Author: Frangulian Shushan

CATHOLICOS KAREKIN II: WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF COUNCIL OF EUROPE WE
MUST MAKE THE PEACE PROCESS IN THE REGION IRREVERSIBLE
ECHMIADZIN, AUGUST 18, NOYAN TAPAN. On August 18, President of
the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) Rene van der
Linden was received by Catholicos of All Armenians Karekin II in
the Mother See of Holy Ecmiadzin. His Holiness expressed gratitude
for the assistance provided to Armenia by the Council of Europe in
asserting democratic values in the independent state, in the process of
Armenia’s integration into the European Union, as well as in the issue
of peaceful settlement of the Karabakh conflict. “We hope that with
the assistance of the Council of Europe we will be able to make the
peace process in the region irreversible, achieve the fare solution
of the problems facing the region, especially the Karabakh probem,”
Catholicos of All Armenians noted. Rene van der Linden presented PACE
activities aimed at establishing democratic values and protecting
human rights. He pounted out the important role of the churches and
religions in these processes, which can make a great contribution to
further strengthening of these values in society through interchurch
dialogs. According the information service of the Mother See of Holy
Echmiadzin, at the meeting, the sides also discussed issues related
to the peaceful settlement of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict and
establishment of diplomatic relations between Armenia and Turkey.

Almendhar, Iraq
Aug 18 2005
Would the Permanent Constitution Solve the Problem of Regime in Iraq?
A fast review of the drafts that were published by some Iraqi and
Arab newspapers have disclosed some dilemmas and problems of
political and legal nature, especially as some drafts came as an
expression for what is short-termed and temporary at the expense of
what is strategic and long-termed. In addition, some of them came as
a reaction to former conditions, not for considerations of
constitutional dimensions that are necessitated by the contemporary
state.
As regards the ‘new’ un-timed mines and bombs, in addition to what
has been stated in the interim state administration code, they are:
1. The relation between religion and the state: Is Iraq actually ‘an
Islamic republic’ as stated in the chapter of fundamental principles?
It is worth mentioning that the religionization of the state at the
expense of its civil nature would leave its traces and legal and
political traces on the state and its future.
2. Sectarianism of the state and community: For the first time,
sectarianism would be officially adopted instead of equivocation, as
it was in the former racial laws. It seems that the strategy of Paul
Bremer, the American civil governor in Iraq has infected the
permanent constitution, as the draft has included the phrase “the
Islamic identity of the majority of Iraqi people (with its Shiite and
Sunni majority)” (Article 2 Chapter 1). Under the sectarian strain
and the ethnic tension, the legislator should have plainly and
clearly stated ‘the impermissibility of sectarianism and punishing
those who practice, or call for, or promote, or harbor it, based on
the constitutional concepts on which the contemporary state is based
on, especially the principles of equality and non-discrimination.
3. Ethnic division and conceptual confusion between nationalism and
religion: The constitution has coined that the Arabs and Kurds are
“two major races”, and has coined “basic races for the Turkmen,
Chaldeans, Assyrians, Armenians, Shabaks and Persians.” Then it moved
to the Yezidi and Sabaen Mandaen religions (Article 3). It can be
stated that the Iraqi people consist of two major races “Arabs and
Kurds”, in addition to other racial, and linguistic and religious
races, then stating them by name. The constitution guarantees their
rights, pursuant to the UN Convention for the Protection of National
Minorities for 1992, and the International Convention on Human
Rights, on basis of full parity, equality and citizenship.
4. Iraqi’s relation with Arabization is afloat: The legislator did
not desire to state that Iraq is a part of the Arab nation, while it
is a founding member of the Arab League, and is adhering to its
conventions and treaties, due to the related ethical considerations
and legal liability. The text came general and descriptive without
any obligation, “The Iraqi state is a part of the Arab and Islamic
worlds.” (Article 5)
5. Political Seclusion: The constitution project has prohibited
racism, expiation and terrorism, which is a clear and justified
matter, especially due to the plain and clear calls for
criminalization, conviction and hatred, in addition to the terrorist
practices of extremist radical forces. Nevertheless, the legislator
was not satisfied with that, but connected it to the Saddami Baath,
which should be a part of the political diversity of the state
(Article 11). In case the punishment of the criminals of the former
regime is a legal and legitimate matter, the non-criminals would be
included in the constitution in political alienation, including a
great number of the members and cadres of Baath Party, who were
opposing the policies of the former regime, from within the same
party.
This text reminds us of the decisions of the former revolution
council. On March 21, 1980, the council has issued a decision (law)
that prescribes the impermissibility of joining the (agent), as
stated in the text, Islamic Da’wa Party, and rules with death
sentence for all its members. The decision even went further to
punish those former members, upon retroactive force.
Prohibiting Baghdad Alliance, Nouri Al Sa’ed’s government has issued
laws that prohibit the communist activities, and the like,
considering them as destructive activities.
The Baathi government of February 8th has issued a statement during
the first few hours of the coupe de tat, known as (Statement no.13),
which called for eradicating the communists.
The matter appears not to be restricted to laws, as some forces have
practiced banning the activities of others through their influence
over the street, the intellectual terrorism and exploiting the state
authorities, as occurred in 1959 on behalf of the communists against
the nationalists and Baathis.
The Kurdish movement has always been among the victims of banning and
discrimination, to the extent of issuing a general amnesty for the
armed Kurds, of which the former president Saddam Hussein has
excluded the current president Jalal Al Talebani.
The matter is not the issue of a law or the existence of a
constitutional text for eradication, banning or discharging. Ideas
can only be fought with ideas, evidence can never be refuted except
with evidence, and opinion can oppose another, not by the power of
law or chasing ideas. As for criminals, we would say that making
decisions on them is the competence of courts and judiciary
decisions.
6. The role of religious reference: The constitution project stated
“its independence and guidance status, for its being an eminent
national and religious symbol. (Article 15)
Here, we should stress that the reference is not only one, as it is
diverse and numerous. Despite the fact that the text induces the idea
of “the supreme reference” in the Islamic Republic of Iran or “the
committee for diagnosing the interest of the regime”, it does not
state it frankly. These are elected entities that the constitution
puts at a sublime elite status, and would have eventually the right
to make the decisions. In case Imam Al Khomeini has requested for the
rule of the jurist (Wilayat Al Faqih) through his political role, Mr.
Al Sestani desired or was granted a role (which he might not have a
great desire for), through his spiritual reference. Nevertheless, he
has retreated in a significant interview with Germany’s Der Shpigel
magazine has quoted his clear and plain talk when he called the
Shiite scholars not to occupy political positions or play a key
political role.
A question might pop up for the readers: How many references do we
have? (After asking: What is a reference and what is its role?). The
Shiaas have their references and so do the Sunnis, all Christian
sects, the Yezidis, the Sabaens and others.
In case we supposed that ‘Al Alamia, Al Zuhd and Al Haida’ are within
the reference, then what about if they interfered in the political
affairs and have promoted for this team or that group or person?
