The Sleazy Life and Nasty Death of Russia’s Spam King
Wired News
June 26 2006
He withheld pay from employees, boasted of his sexual adventures,
enraged government officials, and flooded Russia with 25 million emails
a day. Then one morning, Vardan Kushnir’s mother found his bloodied
body on the bathroom floor, skull bashed in. By Brett ForrestPage 1
of 3 next ”
Summer comes late to Moscow, and then barely at all. Windows fling
open as the city breaks winter’s half-year clamp. Locals burst from
dank living quarters, and crushing darkness gives way to high-latitude
sunshine that extends well into the evening. Vardan Kushnir returned
to his third-floor apartment in central Moscow on such a summer night
last July, his head lightened by several rounds of top-shelf booze
at a dark cliche of a club where female patrons often danced topless
on the bar. It was time for a last drink or two in the company of
several young women, one of them reportedly 15 years old. In the life
of Russia’s most despised Internet figure, this was just another night.
Although he never came to love his -adopted city, Kushnir had created
a comfortable existence for himself here. His business, the American
Language Center (ALC), which taught English to Russian nationals, was
thriving on the back of a relentless spamming campaign. Twenty-five
million emails a day generated enough new clients to subsidize
Kushnir’s heroic bouts of clubbing and sex, indulging himself in a
way that was remarkable even in a city known for its profound lack
of shame.
Kushnir dreamed of becoming a famous software developer – “like Bill
Gates” – but instead took a more inglorious path. His endless spam
and boastful escapades made him a source of irritation throughout
Moscow. He battled government officials and exasperated- everyone else,
especially his own employees. But his faith in Scientology gave him
a peculiar calm. Even as his cash-and-carry lifestyle plunged him
into chaos, he never raised his voice, never appeared to anger. All
the loathing only amused Kushnir, as he managed to keep his enemies
at distant remove.
Until that hot night. Kushnir shared an apartment on Sadovaya-Karetnaya
Street with his mother, Olga, and the alley cats he always seemed
to be taking in. As she always did when her son brought girls home,
Olga had agreed to sleep in a nearby studio. The next morning, she
returned to the apartment to find his bloody corpse on the bathroom
floor. Police soon followed. Even a year later, they still won’t
disclose the exact course of events. According to news reports, the
35-year-old entrepreneur returned home in the early morning with three
young women, one of whom he had encountered at the Hungry Duck, a club
on the unsubtle end of Moscow’s meet and greet. Cocktails were poured,
and the girls slipped a tranquilizer into his drink. Soon enough,
Kushnir was out cold. But the dose didn’t keep him down long. When
he came to, the young women struck him on the head.
Kushnir was in trouble, and it was about to get worse. Several males –
friends of the girls – arrived. One newspaper describes them scaling
the drainpipe and entering through an apartment window. The group
now numbered at least five, and some of them began to beat Kushnir
savagely, smashing his skull and leaving him immobile on the floor,
blood silently flooding the tiles.
When Kushnir’s mother discovered the body in the morning, it was
already chill to the touch. “There was so much blood,” she says.
After the cops had come and gone and the corpse was on a slab at the
morgue, one of Moscow’s yellow journals headlined the episode with
triumphant cynicism: “THE SPAMMER HAD IT COMING.”
Vardan Kushnir grew up in Armenia. His father skipped out early
on, and his mother raised him alone. As a teenager, he excelled-
in math and physics, winning an invitation to study at the Moscow
Technological Institute of Light Industry. After graduation, he spent
a year in Los Angeles and returned to Moscow speaking English- with
almost no accent. In 1994, he opened the ALC, tapping US expats to
teach English to Russians.
Russia in the mid-’90s was plagued by open gang warfare and unchecked
theft of state assets. Getting rich – billionaire rich – had less to
do with working diligently or coming up with ideas than it did with
brute force. The overt signs of privilege were the black Mercedes and
impudent swagger of an oil baron. It was in this era of conspicuous
wealth that Kushnir launched a new company he hoped would make him
a ton of money.
