalation along the border did not cause any increase in firing incidents or sabotage in Nagorno-Karabakh, the epicentre of the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
 
The escalation did not prompt any of the parties involved to raise concerns regarding the effectiveness of the Minsk Group, although it remains quite controversial. Nevertheless, neither Baku nor Yerevan called for it to be dissolved, or for new mediators to be brought in. Outside actors remained entrenched in their positions. Moscow continued playing the role of a special or even privileged mediator, appreciated by both Armenia and Azerbaijan. Turkey, on the contrary, remained Baku’s staunch supporter, while Iran continued advocating a political settlement owned and led by the countries within the region. The confrontation between Armenia and Azerbaijan remains at the periphery of the interests of the US and the EU, at least until the failure of the current status quo becomes obvious. Washington, Brussels and Paris are ready to tolerate Moscow’s special mediating role in this part of Eurasia. If the events take a turn similar to what happened in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the reaction will be different. But nothing suggests that this will happen.
 
Therefore, the existing status quo remains in place. The recent escalation came as a major shock, and incidents of this kind are dangerous, considering the fragility of the mechanisms that prevent Baku and Yerevan from sliding into war. Armenia and Azerbaijan have so far preserved the military and political balance in Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as along their border. There will be a chance of avoiding the worst case scenario as long as they are unable to take advantage of the differences between the great powers. At the same time, the two sides are not ready to achieve a breakthrough in negotiations. Against this backdrop, it is essential to return to the negotiating table in order to push the Nagorno-Karabakh pendulum from escalation towards negotiation. This, however, would not mean that the pendulum would not swing back towards confrontation. The sides constantly test the fragile balance of power between them, but after a military escalation they are likely to resume talks, at the very least in order to manage escalations and prevent the conflict from unfreezing. As of today, the conflict will likely remain in neutral territory, teetering between peace and war. There is one caveat, though: on a scale between war and peace, at this point in time all actors, including those involved both directly and indirectly, are much closer to war than to peace.
Views expressed are of individual Members and Contributors, rather than the Club’s, unless explicitly stated otherwise.
  
 

Pashinyan Slams Ankara’s ‘Destructive’ Actions

Asbarez
Aug 21 2020

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on Friday slammed Ankara for what he called its “destructive” action that are having “destabilizing” effects on the region.

“I think that Turkey’s destabilizing and destructive actions are causing serious concerns to our partners in the Middle East, the Eurasian region and the European region,” said Pashinyan during meeting of Armenia’s National Security Council on Friday.

“This is an agenda that has already been formed, and our future steps should be the subject of substantive discussions in the Security Council, the Government, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and today’s session will address this issue among other agenda items,” Pashinyan said according to his press office.

Since Azerbaijan began brazenly attacking civilian and military targets in Armenia’s Tavush Province on July 12, official Ankara has continued its aggressive posturing toward Yerevan. The Turkish government’s overt endorsement of Baku’s attacks were followed by a diplomatic attack on Yerevan over Armenia’s leaders’ statement about the 100th anniversary of the Sevres Treat. Just this week, Ankara again lashed out at Yerevan, whose government unequivocally threw its support to Greece and Cyprus over Turkey’s attempts to destabilize the Eastern Mediterranean Sea.

Pashinyan seized on Armenia’s victories in last month’s attacks to also express Armenia’s position on the matter, as well as the ongoing Karabakh conflict settlement process, saying that Azerbaijan’s “failures” on the ground should be perceived as Baku’s conceding to Armenia and the international community.

He said prior to the July events, Azerbaijan had adopted a position by which it would resolve the conflict through military force, as witnessed by the ongoing rhetoric from official Baku.

Azerbaijan’s “failure to launch an offensive and resolve the Karabakh conflict by force should be perceived as a concession to both Armenia and the international community,” Pashinyan told the security council.

“Throughout this time, we had been urging the Azerbaijani leadership to refrain from speaking to Armenia from the position of strength and to give up their bellicose rhetoric,” Pashinyan explained, adding there can be no military solution to the Karabakh conflict.

“I think the time has come for the Azerbaijani leadership to acknowledge this fact, since as I have mentioned on several occasions, if the Karabakh issue were to have a military solution, then the people of Artsakh might state that they have resolved it a long time ago,” said Pashinyan, referring to the Artsakh’s decisive victory in the Karabakh war.

The prime minister stressed that Armenia continues with its constructive stance on the Karabakh issue. “Our position is that the conflict should be settled through peaceful talks. Armenia has always been adhered to this very position on the Karabakh issue, regardless of the political background of its governments,” said Pashinyan.

“The most important point we have to make is that the Republic of Armenia is in a position to meet the emerging security challenges. At the same time, we must improve the country’s security environment every week, every month and every year. The Security Council is just the working format which should discuss and resolve such issues,” added Pashinyan.