There might be many criticisms that emerged during the elections on
January 2005, when Al Sayyid Ali Al Sestani’s name and images were
used, and the denial of supporting this slate was not up to the level
of responsibility necessitated by the status of the reference.
However, the references and Hawzas should not be exploited for
political propaganda or promoting for this or that political party.
In addition, how can we deal with the reference in case it protected
‘corrupters’ or did not confront them, especially those acted
fruadently with the rights and money of the state, community and
citizens, in the past and present?
What if the references have been negligent and delayed a great
crucial matter that is relating to the destiny of the homeland, such
as the situation towards the occupation and fighting it? What if its
estimations were mistaken and wrong? The reference has previously
adopted stands that have aroused division in the Iraqi street. As
long as we are weak humans, we can make mistakes. Nevertheless, heavy
weight negligence or mistakes, as they say, are not similar to the
wrong estimations of regular people.
7. The legal identity of sacred thresholds: The state should stress
their sacredness and protect them. The text also induces the demands
of some Iraqi and non-Iraqi Shiite Islamic forces for the necessity
of placing the sacred thresholds under international supervision,
which would lead to dishonoring Iraqi sovereignty. It is a
coincidence that the post-occupation governments are the ones that
most violate the holiness of the sacred thresholds. They have
cordoned Imam Ali’s shrine (PBUH) in Najaf, have raided Al Sayyid
Muqtada Al Sadr’s group in the sacred Al Haidari’s shrine, and have
bombed the returning people from Muslim Ibn Aqil’s shrine in Kufa.
These confrontations and violations remind us of what Hussein Kamal
did in Imam Al Hussein’s shrine in Karbala in 1991.
The sacred shrines are public facilities that have their special
status and holiness for great classes of Iraqi and non-Iraqi Muslims.
The state should protect, maintain and develop them, in addition to
improving their mortmain system that they were annexed to in 1997.
Unfortunately, the sectarian division of the civil governor Paul
Bremer has extended to the mortmain ministry, dividing it into
“Shiite Mortmain” and “Sunni Mortmain”, after being only one
ministry.
8. Fear of the issue of population housing that is harming the
demographic environment in Iraq: (Section C, Article 4, Chapter 2).
The matter is not concerned with the settlement of Turks from Turkey,
or Kurds from Turkey, or Iran, or Syria, or Iranian or Bahraini or
Saudi Shiaas, it is related to the Palestinians. Some identities have
expressed panic from the settlement as it would lead to changing the
sectarian structure. The rejection of the principle of settlement is
not for preliminary considerations relating to the rights of the
Palestinian Arab people.
9. Women’s rights: which the state guarantees, pursuant to the
provisions of Islamic Sharia, as stated in the draft. It is a new
indirect attempt against law no. 188 for 1959, which has granted
broad rights for women, and has been rejected at that time on behalf
of many unsuccessful religious and traditional media. There were
attempts to cancel it in the interim governing council. Many laws
that treat women fairly, but they were frozen and nullified, due to
the wars and siege. The former regime has issued several retarded
laws that dealt with women’s rights, including the attenuated
penalties for murdering women for disgrace and the return of some old
clannish traditions.
There are currently several worries including: subjugating women’s
rights and freedom to limitations, designated in the name of Sharia.
The explanations and interference of interpreters are included.
Therefore, the issue of marriage, divorce and heritage are not remote
from the dominance of clergymen, which sets pressure on the idea of
civil marriage and equal rights stated in international conventions
with regard to women’s rights and preventing all forms of
discrimination against them.
10. Regions and their competence: Chapter 4 (Article 2) of the
constitution project has given the right to two or more provinces to
create a region and gave the region a right to draft a constitution
and approve it upon absolute majority (Article 7). It also gave the
president of the region the right of representing his region abroad
(Article 14). The legislator should have stressed the competence,
i.e. rights and duties, of Kurdistan region (in specific) as it is a
realistic not hypothetical situation. It has actually existed for
years. The Kurds have clearly crystallized their demands. Discussions
and debate might not be on the principle but on the limits and
competence of the regional authorities, the competence of its
non-central institutions, the right means for settling the postponed
Kirkuk problem, and the relation of the region with the federal
authority.
As for speaking of federations and regions for two or more provinces,
under a perplexed situation and the occupation, it might give some
adventurers and greedy persons the opportunity to exploit such hard
conditions, especially by accelerating the sectarian strain and
tension to drive matters towards division and fragmentation. This
serves old Zionist plans; especially as the heritage of the strict
oppressive central regime still have their heavy nightmares and
bitter experience.
The form, structure and competence of the federal system, which is
stated in the drafts is closer to entities, on their way to
separation, or at least it would be possible in case these regions
desire that, especially as the constitution project does not clearly
state the singularity of foreign representation, and international
and diplomatic relations, in addition to the issue of resources,
general budget, currency and armed forces, which arouse such doubts.
***
This mine might be the most dangerous, after the sectarianism, in
case it aggravated and exploded. The issue is not related to
Kurdistan region, which is a legal and political entity since the law
of self government for 1974 (despite its missing points and great
gaps), the broad and semi-complete independence during the period of
late 1991 until 2003, but the supposed form of the region and the
political projects behind it.
The permanent constitution has added to the complexity of the old
governing problem and filled it with doubts, skepticism and confusing
texts.
An Iraqi writer and thinker
Al Hayat

IRINnews.org, NY
Aug 18 2005
TURKMENISTAN: Focus on ethnic minorities
[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]
ANKARA, 18 Aug 2005 (IRIN) – The plight of ethnic minorities in
Turkmenistan remains bleak, despite claims to the contrary by the
Turkmen government during this month’s session of the United Nations
Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD).
“Each of Turkmenistan’s ethnic and racial minorities bears a heavy
burden of discrimination and exclusion in the environment where
preferential treatment is openly afforded only to ethnic Turkmen,”
Robert Arsenault, president of the International League for Human
Rights (ILHR), asserted from New York. He went on to describe the
human rights situation in the largely desert but energy rich state,
as alarming.
“The president for life, Saparmurat Niyazov, has defined the newly
created country of Turkmenistan as the glorified home of ethnic
Turkmen,” Erika Dailey, director of the Open Society Institute’s
Turkmenistan Project, added from New York. “In that conceptualisation,
there is no room for non-ethnic Turkmen in Turkmenistan. So the
state has attempted to “turkmenify” its non-Turkmen population,”
added Dailey.
Their comments come during the 67th session of the CERD from
2-19 August, held in Geneva, to review anti-discrimination efforts
undertaken by the governments of Venezuela, Georgia, Zambia, Barbados,
Tanzania, Iceland, Turkmenistan and Nigeria. These countries were
among the 170 states which were party to the International Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.
The 18-member Committee, the first body created by the United
Nations to review actions by member states to fulfil obligations
under a specific human rights agreement, examines reports submitted
periodically by state parties on efforts to comply with the
Convention. Government representatives generally present the reports,
discuss the contents with Committee members and answer questions.