Kushnir diverted his attention to Sophim, a US-based company he
founded with a partner in Florida. They developed an application,
Edifact Prime, based on a pre-Internet, business-to-business ordering
standard. But after several years and many trips to Florida, Kushnir
saw his seed money chewed up by costly trade shows. By 2001, the
venture was all but shelved, and Kushnir returned his focus to the
ALC, which had been providing enough income to support him and his
mother while he worked on Sophim.
This time, though, he had a new weapon in his arsenal: spam. He
had used bulk email to sell shares of Sophim (until the state of
Kansas told him he needed a brokerage license). Now he launched
into his Russian spam operation with the frenetic energy typical
of a post-Soviet entrepreneur. “He would change his thoughts and
decisions every couple of hours,” a longtime ALC office manager
says. “He had too many ideas. He wanted to do everything all at once,
as fast as possible.”
After bouncing between servers in Russia and Germany, Kushnir hooked
into the Chinese market, where $1,000 pays a month’s rent on a server
that can send 7 million emails a day. While administering the ALC’s
daily operations, he obsessed over beating spam filters, locating new
servers, buying email lists, and anything else that would widen his
web. It worked. By 2003, a year into the onslaught, company revenue
had doubled. The ALC had more than 110 students, and it was clearing
as much as $13,000 a month. With minuscule rent and overhead, Kushnir
bagged the lion’s share. It was hardly a fortune by US standards,
but in Moscow, where the average salary is about $2,600 a year,
it vaulted him into the minor aristocracy.
Igor Vishnevsky removes a metallic Bluetooth nugget from his ear
before sliding onto a leather couch in Le Gâteau, a poor imitation of a
French cafe. He casts an eye through the window and onto the movements
of Tverskaya, Moscow’s glossy main avenue, a blur of billboards and
hot lights. Almost a year after Kushnir’s death, Vishnevsky, a spam
engineer Kushnir recruited from Belarus- to run the ALC’s technical
opera-tions, has no regrets about how they found new customers. “If a
person says he hates spam,” Vishnevsky says, blowing on his espresso,
“then he means he hates advertising, which he sees everywhere.”
The ALC’s spam operation was crude, but effective: Vishnevsky would
send spider software to crawl the Net, collecting email addresses and
adding them to the rolls several hundred thousand at a time. He also
worked with suppliers – paying a few hundred dollars for a million
addresses. To fool spam filters, Kushnir would insert random spaces
between words in the subject line, or turn the body into a GIF or
JPEG. At its peak, the operation was generating an average of 15
interested would-be ALC students every day.
But the system was as buggy as it was crude, sometimes sending emails
to the same people more than 50 times a day. Complaints streamed in.
People swore, threatened, raged – anything to eradicate the nuisance.
“They used the word fuck much more often than other words,” Vishnevsky
says.
Kushnir shrugged off the grievances, often finding solace in one of
the Scientology books scattered around the office, muttering that
opinions mattered little in the face of financial growth. For him,
spam was effective; everything else was wasted chatter. “We spammed
everyone five days per week,” Vishnevsky says. “We gave them a break
on holidays.”
As the months wore on, protest groups – one was called the
Anti-American Language Center – sprang up on Russian-language Web
sites. Kushnir had become widely despised, but his resolve only
stiffened into a schoolboy’s smugness. “It was classic Soviet linear
thinking,” says Mike McAtavey, a former ALC instructor. “I get 250
customers and a billion nuisance calls. If I triple my input, I’ll
get 750 customers.” And, of course, 3 billion nuisance calls.
Spam was so cheap that Kushnir began using it simply to attract
attention to the ALC – even in places where he couldn’t hope to
generate business. He spammed far-off countries like Israel, Spain,
France, and the US. “There was no concern for being liked,” says Rick
Farouni, who worked at the ALC for two years.
Then Kushnir began attracting the wrong kind of attention. In 2003,
his spam reached Andrey Korotkov, then Russia’s deputy minister of
communications. Soon Korotkov was getting 10 ALC emails a day. When
he tried to unsubscribe, the messages doubled and started arriving
addressed to him by name. “I took it as a joke,” Korotkov says,
“to show me that there was nothing I could do to stop them.”
In 2004, Korotkov raised the issue at an Internet symposium held in
Moscow’s Central Telegraph building and attended by influential ISP
reps, advertising executives, journalists, and government officials.
Russia has no laws against spam, so Korotkov canvassed the panel,
asking what could be done to stop Kushnir. The only solution anyone
could offer smacked of the ALC’s own tactics – revenge by inundation.
The following morning, the ALC was flooded with 1,000 prerecorded
calls featuring Korotkov’s booming voice: “I want to warn you that if
you continue your illegal activity, then the necessary measures will
be taken, not just by me.” It was only a scare tactic, and Kushnir
knew it. “We just laughed at him,” Vishnevsky says, noting that the
episode prompted Kushnir to boast that no spam operation had ever
generated such negative response.
Kushnir acknowledged the counterattack by toying with Korotkov,
sending still more emails to the minister’s inbox, but with a new
theme. “You very badly need Viagra,” they read. “And we have girls
here waiting to serve you. We are going to give you a special test
to check your sexual potential. You must buy one ton of Viagra.”
A defeated Korotkov merely deleted the messages. “What else could I
do?” he says, likening himself to a caged animal. “You can make faces
to a bear in the zoo, and he will never reach you. He will just spoil
the air.” Kushnir reveled in the trouble he was causing. “Vardan sent
me a link about the conflict between him and the deputy communications
minister,” says Mikhail Urubkov, a Russian programmer who worked
on Edifact Prime. “He said, ‘See how famous I am.’ It was a game to
him.” And not the only game he liked to play.
The night might begin at Mio, a club not far from the ALC office,
where impressing the insecure teens behind Fendi sunglasses was as
easy as explaining to them the contents of the California rolls
they just ordered. Against this backdrop, a successful Internet-
entrepreneur would be king.
At 35, Kushnir’s blond hair had receded in a wide scoop across
his scalp, sticking up in wisps that he did little to contain,
and his face wore the evidence of many late nights. But as a man of
inscrutable international experience who never ran low on ruble notes,
Kushnir didn’t have to work hard in places like Mio to attract young
women. He would glide around, introducing himself as the director of
the American Language Center, until he found a taker. “Most of the
girls had heard about his spamming,” Vishnevsky says. “They found him
fascinating.” If that wasn’t enough, he’d tell stories about how he
owned a big house in America, where he was a man of great consequence.
But Kushnir soon grew bored and began looking beyond the usual club
scene. Former employees say he slipped into a dark void of orgies,
prostitution, and whatever happened to be past the edge. He relied
on a network of whore joints that ring the city. Sometimes he’d head
to a gambling boat moored on a canal along Moscow’s back side. There
he would strip naked and lie prone as two women licked him from head
to toe.
Kushnir would often arrive at work on Monday morning wearing a smirk,
recounting another tale of strange accomplishment. One afternoon he
exclaimed, “Finally, I found it,” and summoned an employee to his desk,
where he pointed to an online ad for a mother-daughter sex team.
Employees were put off by Kushnir’s behavior, but they were far
-angrier about the fact that he withheld their salaries. Many of his
workers were expat thrill-seekers, Moscow short-timers who eventually
figured out the situation and quit the ALC with a lesson in the ways of
Russian labor. When an employee did confront him, Kushnir grew oddly
pacific. “Why are you putting all this pressure on me?” he asked,
adopting the even tone of a superior conscience. “Why are you getting
so angry? You should read some L. Ron Hubbard.” He then offered a
volume on Scientology from his bookshelf.
The nobility of such gestures was lost on most. “His only authority
was L. Ron Hubbard,” Vishnevsky says. “He didn’t consider other people
as friends. He considered himself above them.”