But reclusive Turkmenistan, a country of just five million, slightly
larger than California and wedged between Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan,
Afghanistan and Iran, has been a ‘black hole’ as far as information
is concerned, since it gained independence following the collapse of
the Soviet Union in 1991.
President Niyazov has established a personality cult centred on
himself. Following an alleged attempt on his life in November
2002, human rights activists have reported a further tightening of
restrictions on travel, opposition members and the media. This has
prompted Human Rights Watch (HRW) to describe the hermit state as
being one of the most repressive countries in the world today.
GOVERNMENT POSITION
That lack of transparency was evident in Geneva, when in the official
report presented by Turkmen Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov on 11
August, he concluded that there is no discrimination of national
minorities in the country. Yet according to rights activists, the
minister’s report raised many questions, which, when put, were either
answered evasively or not at all.
“There was a complete denial of the problem of ethnic minorities, as
well as the obvious facts of abusing the rights of ethnic minorities,”
Farid Tuhbatullin, chairman of the Vienna-based Turkmen Initiative
for Human Rights group, said. “It was an absolutely non-constructive
position. There was an absolute lack of understanding for a need of
dialogue between the government and NGOs, between Turkmenistan and
the UN,” said Tuhbatullin, citing conflicting statistical figures
provided by the government.
EXAMPLES OF DISCRIMINATION
According to activists, racial and ethnic minority populations were
excluded from employment in the public sector, denied access to
education in their native language, restricted in their practice of
religion and continuously intimidated by police.
“Employment in the public sector, which dominates the national economy,
is conditional on the fulfilment of the ‘third generation’ test,
requiring an applicant to prove his/her Turkmen ancestry for three
generations,” Arsenault said. He added that since 1991, Kazakh, Uzbek
and Armenian language schools have been closed, while instruction in
Russian has diminished greatly.
“Such important religious confessions as the Armenian Apostolic
Church and Shia Islam, remain unregistered and thus illegal,” the ILHR
official added. He noted that Uzbeks, traditionally a rural population
in the northern and eastern parts of the country, represent a special
case as they are viewed with particular suspicion by the authorities
as people not loyal to the regime.
Meanwhile, Dailey accused the government in the capital, Ashgabat,
of fabricating population data that significantly underestimated
the actual numbers of ethnic minorities in the country. In the
report to the UN CERD, for example, the Turkmen government claimed
that minorities make up only 5.4 percent of the population. However,
according to a 1995 population survey, Uzbeks made up 9.2 percent of
the population, though in a recent report to the UN, that figure was
placed at no more than 2 percent.
“Where could so many people have gone so quickly?” Dailey asked.
“Emigration of that magnitude would surely have been obvious to the
international community,” she explained, suggesting the more likely
explanation was some form of forced assimilation.
In a further discriminatory move, the government reportedly coerced
other Turkic people such as Uzbeks and Kazakhs, to assimilate and
“pass” as Turkmen under threat of a loss of job, which in Turkmenistan
is tantamount to being sentenced to a lifetime of poverty.
“Since the overwhelming majority of jobs in Turkmenistan are government
jobs, this form of discrimination is a powerful tool for promoting
the part of the population that the government wishes to see prosper
(ethnic Turkmen) and to impoverish those the government wishes to
see fail (ethnic minorities),” Dailey claimed.
To counter such possibilities, it is not unusual for non-ethnic Turkmen
to add a typical Turkmen ending to their last name, she said, while
others enter into fictitious marriages with ethnic Turkmen as a means
to secure Turkmen-sounding names. As for those who could not easily
“pass” as Turkmen – mainly Russians and Ukrainians – the government
purportedly undertakes measures to bring about their emigration.
In April 2003, the same day it signed a 25-year gas contract with the
Russian energy giant, Gazprom, Ashgabat withdrew recognition of dual
Turkmen-Russian citizenship.
“It forced such citizens – not all of whom were ethnic Russian,
but all of whom had Russia as a place of national origin – to either
renounce their Russian citizenship, or keep their Russian citizenship
but lose their property in Turkmenistan. It was a horrific and clearly
discriminatory Hobson’s Choice,” Dailey asserted.
Forced into a corner, according to an IRIN report in July 2003 [See:
;SelectRegion=Central_Asia&
SelectCountry=TURKMENISTAN], thousands of ethnic Russians left the
country under an imposed deadline to choose.
CLAIMS OF FORCED RESETTLEMENT
Dailey also cited ‘ethnic internal exile’ as another example of
racial discrimination virtually unseen anywhere else in the world.
Domestic laws allow for the “resettlement” of five categories of
individuals, including those deemed “unworthy”, she claimed. She
noted that to date, some 25 families have already been “resettled”
with plans reportedly calling for the resettlement of up to 6,000
people to uninhabitable and barren regions of the country.
With limited access to the Central Asian state, such reports have yet
to be confirmed and consequently receive the international attention
they deserve, leaving outside observers in a quandary as to what they
can do.
A WAY FORWARD
According to Arsenault, Turkmenistan has made some responses to
criticism from the international community and individual states
in the past, with the relaxation of registration requirements for
religious groups and organisations in 2004 being a notable example.
“International institutions, such as the United Nations and the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), need to
keep up the momentum by engaging the government of Turkmenistan in
meeting its obligations under international law,” he said. He added
that observers should not underestimate the role that countries
enjoying extensive bilateral relations with Turkmenistan – mainly
Turkey, Ukraine and Russia – could play.
Dailey, however, was more blunt. She said the best deterrent to ethnic
discrimination is international recognition and condemnation of the
country’s appalling human rights record. There should also be close
monitoring of the government’s compliance with measurable benchmarks
for stopping such practices – even in courts outside the country.
“The UN, in particular, can play an enormously constructive role
in calling for the government to account for its discriminatory
practices,” she emphasised.
In advance of the official presentation made by Turkmenistan to
the committee, ILHR and the Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights
presented a joint alternative report to the CERD members and NGO
representatives. They offered factual evidence of violations of the
rights of national minorities on behalf of the Turkmen state, as well
as an analysis of the state’s legislation showing certain laws that
contain discriminatory norms.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

Taz, die tageszeitung
11. August 2005
Bremen Choir workshop for Armenian Genocide to include Armenians &
Turks: But search for Turkish singers becomes difficult
“Es ist richtig, den ersten Schritt zu tun”;
Die Bremer Chorwerkstatt will mit dem Armenischen Oratorium an den
Völkermord von 1915 erinnern: gemeinsam mit Türken und Armeniern.
Doch die Suche nach türkischen SängerInnen gestaltet sich schwierig –
und ist ein Lernprozess für den Chor
von Friederike Gräff
Die Bremer Chorwerkstatt will mit dem Armenischen Oratorium an den
Völkermord von 1915 erinnern: gemeinsam mit Türken und Armeniern.