While those around Kushnir fumed at his sanctimony, he remained
oblivious, descending into ever-stranger behavior. “He was spending all
he earned,” McAtavey says, explaining how Kushnir, between headlong
binges on sex and spam, would comb the city for odd flourishes of
fashion that would make him stand out in a crowd of wealthy suitors. “I
came in one day and he was wearing an expensive silver silk ascot,”
McAtavey says. “That’s what I remember – the silk ascot and not
getting paid.” “When Kushnir died, there were some people around
here who were not disappointed,” adds another former employee. “He
had enemies. There’s no question about it.”
The tallest Lenin statue in Moscow stands in October Square. Lenin
strides with his chin up, greatcoat trailing behind him, caught up
in the rushing wind of what was supposed to have been progress. A
short walk from the statue, the American Language Center occupies
a third-floor office in a redbrick schoolhouse. It’s a rec room of
Americana. A poster of the Brooklyn Bridge hangs beside an American
flag and a topographical map of the US. The ALC still operates today,
albeit with reduced fanfare. There are far fewer students, no spam
campaigns, and the occasional phone call handled by whoever’s around.
Kushnir’s mother runs the business now. She’s a lonely figure deep in
middle age, sharing photos of her son and memories of his last evening.
The night of the murder, his assailants reportedly swiped a few
items from the apartment, including a laptop, which led the Moscow
prosecutor’s office to suggest the event may have been a botched
robbery. His mother doesn’t believe it. “There were three or four
of them,” she says. “If they wanted to rob him, they could have tied
him up, locked him in the bathroom. They came to kill him.”
Part sanctimonious sexual adventurer, part ruthless spammer, Kushnir
left a wake of displeasure as he waded through life. In a well-ordered
world, he would have been a social outcast. But Moscow has its own
kind of order, and it’s easy to imagine how Kushnir’s brash gestures
could have pushed the wrong person too far. There may be little shame
in this town, but there are certainly consequences. By crossing the
line from entrepreneurial hustler to remorseless nuisance, Kushnir
made himself vulnerable.
Not long before his death, even Kushnir began to ache over his
own excesses. He told one employee that he wanted to restrain his
desires, that he needed some self-control to become, in his words,
“a strong man.”
In August 2005, Moscow authorities detained four people in connection
with the Kushnir murder. No names have been released, no trial
date set. Russian police officials and prosecutors have officially
embargoed- all information about the case. And so, a year later,
everything is playing out behind closed doors. Or not playing out at
all. As time goes on, the killing only recedes deeper into memory.
After all, dozens of people meet a violent end every week in Moscow.
Kushnir was buried a half hour’s drive outside of town, amid tall
grasses and unregimented tombstones. After a quiet ceremony, a bus
carried mourners to the American Language Center. The people ate
and drank and said not much of anything, understanding that Vardan
Kushnir had become too much even for Russia to bear.
Brett Forrest () is a Moscow-based writer.
–Boundary_(ID_tnBNsTm84ROwN4LOaiMmHQ)–
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
Author: Emil Lazarian
Prayers sent out to end the conflict
Prayers sent out to end the conflict
Toronto Sun, Canada
June 26 2006
By BRIAN GRAY, TORONTO SUN
Toronto’s Armenian community — many with family members living in
Lebanon and around the Middle East — prayed for peace last night in
a North York church.
“My sister and my brothers are in Beirut and I pray everyday for
their safety, but it feels good to get together with everyone and
pray as one,” Talar Harkidian said. “We don’t choose sides we only
choose peace.”
Harkidian was one of several hundred from different denominations —
including Armenian, Greek and Assyrian Orthodox and Catholic churches
and Lebanese Maronites — invited to St. Mary’s Apostolic Armenian
Church near Victoria Park and Sheppard Ave. E.
“We are here on this occasion for a mass for peace,” said Pastor
Meyhrig Parikian, who led the prayers and said the congregation wasn’t
choosing sides. “We pray for peace all over the world.”
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
Russia may deploy its air-defense systems in Armenia
Expert: Russia may deploy its air-defense systems in Armenia
Regnum, Russia
June 26 2006
“If Georgian-Ossetian and Georgian-Abkhaz conflicts escalate, it will
reflect in the whole Southern and Northern Caucasus,” Director of the
Center for Military and Political Forecasting Anatoly Tsyganok stated
on July 25, 2006 during ‘Russia and Georgia: Variants of Way out from
Deadlock’ press conference in Moscow, a REGNUM correspondent informs.
“Even if presidents of Chechnya, Ingushetia, Kabardino-Balkariya, and
other Caucasian republics call on their people not to participate in
these conflicts, it does not mean that some representatives of these
peoples will not participate in them,” Mr. Tsyganok believes. “It is
Caucasus – they have relatives everywhere,” he added.
According to Mr. Tsyganok, Russia does not wish these conflicts’
escalation. “If Russia fails to agree with Georgia, it will deploy
its air-defense systems in the Armenian territory, strengthening and
securing its borders in such way,” he believes.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
New poll shows Armenians equally supoprtive of Russia, West
NEW POLL SHOWS ARMENIANS EQUALLY SUPPORTIVE OF RUSSIA, WEST
Eurasia Daily Monitor, DC –
June 26 2006
By Emil Danielyan
A U.S.-funded opinion poll released this month paints an interesting,
if contradictory, picture of the geopolitical preferences of Armenia’s
population. It shows that the vast majority of Armenians continue to
support the close political and military ties with Russia maintained
by their government. At the same, they regard the European Union as
the most trustworthy international institution and would like their
country to eventually join the bloc. Public support for Armenia’s
eventual accession to NATO likewise seems to be considerably stronger
than it was in the past.
The voter survey, commissioned by the U.S. Agency for International
Development, was designed and conducted in early May by the Gallup
Organization, the U.S. International Republican Institute, as well
as the Armenian Sociological Association. Some 1,200 people randomly
interviewed across Armenia were asked to weigh in on a wide range of
issues mainly relating to domestic politics and economic development.
It emerged that most of them feel the tiny South Caucasus state is
on the wrong track, despite being optimistic about its future.
The poll suggests that ordinary Armenians also want two seemingly
irreconcilable things: continued alliance with Russia and integration
into European and Euro-Atlantic structures. Eighty-six percent of
respondents described Russia as Armenia’s most important international
partner, considering it, with varying degrees of conviction, to
be a “trustworthy ally.” Not surprisingly, public support for the
presence of a Russian military base on Armenian soil is still strong,
with almost two-thirds of those polled saying that it has a positive
impact on their country’s independence and stability. Only 6% referred
to Russia as an external threat.
These figures reflect a traditionally strong pro-Russian sentiment
in Armenia, where many people have for centuries looked to Moscow
for protection against hostile Muslim neighbors. It has only been
reinforced by Armenia’s unresolved conflict with Azerbaijan over
Karabakh and extremely strained relations with Turkey. Still, there
are clear indications that this sentiment has been slowly but steadily
eroding not least because of Moscow’s hard bargaining in economic
dealings with Yerevan and the Russian authorities’ perceived reluctance
to tackle racially motivated attacks on Armenian immigrants. Russia’s
waning influence in the South Caucasus and Armenia’s increased contacts
with the Council of Europe, the European Union, NATO, and the United
States have also been a major factor.
The USAID-funded poll offers more proof of this trend. It shows in
particular that Armenians trust the EU more than their army and the
ancient Armenian Apostolic Church. Armenian state institutions and
political parties are trusted by barely one-third of the electorate.
By contrast, 87% and 51% think well of the EU and NATO, respectively.
Accordingly, 80% are in favor of Armenian membership in the EU.
(Curiously, roughly as many respondents want Armenia to remain in
the increasingly moribund Commonwealth of Independent States.)
Public support for NATO membership is much weaker: only 40%
said Armenia should “definitely” or “probably” join the U.S.-led
alliance in the future, with another 45% less than enthusiastic
about such a prospect. Yet the very fact of Armenian public opinion
being essentially split down the middle on the issue marks quite a
significant change from the not-so-distant past when the military
alliance with Russia was hardly even questioned by Armenian
policymakers and ordinary people alike. The change was exposed by
other surveys conducted in the country in recent years.