Doch die Suche nach türkischen SängerInnen gestaltet sich schwierig –
und ist ein Lernprozess für den Chor
Bremen – “Ein bisschen enttäuscht” sei man, sagt Kurt Sommer vom
Vorstand der Bremer Chorwerkstatt. “Aber nicht entmutigt”, setzt er
noch dazu. Also probt der Chor weiter für den November, wenn er das
“Armenische Oratorium” zum Gedenken an den Völkermord von 1915
aufführen will. Nur eben ohne türkische Sängerinnen und Sänger, wie
eigentlich gedacht. Denn der einzige türkische Interessent hat sich
inzwischen verabschiedet. “Er sagte, er hätte keine Zeit”, erklärt
Sommer, aber es klingt nicht so, als glaube wirklich daran.
Die Verbindung von politischer Einmischung und Musik ist Programm bei
der Bremer Chorwerkstatt. Seit 1981 widmen sie sich dem
“gesellschaftlich orientieren Liedgut”, so haben sie es auf ihrem
Flugblatt formuliert. Das reichte in der Vergangenheit von einer
Sozialgeschichte des Kaffees bis zum Gedenken an die
Reichsprogromnacht. Das armenische Oratorium hat Kurt Sommer zum
ersten Mal bei einem befreundeten Chor in Groningen gehört. 1999
haben es die Bremer bei einem Konzert zum Thema Völkermord schon
einmal aufgeführt. Jetzt möchte es der Chor wieder aufnehmen: “Es
gibt ausgesprochene Liebhaber des Oratoriums”, sagt Sommer. Dazu
gehört auch er selbst, der anschaulich von der Schönheit der
orientalischen Instrumente schwärmt, wie der des Dudeks, einer
armenischen Oboe, die aus Aprikosenholz angefertigt wird und ein
Rosenholz-Doppelblatt besitzt, wie Sommer erklärt.
Doch zumindest nach außen steht die polititsche Dimension der
Aufführung im Vordergrund: In diesem Jahr jährt sich
der Völkermord an den Armeniern zum neunzigsten Mal. Und im Herbst
sollen die EU-Aufnahmeverhandlungen mit der Türkei beginnen. In sein
Flugblatt hat der Chor noch recht selbstbewusst geschrieben: “Da eine
solche Mitgliedschaft ohne die Verwirklichung der Menschenrechte und
die Anerkennung des Genozids undenkbar ist, soll die Aufführung des
Oratoriums zum notwendigen Diskussions- und Aussöhnungsprozess
beitragen”.
Um sowohl türkische als auch armenische und kurdische Sängerinnen und
Sänger zu finden, hat der Chor eine Anzeige geschaltet. “Daraufhin
passierte erst einmal gar nichts”, sagt Kurt Sommer. Erst über
persönliche Kontakte sind eine Armenierin und zwei Kurdinnen zum Chor
gestoßen. Und jener türkische Musiker, den seine Frau nach einer
Probe wegen Zeitmangels entschuldigen ließ. “Ich habe keine Zeit”,
erklärt Zehki Kara dazu am Telefon. Viel mehr möchte er nicht dazu
sagen. “Ich bin Musiker und habe kein Interesse an Politik”. Aber
dann sagt er doch noch, dass er kein Problem mit dem Projekt habe,
wohl aber damit, dass die Schuld am armenischen Genozid immer nur den
Türken gegeben werde. “Die andere Seite hat auch viel Schuld”.
So hat die Bremer Chorwerkstatt nur einen türkischen Sänger: Can
Tufan, türkischer Zypriot und jahrelang Leiter des
griechisch-türkischen Solidaritätschors. “Es wäre nicht das erste
Mal, dass er Druck von der Masse bekommt”, sagt Kurt Sommer. “Aber er
ist schon so lange hier, er steht darüber”. Tufan war es auch, der
dem Chor riet, sich mit dem türkischen Journalisten Orhan Calisir zu
treffen. “Ihr müsst euch nicht wundern, wenn keine Türken zu euch
kommen”, hat Calisir gesagt. Denn das Flugblatt sei viel zu fordernd
formuliert. Und Sommer gibt ihm Recht. “Wenn man mit Leuten ins
Gespräch kommen will, kann man nicht gleich Bedingungen stellen”. Im
neuen Flugblatt fehlt der Passus zu den EU-Beitritts-Verhandlungen
und den erforderlichen Schritten in der Türkei. Neue türkische
Interessenten haben sich dennoch nicht gemeldet.
Doch der Chor lässt sich nicht entmutigen: “Wir waren und sind ein
bisschen naiv”, sagt Kurt Sommer. “Aber es ist richtig, den ersten
Schritt zu tun und deshalb versuchen wir es immer noch.”
–Boundary_(ID_mZ5sAN64wo7Wj6H7eBufQg)–

TURKISH CITIZEN ONLY ACCEPTS CHARGE OF ATTEMPTED SMUGGLING
YEREVAN, AUGUST 12, NOYAN TAPAN. Ektan Turkyilmaz, a Turkish citizen,
accepted partly the charge brought against him. Responding a question
asked in the court, he stated at the August 12 court sitting that he
accepts a charge of attempted smuggling but not a charge of smuggling.
“My guilt might have come from ignorance of the Armenian laws, I never
intended to break the Armenian laws and do any harm to the Armenian
people,” the accused said. The witness Hayk Meliksetian, a customs
employee at Zvartnots Airport, stated that there is a list of items
subject to declaration at the entrance of the customs zone, and any
citizen carrying an item indicated in the list must go through the
so-called red zone. The Turkish citizen, however, went through the
green zone. In the witness’s words, E. Turkyilmaz was just “ignorant
of the law.” Several booksellers, from whom the Turkish citizen had
purchased books, testified in the court. In particular, the witness
Babken Sakanian said that E. Turkyilmaz was interested in books of
the 1600s-1700s and made purchases (in drams) of a total of 3,200
dollars. Another bookseller Arsen Harutyunian confirmed his
preliminary evidence, according to which the Turkish citizen was
showing interest in books on the Armenian Genocide, Armenology as well
as books printed early. According to the witness, E. Turkyilmaz
admitted the fact of the Armenian Genocide in a private talk they
had. The accused made a gesture in the courtroom showing that he
recognizes the Armenian Genocide. The witnesses will continue
testifying at the next court sitting on August 15. To recap, on June
17, 2005, the employees of the RA national security bodies found, as a
result of operative measures at Zvartnots Airport, 110 books printed
in the 17-20 centuries, manuscripts, maps, magazines, brochures,
including 89 ones of historical and cultural value, in the luggage of
Ektan Turkyilmaz, a Tirkish citizen of Kurdish descent, 33, a
post-graduate student at the “Duke” University, who was going to take
a Yerevan-Stambul flight. He made an attempt to smuggle the
abovementioned items out of Armenia, trying to hide them from customs
control.

RESULTS OF PROGRAMMERS’ CONTEST SUMMED UP IN YEREVAN
YEREVAN, August 10. /ARKA/. The results of the programmers’ contest
have been summed up in Yerevan. Director of the “Enterprises
Incubator” Foundation Bagrat Yengibaryan said at the award ceremony
that the professionalism of the participants has improved this
year. He said that many young programmers participate in the contest
not for the first time, and they have some experience. “It is
surprising, but there was a stubborn struggle for the second place,
which was not registered last year. That is why we have five teams
ranked second this year”, Yengibaryan said.