One such poll, conducted a year ago by the Armenian Center for
National and International Studies (ACNIS), a private think tank,
found that Armenians are evenly divided over NATO membership,
with approximately 34% of them backing or opposing the idea and
the remaining 32% undecided. According to another poll released by
the Yerevan-based polling organization Vox Populi in October 2004,
only 38% percent of the public thought that military cooperation with
Russia should remain the bedrock of Armenian security policy. Earlier
in 2004 ACNIS questioned 50 local political and public policy experts
and found that two-thirds of them stand for Armenia’s accession to
NATO within the next decade. Most of those experts also felt that
Moscow limits their country’s independence.
The apparent change in public mood has proceeded parallel to a
deepening of Yerevan’s cooperation with the EU, NATO, and the United
States as part of what the administration of President Robert Kocharian
calls a “complementary foreign policy.” The Armenian government
launched an individual partnership action plan (IPAP) with NATO last
December and is currently negotiating with the EU on a plan of action
stemming from its inclusion in the bloc’s European Neighborhood Policy
(ENP) program. Kocharian signaled his intention to accelerate Armenia’s
integration into Western structures on July 13 as he presided over a
meeting of a high-level government commission tasked with coordinating
the process. He instructed its members to come up with a timetable of
“concrete activities” resulting from Yerevan’s commitments to the
Council of Europe, the EU, and NATO within the next two months.
How far the Kocharian administration can go in trying to maintain
equally close relations with Russia and the West has been a matter
of contention in Armenia. Pro-Western opposition leaders and other
government critics say Yerevan will sooner or later have to make a
clear strategic choice in favor of one of the parties to the ongoing
geopolitical game in the region. But as the latest poll suggests,
most Armenians share the “complementarity” of their rulers.
(Statement by the Armenian president’s office, July 13; Armenia
National Voter Study, USAID, IRI, Baltic Surveys/The Gallup
Organization, ASA, May 2006; Haykakan Zhamanak, July 2, 2005; RFE/RL
Armenia Report, May 27, 2004)
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
Armenia Reacts to a Request of Assistance by Lebanon
ARMENIA REACTS TO A REQUEST OF ASSISTANCE BY LEBANON
Panorama.am
15:57 26/07/06
The Armenian government held a meeting today to discuss possibilities
of rendering humanitarian aid to Lebanon. Hovik Abrahamyan, Armenian
territorial administration minister, chaired the meeting.
Government press office told Panorama.am that the meeting discussed
coordination of assistance to be rendered to Lebanon upon her request
addressed to world states and the United Nations. The public officials
decided to provide Lebanon with medicine, equipment and tents. The
ministry of finance and economy will draft a decision to submit for
the approval of government session tomorrow. The humanitarian aid may
be transported to Aleppo as soon as late tomorrow on a special flight
if the government approves the draft decision tomorrow./Panorama.am/
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
TEHRAN: Armenian Presidential Advisor Calls on MP
Armenian Presidential Advisor Calls on MP
Fars News Agency, Iran
June 26 2006
TEHRAN (Fars News Agency)- Armenian President’s Security Advisor met
with the member of the presiding board of Iran’s Islamic Consultative
Assembly here on Tuesday.
During the meeting the Iranian MP censured international bodies and
circles, the UN Security Council in particular, for their inaction
in the face of the Zionist regime’s invasion of Lebanon and stressed
that the UNSC has lost its status among the world nations.
“Recent conflicts proved that Israel is no longer the invincible
power of the region, while passage of time is detrimental to the
Zionist regime,” he said.
The parliament deputy reminded that Hezbollah’s resistance against the
Israeli regime is in fact defending all regional countries, because it
discourages the Zionist regime and the US from invading other states.
Elsewhere, Haji Baba’ee criticized United States’ unilateralism
policy, stressing that turning the globe into a unilateral world is
the greatest threat to the international community.
Noting the deployment of foreign troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, he
reminded that whenever alien forces have been deployed in the region,
they have endangered the security of regional nations.
The MP underlined that regional nations inherit ancient and rich
cultures and they are, thus, able to solve their problems.
In another part, he expressed pleasure with the developing trend of
the two countries’ relations and said that despite the expansion and
development of the existing ties, there are still abundant untouched
possibilities and potentials, specially in economic grounds, which
should be utilized for the sake of the promotion of the existing ties.
The member of the parliament’s presiding board viewed North-South
axis as significant for the regional countries and, noting Armenia’s
important role in the reinvigoration of the said axis, he stressed
that more attention should be paid to this issue.
Referring to Iran’s peaceful nuclear activities and programs, he said,
“As the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Secretary-General
has confirmed, there exists no diversion in Iran’s peaceful nuclear
plans and Tehran has complied with all the rules and regulations
stipulated in the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).”
The legislative official underscored that the United Nations Security
Council cannot force Iran to ignore its national interests.
For his part, Armenian President’s Security Advisor Ghoulian stressed
his country’s enthusiasm for developing all-out ties with the Islamic
Republic of Iran and stated that Armenia is delighted to see a
NKR President Greets ARFD Greek Youth Union’s Decision To Include Ar
NKR PRESIDENT GREETS ARFD GREEK YOUTH UNION’S DECISION TO INCLUDE ARTSAKH IN ITS ANNUAL TRAVELS
STEPANAKERT, JULY 26, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. On July 26,
NKR President Arkady Ghukasian received the delegation of ARF
Dashnaktsutiun Greek Youth Union that had arrived in Artsakh on a
cognitive visit.
Arkady Ghukasian greeted the Union’s decision to include Artsakh in
its annual travels and said that such visits if paid frequently will
continue the goo d traditions among Diasporan youth and will strengthen
the contacts of the inhabitants of Artsakh with the Greek community.
As NT was informed by NKR President’s Acting Spokesperson, at the
request of those present, the head of the country touched upon the
sources of the Nagorno Karabakh movement and answered a number of
questions regarding the past and the future.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
NKR President and Catholicos of All Armenians Discuss Role of Armeni
NKR PRESIDENT AND CATHOLICOS OF ALL ARMENIANS DISCUSS ROLE OF ARMENIAN
CHURCH IN STRENGTHENING POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC POSITIONS OF ARTSAKH
STEPANAKERT, JULY 25, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. On July 22,
NKR President Arkady Ghukasian met with Catholicos of All Armenians
Karekin II who had arrived in Artsakh the day before for taking part
in the ceremony of solemn laying of the first stone in the foundation
of cathedral church of Saint Blessed Virgin.
Greeting His Holiness the Patriarch, Arkady Ghukasian said that
the Stepanakert inhabitants are inspired by the construction of
the cathedral church in the NKR capital and the presence of the
Catholicos of All Armenians in this connection is a great event for
Artsakh residents.
The Supreme Patriarch emphasized in his speech that the current sound
moral atmosphere should strengthen the people’s souls and the Nagorno
Karabakh statehood should be built on these firm bases.
The interlocutors touched upon the role of the Armenian Apostolic
Church in the issue of strengthening political and economic positions
of NKR.
Servants of the Armenian apostolic church and representatives of NKR
high leadership also took part in the meeting.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
Armenian Peacekeepers’ Fourth Shift Leaves For Iraq
ARMENIAN PEACEKEEPERS’ FOURTH SHIFT LEAVES FOR IRAQ
YEREVAN, JULY 25, NOYAN TAPAN – ARMENIANS TODAY. The fourth shift
of Armenian peacekeepers left Yerevan for Iraq on July 23. Like the
previous shifts, there are doctors, sappers and drivers among the 46
servicemen of the fourth shift.
As Captain Vasak Avetisian, Commander of the military unit, said in
his interview to NT correspondent, only 10% of the unit members has
previously taken part in the peacekeeping actions in Iraq. There are
some servicemen who have been in Kosovo but the main part, as well
as the Commander himself are leaving for Iraq for the first time.