The winners were awarded based on the individual and team rounds
results. Vahe Musoyan, who is 16 years old, was ranked first in
individual round (we also was the first in 2004). The sponsors
instituted the following prizes for the 1st, 2nd and 3rd places: PDA
(personal digital assistant), digital camera and free Internet access
during the year (depends on the rank).
Executive Director of the Pan-Armenian Youth Center Armen Sinanyan
reported that the money prizes were reduced due to the number of the
winners. He said that the team ranked 1st will receive USD 210, the
2nd – USD 120 and the 3rd – USD 90 in AMD equivalent.
The contest is organized by the EIF, Pan-Armenian Youth International
Center and the Union of the IT Enterprises of Armenia (UITE). The
contest is sponsored by Synopsys, Unicomp and CIT companies, which
have provided additional awards for the participants.
This is the 3rd contest of young people interested in programming. The
first contest was held in Yerevan in 2002. A.A. -0–

School of Public Administration to Train Ethnic Minorities
Civil Georgia, Tbilisi / 2005-08-09 18:37:06
A School of Public Administration named in honor of late Georgian
Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania will start functioning in September,
Education Minister Kakha Lomaia said on August 9.
The school, which is based in Georgias second largest city, Kutaisi,
will mainly focus on training representatives of the ethnic
minorities, as well as residents of Georgia’s mountainous regions.
A total of 300 Azerbaijanis, Armenians and Ossetians will be able to
enroll in the school and after going through the courses, they will be
able to be employed in the local self-governance bodies, Kakha Lomaia
said at a news conference.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

UNPO, Netherlands
Aug 8 2005
Abkhazia and Georgia: Ready to ride on the Peace Train?
Spanning the Inguri River near Zugdidi are the rusty remains of the
Sochi-Tbilisi railway bridge. For 13 years, its demolition has meant
the severance of economic and communicative ties between Georgia and
the breakaway territory of Abkhazia, as well as the disruption of
rail trade between Armenia and Russia. Talks about reopening the line
between Tbilisi and Abkhazia’s capital, Sokhumi, first started seven
years ago, but only recently have both sides earnestly engaged in
discussions to make these plans a reality.
In Abkhazia, the restoration of the railway is viewed with hope,
doubt and fear. De facto Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergei Shamba
believes in the best-case scenario: a railway completion agreement
could be reached at the end of 2005 — providing “conflicts of
interest in Tbilisi don’t prevent it,” he stated in an interview with
EurasiaNet. “There are political forces in Tbilisi who would not like
to see the railway project be completed,” Shamba stated. “But I feel
[Georgian State Minister for Conflict Resolution] Giorgi Khaindrava
is a man we can talk with.”
Under the terms of a July 19 agreement reached in Sokhumi by Georgia,
Abkhazia and Russia, a 41-person commission will begin inspecting the
condition of the railway on August 9 as a first step toward reopening
the line. A full report on the commission’s work is slotted for
October 1.
Relations between Georgia and Abkhazia appear to be slowly warming.
United Nations-mediated talks held in Tbilisi on August 4 between
Abkhazia and Georgia were deemed “constructive” by both sides. The
discussions reportedly covered only general topics, but were
presented as a potential launch pad for more detailed negotiations in
future. “A constructive dialogue between Tbilisi and Sokhumi should
be continued,” the Russian news agency Interfax quoted Khaindrava as
saying.
Much touted in Georgia as a potential benefit of rapprochement, the
railway project appears to have much support in Sokhumi, too, but
according to Shamba, there are people who feel the railway could be a
threat to national security. Securing and protecting the railroad was
Georgian Defense Minister Tenghiz Kitovani’s pretext for sending the
Georgian National Guard into Abkhazian territory in 1992 while
fighting a civil war with forces loyal to deposed Georgian President
Zviad Gamsakhurdia.
“We remember how Georgia had planned to use the railway in 1992 to
deploy troops and equipment overnight to three locations into
Abkhazia and seize it,” commented Shamba. “If the Zviadists hadn’t
blown the bridge, they may have succeeded.”
A series of explosions in Ochamchira, a Black Sea port city between
Gali and Sukhumi, on March 24, 2002 has kept that nervousness alive.
The blasts destroyed a commuter train and the rail station, killing
three people and wounding 28. The explosions were blamed on Georgia,
which categorically denied them.
To secure the safety of the railway, initial plans would have Halo
Trust, a British non-governmental organization that removes
unexploded ordnance and clears landmines, complete de-mining the
line. Abkhazia would guarantee security from Ochamchira north to the
Russian border and Russian peacekeepers from Ochamchira to Gali, at
the border with Georgia.
At this point, only freight will be transported. Among numerous other
issues, carrying passengers would require rebuilding the destroyed
stations of Gali and Ochamchira. Before the war, both stations were
bustling with activity. Today, the Ochamchira station is in the same
state as it was after the 2002 bombing, while Gali is a
post-apocalyptic testament to the ravages of war.
In addition, 60 kilometers of track, between Zugdidi, administrative
center of the Georgian region of Samegrelo, and Ochamchira have been
removed from the railroad and sold for scrap metal. One hundred
million dollars will be needed to repair the stretch, according to
Georgian and Abkhazian officials’ estimates.
If and when completed, the railroad will comply with the 2003 Sochi
agreement between Russian President Vladimir Putin and former
Georgian President Eduard Shevardnadze, which calls for the return of
Georgian refugees to the Gali region, modernization of the Ingurhesi
hydroelectric plant and reopening of the railroad. While negotiators
are addressing all three issues, some modifications have been made.
Georgia, for one, has agreed to repudiate its condition of a
simultaneous return of Georgian refugees to the Gali region.
Customs issues have also been discussed, but not yet resolved. In his
interview, Shamba dismissed this obstacle by focusing on the benefits
the railway will provide. ” We have been cut off from each other for
too long. Communication links will resume. We will be able to start
reconciling the conflicts in the Caucasus. And as the world is now
connected, we, too, must consider the economic development for the
Caucasus. The railway will create an entrepreneurial zone.”
Both Georgian and Abkhaz residents of Abkhazia appear to support this
idea. “Any means to develop a bridge of communication is a good
thing,” said one Georgian from Gali who gave his name as Besik B. “We
want peace. The railroad is a link to peace.”
That view was echoed by de facto Deputy Foreign Minister Maxim
Gunjia, who described the railway as an option for greater regional
cooperation. “We wouldn’t need the EU [European Union] or the CIS
[Commonwealth of Independent States] if we had a Transcaucasus
Federation where borders would be open, electricity shared — an
economically united union.”
Others see a restored railroad as essential if Abkhazia will not fall
even further behind into economic isolation. “It’s the 21st century
and look at how we have to transport ourselves!” exclaimed one man as
he crossed the railroad bridge between Georgia and Abkhazia.
The decrepit bridge across the Inguri has been rigged with planks and
cables, providing residents with a precarious, yet unrestricted means
for travel between the two territories. With the exception of the
Russian peacekeeping forces, there are no border checkpoints.
Nevertheless, some Abkhazians like Nugzar O., a resident of Gali, see
the railway as just another political promise. “They say the railway
will help the country . . . we’ll see if they ever build it or not.”

Lraper Church Bulletin 07/08/2005
Contact: Deacon Vagharshag Seropyan
Armenian Patriarchate
TR-34130 Kumkapi, Istanbul
T: +90 (212) 517-0970, 517-0971
F: +90 (212) 516-4833, 458-1365
[email protected]
FOUR NEW PRIESTS ORDAINED IN JOYOUS ATMOSPHERE
Photos at (English page)
On the Feast of Saints Giragos and Hughida (Cyriac and Judith),
Thursday 28 July 2005, following Matins, the bells of the Armenian
Church of the Holy Mother of God in Besiktas rang in festive joy, as
a procession headed by the Cross led His Beatitude Mesrob II,
Armenian Patriarch of Istanbul and All Turkey through the crowd of
believers who packed the nave and the two galleries of the church in
the stifling, humid heat.  Assisting Patriarch Mesrob were the Revd.
Fathers Tatul Anusyan, Goryun Fenerciyan, Deacons Vahe Islemeciyan,
Setrak Davuthan, Roy Kucukates and a group of young acolytes. The
polyphonic setting of the liturgical hymns by Gomidas was sung by a
male choir of thirty singers directed by the Revd. Dr. Krikor
Damatyan. His Grace Archbishop Shahan Sivaciyan, Patriarchal Vicar,
and the Revd. Fr. John Whooley of the Roman Catholic Diocese of
Westminster, England, together with the members of all the Armenian
parishes in Istanbul assisted in the chancel.
LAYING ON OF HANDS
Patriarch Mesrob celebrated the Divine Liturgy until the end of the
Great Litany of the Synaxis, interrupting the service just before the
readings in order to perform the first part of the Holy Mystery of
Ordination which consists of the Laying on of Hands.
The Reverend Deacons Sahag Bicakciyan, Sevan Civanyan, Harutyun
Babigyan and Hayg Koparyan who were kneeling at the threshold of the
chancel were then led by their sponsors the Very Revd. Hieromonk
Tatul Anusyan and the Revd. Dr. Krikor Damatyan via the southern
stairs, up on to the bema. When the ordinands reached the southern
side of the bema, their sponsors asked the Patriarch to ordain the
deacons to the Holy Order of Priesthood.
The Patriarch then asked publicly whether the ordinands were worthy,
civilized, wise and saintly. The sponsoring clergymen replied, “as
much as our human weakness allows us to know, we know and guarantee
that they are wise and saintly enough to take upon themselves the
holy order of priesthood.”
The ordinands, still on their knees, were then led by their sponsors
towards the Patriarch in front of whom they formed a hemicircle.  The
ordinands then publicly read their priestly oath – making their
evangelical vows of chastity, poverty and obedience and  promising to
remain within the jurisdiction of the Patriarchal See of Istanbul, in
obedience to the holy canons of the Armenian Church and the Patriarch
of Istanbul and his successors, with the help of God.
The ordinands were then led to the centre of the bema.  Facing West,
towards the faithful, they raised their hands to the sides of their
heads, renouncing the world, in submission to the Triune God whose
service they wished to enter. The Patriarch and the clergymen on the
bema supported them, chanting the following declaration three times:
“The divine and heavenly grace that always provides for the needs of
the holy orders of the Apostolic Church calls Deacons Sahag, Sevan,
Harutyun and Hayg from the diaconate to the priesthood in order to
serve the Holy Church, by their own testimony and that of all the
people.” Each time, the congregation replied, chanting: “They are
worthy!”
The ordinands then turned East, towards the altar, as the Patriarch
laid his crossed hands on their heads and said: “I lay my hands on
this man;  all of you pray with me that he may be worthy of
preserving the order of priesthood immaculate before the altar of the
Lord God.”  Following the prayer of ordination, the Patriarch took
the diaconal stoles hung on the left shoulders of the ordinands,
kissed them, and then placed them around the necks of the ordinands,
in the manner of priestly stoles, symbolizing righteousness, with
which the Christian must gird himself to resist sin.
CONSECRATION
Following the readings, the recitation of the Nicene Creed, the Great
Entrance and the setting forth of the Gifts, the Divine Liturgy was
again interrupted just before the Kiss of Peace in order to perform
the second part of the Holy Mystery of Ordination, namely the
consecration with Holy Myron (chrism) and the naming of the new
priests.
Kneeling before the Patriarch, the new priests then received from him
first the priestly phelonion, a black cope worn by all priests during
church services, and then the liturgical vestments worn by Armenian
priests when they officiate at the Divine Liturgy or other holy
mysteries – the priestly mitre, the girdle and the cope.
The new priests were then taken to the vestry where they were
properly vested. The bells of the church rang in spiritual joy, the
choir sang the Hymn of Entrance, and the faithful stood in reverence
as the fully vested priests were led by the deacons into the
sanctuary from the right side of the altar.
The dove-shaped silver vessel containing the Blessed Myron or chrism
was brought into the sanctuary from the baptismal chapel by the Revd.
Fr. Yegya Kervanciyan as the hymn of Holy Pentecost, “Gentanarar
Asdvadz” was sung in unison.
As another hymn of Holy Pentecost, “Arakelo Aghavno” was sung, the
Patriarch poured the Holy Myron into a silver bowl and then a wave of
spiritual joy swept through the church as every believer present in
the church began to sing, “Amen, Alleluia, Alleluia, Alleluia! … by
the sign of the Holy Cross, the Holy Gospel, the Myron which emanates
holiness and the grace of this day, along with the name of the
Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, now and ever, and to the ages of
ages, Amen!” While everyone sang, the Patriarch consecrated the
foreheads and the hands of the new priests, renaming Deacon Sahag
“Der Zaven”, Deacon Sevan “Der Zohrab”, Deacon Harutyun “Der Zadig”
and Deacon Hayg “Der Zakar”.
The Patriarch then authorized the new priests to celebrate the Divine
Liturgy as he took the chalice with the holy gifts and placed them on
the consecrated hands of the new priests.
Next, the Patriarch authorized the new priests to give their priestly
blessings to the people of God as he took the thurible and, while
incensing, thrice instructed each priest to give his blessing. In
order of seniority, each new priest came forward.  Turning East
towards the altar he said, “Blessing and glory to the Father and to
the Son and to the Holy Spirit, now and ever, and to the ages of
ages. Amen.” And then turning West towards the faithful he said,
“Peace to all.”
Once all four new priests had given their priestly blessings thrice,
the Patriarch concluded the Holy Mystery of Ordination to the Sacred
Order of Priesthood, blessing them with these words: “The blessing of
the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit descend upon you who
have fully become priests in order to offer the Body and Blood of
Christ for the peace of the world and the remission of sins. Amen.”
THE HOMILY
In his homily, Patriarch Mesrob first explained the new names of the
priests who had just been ordained, explaining that Zaven meant
“helper,” Zohrab “radiant in red,” Zadig “sacrifice,” and finally
Zakar/ya “memory of God.” These words, the Patriarch said, help us
understand some of the most important duties of a priest.
In some versions of the Bible, the word paraclete is translated as
“helper”, referring to the Holy Spirit who “teaches all things and
brings to rememberance all things that Christ said to us (Jn14:26)”
and who “testifies about Christ” (Jn.15:26).  Reminding the faithful,
and especially the younger generation, of the teachings of Christ,
reminding them of Christ as a person and witnessing to him as Lord
and Saviour are tasks that every priest will daily undertake.
This is a supreme spiritual warfare against evil, and this is exactly
what the reddish radiance implies: “Therefore, take up the full
armour of God, so that you will be able to resist on the evil day,
and having done everything, to stand firm. Stand firm therefore,
having girded your loins with truth, and having put on the
breastplate of righteousness, and having shod your feet with the
preparation of the Gospel of peace; in addition to all, taking up the
shield of faith with which you will be able to extinguish all the
flaming arrows of the evil one. And take the helmet of salvation, and
the sword of the Spirit, which is the Word of God. With all prayer
and petition pray at all times in the Spirit, and with this in view,
be on the alert with all perseverance and petition for all the
saints… (Eph 6:13-18)”. This struggle against evil is martyria, a
wholesome witnessing that Jesus is the Son sent for us and for our
salvation by God, whom we must love with all our hearts, all our
souls, all our minds, and all our strength (Mk.12:30).
The Church is the spiritual body of Christ on earth (1Cor 12:12-27),
and the heart of Christ that pumps blood to all the members of that
body is the Surp Badarak, the Divine Liturgy, through which we
proclaim  that Christ sacrificed himself for us on the Cross. It is
also a proclamation that we, as Christians, are all expecting his
Second Coming (1Co.11:23-26). The Church authorizes only those who
have been ordained priests to celebrate the Divine Liturgy.
Just as God remembers his covenant with his people (Gen.9:15), so
must men remember that they are bound to God, the Creator of heaven
and earth, by covenant. Our faith as a whole is based on the
remembrance of the marvellous works of God in the past and the
martyrdom of the great witnesses who have fought the good fight. The
priest, aware of the needs of his people, beseeches the Lord on
behalf of his people and, vice versa, he represents God before his
people, reminding them of the covenant they have with him. 
The Patriarch reminded those present that Armenian Church Fathers and
leaders have displayed a great sense of priesthood, and when
necessary martyrdom, often involving sacrifice of their lives, in
order to live out their faith as witnesses proclaiming the Lordship
of Christ, our Saviour. Nothing has been able to deter the Armenians
as a nation from this faith since the third century when the Armenian
Kingdom was the first state in history that embraced the Christian
faith as the official religion of the people.  This tradition, the
Patriarch concluded, lays a great responsibility on the shoulders of
each person of faith, especially the clergy, in order to pass this
faith on to the generations to come.
Finally, Patriarch Mesrob congratulated the newly ordained priests
and their families and relatives on the happy occasion of their
ordination. 
THE KISS OF PEACE
Immediately after the Patriarch’s homily, the Divine Liturgy
continued with the Kiss of Peace, as all the bishops, priests,
deacons, readers and acolytes present in the church, led by the
Patriarch himself, went up to the bema, kissed the Holy Gifts on the
altar and then kissed the anointed foreheads and the hands of the new
priests, congratulating them for their ordination to the Sacred Order
of the Priesthood.
The new priests then flanked the Patriarch before the altar and
attended him as he went through the rest of the Divine Liturgy.
BLESSING OF THE MONASTIC HOOD
At the end of the Divine Liturgy, the newly ordained Fr. Zadig
Babigyan,  who had decided to enter the rank of hieromonks, knelt
before the Patriarch, who blessed a monastic hood and placed it on
his head, praying that the Lord would give him the strength to live a
celibate life in his service.
CONGRATULATIONS
As the Patriarch left the church with the procession, the faithful
who had witnessed the ordination of the four new priests lined up in
order to approach them in the chancel and to kiss their anointed
hands as they read the Gospel placed on the lecterns.
FESTIVE LUNCHEON
The Parish Council and the Ladies’ Guild of the Besiktas community
then held a festive luncheon in the Balyan Hall of the church in
honour of the newly ordained priests, attended by the Patriarch,
Archbishop Sahan, the clergy, the choir members and the family and
friends of the new priests. Garbis Balmumcuyan and Baruyr Kebabciyan,
representing the Besiktas Parish Council and the alumni of the Holy
Cross Lycee (the former seminary) respectively, made speeches
congratulating the newly ordained priests. The gathering ended with
the closing remarks by Archbishop Sahan Sivaciyan who spoke of his
own experiences in the service of the Lord as a priest.
FORTY DAYS OF SECLUSION
According to Armenian tradition, after the luncheon the newly
ordained priests returned to the Patriarchate where they were
assigned rooms for seclusion. Following ordination, resembling the
forty days of Christ in the desert, Armenian priests must experience
fourty days of seclusion, fasting,
prayer and meditation before they are allowed to celebrate their
first Divine Liturgy. It is up to the discernment of the ruling
bishop to decide whether to shorten or to lengthen the period of
seclusion in order to render this period of spiritual awareness more
fruitful.  Traditionally, during this period the new priests have
only one vegan meal per day at sundown and read through the seven
daily services in the Book of Hours. Each daily meal is provided by a
different community member. Following his first Divine Liturgy, the
new priest prays for the repose of the souls of the relatives of
those who have provided him meals during the period of seclusion.
REVD. FR. ZADIG BABIGYAN (Hieromonk)
Born in Istanbul in 1951, his baptismal name was Harutyun.  He
graduated from the Esayan Primary School and Getronagan High School.
 Between 1970 and 1976 he worked in the printing house of the Turkish
Armenian Teachers’ Foundation as a typist.  Between 1976 and 1978 he
served in the Turkish Armed Forces.  In 1980 he established his own
printing house which he directed successfully for twenty years.
 Between 2000 and 2004 he was an undergraduate student at the
Department of Theology in Yerevan State University, Armenia. Having
graduated, he was ordained a reader by Archbishop Sahan Sivaciyan.
Later in the same year he was ordained a subdeacon by Bishop Aram
Atesyan, just before he began his one-year course of studies at the
Theological Seminary of the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia. On 3
July 2005, on the Feast of the Holy Transfiguration, he was ordained
a Deacon by Archbishop Sahan Sivaciyan. On 28 July 2005, on the Feast
of Saints Giragos and Hughida (Cyriac and Judith), he was ordained a
celibate priest by His Beatitude Patriarch Mesrob II, in the Holy
Mother of God Armenian Church in Besiktas.
REVD. FR. ZAVEN BICAKCIYAN (Married Priest)
Born in Kayseri (Caesarea of Cappadocia) in 1951, his baptismal name
was Sahag.  He attended a local primary school. His family migrated
to Istanbul where, in 1969, he graduated from the Holy Cross Lycee in
Uskudar (former Patriarchal Theological Seminary). He is a graduate
of the Department of Psychology of the University of Istanbul. Apart
from his B.Sc. degree, he obtained diplomas in Social Philosophy,
Social Psychology and Education. Having successfully completed the
Capa State Hospital courses in Clinical Psychology, he obtained the
Diploma of Proficiency in Psychology. He served in the Turkish Armed
Forces as an officer in Tuzla and Kirklareli between 1975 and 1977.
Returning to Istanbul, he married Hayganus Nazig Migiryan and had
three sons – Avedis, Arman and Herman. He was ordained a reader in
1964 by Patriarch Shnorhk of blessed memory.  As of 1980, he was a
regular student attending the Bible and Liturgy courses organized by
the Patriarchal See.  He was ordained a subdeacon by Archbishop
Mesrob Mutafyan in 1997, after which he was authorized by Patriarch
Karekin II of blessed memory to provide ministry to the Turkish
speaking Armenian faithful as a lay preacher.  He was ordained a
deacon by Archbishop Karekin Bekciyan in 2004.  On 28 July 2005, on
the Feast of Saints Giragos and Hughida (Cyriac and Judith), he was
ordained a married priest by His Beatitude Patriarch Mesrob II, in
the Holy Mother of God Armenian Church in Besiktas.
REVD. FR. ZOHRAB CIVANYAN (Married Priest)
Born in Gedikpasa, Istanbul in 1960, his baptismal name was Sevan. 
He attended the Mesrobyan Elementary School in Gedikpasa.  He
graduated from the Getronagan High School in Galata.  In 1982 he
graduated from the Department of Architectural Engineering in
Istanbul Technical University.  In 1984 he received his M.Sc. degree
from the same university.  He served in the Turkish Armed Forces as
an officer in Izmir and Kars.  Returning to Istanbul, he worked as an
engineer and in 1998 he married Tanya Papciyan.  Since his childhood,
he continuously served as an acolyte in the Armenian Church of Saint
John the Evangelist in Gedikpasa.  He participated in the lessons and
activities organized by the Zvartnots and Sayat Nova Choral
Associations.  He attended the weekly revival sermons in Gedikpasa
preached by Archbishop Mesrob Mutafyan (before his election as
Patriarch) and later by the Very Revd. Hieromonk Sahag Masalyan.  In
1974 he was ordained a reader by Archbishop Sahan Sivaciyan.  In 1982
he was authorized to wear a stole by Patriarch Shnorhk of blessed
memory.  In 2004 he was ordained a subdeacon by Bishop Aram Atesyan
and in 2005 he was ordained a deacon by Patriarch Mesrob II.  In June
2005 he successfully completed his one-year course of studies at the
Theological Seminary of the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia.  On 28
July 2005, on the Feast of Saints Giragos and Hughida (Cyriac and
Judith), he was ordained a married priest by His Beatitude Patriarch
Mesrob II, in the Holy Mother of God Armenian Church in Besiktas.
REVD. FR. ZAKAR KOPARYAN (Married Priest)
Born in Istanbul in 1972, his baptismal name was Hayg.  He graduated
from the Nersesyan-Yermonyan Primary School in Uskudar.  In 1990 he
graduated from the Holy Cross Lycee in Uskudar (former Patriarchal
Theological Seminary).  He attended a professional course and
obtained a diploma in accountancy.  He then worked as an accountant.
 He served in the Turkish Armed Forces between 1996 and 1998.  He
married Lusyen Balik in 1999 and in 2002 had a daughter, Mane.  As of
the year 1998, he attended the Bible Study courses organized by the
Patriarchal See.   Between 1999 and 2004, he was an undergraduate
student at the Department of Theology in Yerevan State University,
Armenia.  Having graduated, he was ordained a reader by Archbishop
Sahan Sivaciyan.  Later in the same year, he was ordained a subdeacon
by Bishop Aram Atesyan, just before he began his one-year course of
studies at the Theological Seminary of the Armenian Catholicosate of
Cilicia.  On 3 July 2005, on the Feast of the Holy Transfiguration,
he was ordained a Deacon by Archbishop Sahan Sivaciyan.  On 28 July
2005, on the Feast of Saints Giragos and Hughida (Cyriac and Judith),
he was ordained a married priest by His Beatitude Patriarch Mesrob
II, in the Holy Mother of God Armenian Church in Besiktas.
–Boundary_(ID_fo+Ue0YddCeuMif9NvoKdg)–

They grow ’em big in Armenia
By Holly Fesperman
The Salisbury Post (Salisbury, North Carolina)
Thursday, August 4, 2005
When Larry Frick saw the first small cucumbers on his vines,
he revisited the seed package. Frick thought for sure he’d gotten
English Cucumber seeds, but these cucumbers didn’t look at all like
ones he’d grown in the past.
He was surprised to find that his seed package actually read,
“Armenian Yard Long Cucumbers.”
The back of the package described the cukes – “long, curved, grey-green
fruits are 2-3 feet long with a diameter of 3 inches.”
Frick said he didn’t pay any attention to that when he bought them
at Wal-Mart, he just picked up the seed pack that looked like what
he wanted.
As a matter of fact, the Armenian cukes did look much greener and
less strange in the seed package picture.
Frick must have done something right because his cucumbers nearly
lived up to their name. His longest cuke came in at 28 1/2 inches.
Even though he didn’t grow English cucumbers he hasn’t been
disappointed. The Armenian variety are great on salads, and they
aren’t quite as strong tasting as regular cucumbers, Frick said.
One cucumber lasts him a while, he just cuts off what he needs and
covers the rest with plastic wrap. Frick stores the uneaten portion
in the refrigerator until his next salad or tasty cucumber sandwich.
Maybe Frick’s cucumbers aren’t so strange after all, he saw what
looked like Armenian cukes in the Food Lion sale paper last week.
He’s definitely seen some strange vegetables through the years. When
Frick was in his twenties, a service station in Rockwell sponsored
a vegetable competition similar to the Post’s Garden Game.
People in the community would bring in their vegetables and at the
end of several weeks the person with the biggest veggie would win
five or ten gallons of gas.
That was back when gas was 20 or 30 cents a gallon, said Frick.
During one service station competition, Frick remembers someone
bringing in a five and a half pound tomato.
Frick said he may have won that competition years ago if he’d had
the Armenian cukes.
He’s planning to give the biggest one away to lady at his church that
loves to grow produce as well.
PHOTO CAPTION: A strange kind of longhorn steer: Larry Frick
demonstrates an alternative use for the large cucumbers he grew. Photo
by Jon C. Lakey, Salisbury Post.