The fourth shift of peacekeepers like the previous one left for Iraq
for 6 months. The previous shift will return 5 days after the arrival
of the next shift, after sharing its experience and information about
its obligations with the latter.
As Deputy Defence Minister Artur Aghabekian said, the Armenian
peacekeepers will continue to carry out their mission in Kosovo for
one more year. As for Iraq, the Armenian peacekeepers’ mission will
last longer there. In Aghabekian’s words, in late 2006 the Defence
Ministry will apply to the National Assembly with a proposal to
prolong the peacekeeping mission in Iraq for one more year.
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress
One Lives Not Only Constitutionally But Also Via Goris-Lachin-Stepan
ONE LIVES NOT ONLY CONSTITUTIONALLY BUT ALSO VIA GORIS-LACHIN-STEPANAKERT AND BACK
Lragir.am
26 July 06
The Armenian opposition, especially its leading part has always
surprised and will undoubtedly go on to surprise the society.
Formerly, however, the opposition used to surprise by the steps it
failed to take, whereas now it surprises by the steps it takes. It
would occur to hardly anyone to set out for Karabakh in such an
internal political, although relatively hot summer in Armenia.
However, the peculiarity of an idea is that it occurs to very few
people. And it is natural that at some moment Stepan Demirchyan would
decide to travel to Karabakh. One of the ancient races must have had
the custom that in order to know your rival you must know his place
of birth. There must be such a custom, but even if there is no such
custom, one day it should have been born for the first time. After
all, failures make a man stronger and wiser, and after all a man
understands in some year of his biography that one lives not only
constitutionally but also via Goris-Lachin-Stepanakert and back. And
after all, if they come from Karabakh to Armenia and become president,
why shouldn’t they go from Armenia and become president in Karabakh? In
brief, Stepan had a number of reasons to go to Stepanakert, even if
we do not take into account the magic factor of “the first time”.
In Nagorno Karabakh he was met adequately, on a president level. It
is true that the press service of Arkady Ghukasyan denied that
Stepan Demirchyan was invited by the NKR president, but at any rate,
Arkady Ghukasyan met with the leader of Ardarutiun Alliance kindly
and willingly. From the point of view of subordination this does
not fit into any logic, because Demirchyan’s visit is not official,
but let the one who will point to a step in the Armenian reality that
fits into subordination and logic be the first to banish Demirchyan
from Stepanakert. Let us leave alone logic, however, not to cut this
essential episode of the Armenian reality from the reality. And the
reality is that recently there has been a tendency of moving towards
Karabakh. Probably, Stepan Demirchyan followed Serge Sargsyan’s words
attentively that we must account for everything to Stepanakert.
Serge Sargsyan went there to given an account for Torino, Stepan
Demirchyan probably will give an account for Great Britain, where
he spent a holiday with his family several days ago. Of course,
it is surprising that a man who considers him president elect of
Armenia goes to give an account to the president of NKR. But Serge
Sargsyan said another thing too. He said one must know how to obey
in order to make obey. In other words, one must be obedient because
they will get the throne, and the powerful will be dethroned. Serge
did not say this, it is written in the Bible, but God is already on
the lips of the Republican Party. They even say the name of God is
mentioned twice in the program of the Republican Party. And several
days before receiving Stepan Demirchyan Arkady Ghukasyan had met with
the Catholicos and spoken about the importance of belief, although it
is not clear belief in who and in what. Probably God sent Demirchyan
to Karabakh, or he was rather sent by the one about the belief in
who Ghukasyan and the Catholicos had talked about. In this case,
the question occurs – why? Say Demirchyan went to Karabakh and saw,
say he understood what was all this about, say he felt reassured,
say he understood the secret of coming from Karabakh and becoming a
president. Let us suppose that it is unattainable for him. What next?
Say he accounted for Great Britain and got back. Well, the secret
is in the return. Demirchyan must return. Otherwise, the “sanctuary”
remains vacant, and anyone may take it.
HAKOB BADALYAN
From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress