Author: Emil Lazarian

ISTANBUL 

Azerbaijan on Thursday said that a recent statement by the EU foreign policy chief on the current situation in the Karabakh region is “regrettable.”

“The presented approach towards the situation in the region by (EU) High Representative (for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy) Josep Borrell in his July 26 statement, based on the propaganda and political manipulations spread by Armenia, is regrettable,” Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry spokesman Aykhan Hajizada said in a statement.

Hajizada said that Baku appreciates the EU’s support “to establish peace and stability in the region, as well as to the peace negotiations with Armenia,” but “ignoring” the grievances of Azerbaijan regarding the incomplete withdrawal of the Armenian forces from the region and presenting Azerbaijan’s establishment of a border checkpoint on the Lachin road as its closure is “fundamentally wrong.”

“Similarly, it must be made clear that the blatant misinterpretation of the relevant decisions of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) will not yield results,” Hajizada said, indicating that an ICJ decision earlier this month “once more demonstrated that the protection of its own security by Azerbaijan is legitimate.”

On July 6, the ICJ unanimously rejected Yerevan’s request to modify the court’s February 2022 decision on the “Armenia v. Azerbaijan” case, in which one of its demands was to remove the border checkpoint established by Baku at the entrance of the Lachin road.

On Wednesday, Borrell said that the EU is “deeply concerned about the serious humanitarian situation” in the region, while also claiming that movement through the Lachin road “remains obstructed for more than seven months.”

Responding to the claim, Hajizada said that vehicles belonging to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) pass through the road on a daily basis and that Azerbaijan continues to cooperate with the ICRC and facilitate the passage of medical supplies.

He further said that Azerbaijan made a proposal to use the Aghdam-Khankendi road and other alternative routes into the region for the transport of large amounts of cargo, while “taking into account threats originating from Armenia.”

Relations between the two former Soviet republics have been tense since 1991 when the Armenian military occupied Nagorno-Karabakh, a territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, and seven adjacent regions.

In the fall of 2020, Azerbaijan liberated several cities, villages and settlements from Armenian occupation during 44 days of fighting. The war ended with a Russia-brokered peace agreement.

Despite ongoing talks on a peace agreement, tensions between the neighboring countries increased in recent months concerning the Lachin road, the only land route giving Armenia access to Karabakh.

Recent reports in Azerbaijani media claim that the first consignment of India’s Pinaka Multi-Barrel Rocket Launcher System (MBRLS) has been delivered to Armenia via Iran. According to media reports, the shipment has really upset Azerbaijan, which is at odds with Armenia.

India’s reported sale of the Pinaka MBRLS to Armenia under an export contract valued at US $250M has been a breakthrough in defense exports as India looks to become a key defense exporter.

The export contract was likely for the Pinaka Mk-1 MBRLS and not the Pinaka Mk-2 or Pinaka Mk-2 EPRS. The longer-range Pinaka-2 systems, with optional (INS/GPS) guided rockets, had cleared user trials, but their production has most likely not begun.

In contrast, the first Pinaka Mk-1 Indian Army regiment was raised in February 2000. Production of the Pinaka Mk-1 system is underway, and the Indian Army is fielding 10 Pinaka Mk-1 regiments.

Besides ongoing system production, the production capacity for Pinaka Mk-1 rockets is well established and exceeds 5,000 per annum. As a result, India can easily export the system without affecting its defense readiness.

Pinaka Mk-1 is a free-flight artillery rocket area bombardment system with a range of 38 kilometers, quick reaction time, and a high rate of fire. A single Pinaka system fires a salvo of 12 rockets from a multi-barrel launcher in 44 seconds, while a battery can fire 72 rockets.

The 214mm bore Pinaka rocket has a payload of 100 kilograms and can be fitted with various warheads like anti-tank mines and blast-cum-pre-fragmented high explosives.

A battery of Pinaka consists of six launcher systems, six loader-cum-replenishment vehicles, three replenishment vehicles, and a command post vehicle with a fire control computer and meteorological radar.

Over 7.2 tons of payload in the form of lethal warheads can be delivered up to a range of 38 kilometers and effectively neutralize a target area of 1000 meters by 800 meters. A Pinaka regiment comprises three batteries plus reserves.

Armenian defense forces are mostly equipped with Soviet-era defense systems. In 2015 Armenia bought some newer Russian systems. Because of its Special Military Operation underway in Ukraine, Russia is likely unable to meet additional Armenian weapon system requirements.

The DRDO developed the Pinaka system as a replacement for the Russian GRAD BM-21, which equips the Armenian armed forces. Another important reason for Armenia’s choice was likely its adversary Azerbaijan’s heavy use of drones, including suicide drones.

For an MBRLS to survive in a drone-saturated battlefield, it must have the ability to shoot and then disappear quickly. The Pinaka Mk-1 has precisely that ability.

It requires no separate survey to position and orient, making the launcher autonomous. The launcher features brushless servo motors/drives that facilitate quick laying with accuracy within one milli-radian, allowing the system to respond to fire requests quickly.

Shoot and Scoot capability enables the launcher to escape the counter-battery fire. Pinaka support vehicles have matching mobility and logistics commonalities.

Other reasons for the Armenian choice are likely to be low cost, ready availability, simplicity of operations, assured supply of spares, and availability of future upgrades.

It would be easy for the Armenian Army to absorb the Pinaka Mk-1 MBRLS based on its familiarity with the Grad system. Our established production capacity for the system and rockets guarantees an unrestricted supply of spares and ammunition.

India has already developed and tested an enhanced capability Pinaka Mk-2 system with range & accuracy at par with the US M270 & HIMARS.

The Pinaka MBRLS export contract is the first genuinely indigenous system with near-zero import content. In the past, major weapon systems exported by India, such as the Dhruv helicopter and Brahmos missile, have featured major foreign OEM assemblies. Export earnings were split between India & the OEMs.

The Pinaka MBRLS was developed in partnership with private sector Tata Electric and L&T, who developed the Launcher and Command Post Vehicle, OFB (Ordnance Factory Board), which developed the rocket, and OFB and Bharat Earth Movers Ltd (BEML), who together developed the Loader-cum-Replenishment Vehicle.

The Indian defense industry, including the public and private sectors, has made significant investments in establishing a production capacity for over 5,000 Pinaka rockets.

The export of the Pinaka Mk-1 to Armenia, where the MBRLS could be used extensively in its ongoing hostilities against Azerbaijan consuming spares and ammunition, will ensure that our production capacities don’t languish and the jobs associated with the abilities remain secure.

If the Indian defense industry is to flourish, such export orders are essential. Production costs are dependent on the length of production order runs. The longer the runs, the greater the profits and incentives for private-sector investments.

Exporting a major weapon system to a combatant during hostilities represents a significant paradigm shift in India’s defense export policy. The export marks a sharp & bold departure in Indian foreign policy, which hitherto was averse to meddling in conflict zones.

The export heralds India’s coming of age as a significant power in the emerging multi-polar world. Some leading defense hardware exporting countries like the US, Israel, and France have thrived on exports to conflict zones.

There is no reason for India to shy away from doing the same. India has to seize opportunities when they arise and establish itself as a reliable defense partner if it wants to grow in stature on the world stage.

Such a bold policy will encourage Indian private sector investments in the defense sector more than unending tweaks in our DPP (Defense Procurement Policy).

Senior DRDO officials have asserted in the recent past that Indian rocket and missile technology has matured to a level that can be considered world-class. Consequently, the MoD has banned future imports of missile systems.

The recent successful maiden tests of the VSHORADS (Very Short Range AD System) suggest that the DRDO has seized the initiative to develop missile systems with no global analogs.

DRDO’s sustained efforts to master missile technology over many decades will yield even more promising results. The Pinaka MBRLS is likely just the first of many missile systems that India will export in the future.

Hopefully, the newfound boldness in our foreign policy will persist and facilitate India’s emergence as a great power.

• Vijainder K Thakur is a retired IAF Jaguar pilot. He is also an author, software architect, entrepreneur, and military analyst.
• Article Republished Due To Readers’ Interest

If you’re an American, you might not know much about a decades-long conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, two small countries located in the Caucasus region, where Europe and Asia meet. 

Azerbaijan is a majority Muslim country of around 10 million people. It is three times larger than the majority Christian Armenia, which has a population of fewer than three million. 

Since the last years of the Cold War, the two countries have been locked in post-Soviet Eurasia’s most enduring conflict, involving their own militaries, and that of Turkey and other regional powers. 

Fighting has broken out periodically since 1998 over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, which is situated within Azerbaijan but populated by ethnic Armenians. The area is home to the breakaway state known as the Republic of Artsakh, which is closely tied to Armenia.

An upsurge in violence began in 2020 with Azerbaijan incursion against negotiated treaties. The ensuing conflict, in which both sides used loitering munitions (also known as “kamikaze drones”), is believed to have ushered in a new era of warfare dominated by deadly autonomous machines — as seen in Ukraine today.

Hundreds of soldiers were killed in the most recent major clashes at the Armenia-Azerbaijan border in September 2022, which ended with an uneasy ceasefire. 

But shortly after that ceasefire, purported environmental activists blocked the Lachin Corridor, the sole road linking Armenia with Nagorno-Karabakh. Human rights groups have said that the blockade is creating a humanitarian crisis in the disputed region — leaving 120,000 ethnic Armenians living under siege, with no electricity, and with dwindling food and medicine. 

Pope Francis has for years shown concern for the crisis in the region, and this month, dispatched Cardinal Pietro Parolin to a diplomatic mission of peace in the region.

Historically, Armenia has deep Christian roots — in 301, the Kingdom of Armenia was the first country to become an officially Christian nation. 

While Armenia remains a mostly Christian country, the majority of ethnic Armenians are Orthodox. But in Armenia, and scattered around the world, there are also a few hundred thousand members of the Armenian Catholic Church, a sui iuris Eastern Catholic Church in full communion with Rome.

Bishop Mikaël Mouradian is diocesan bishop for the Armenian Catholics of the United States and Canada. He spoke this week with The Pillar about the humanitarian crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh, behind the Lachin Corridor blockade. 

Bishop Mouradian told The Pillar that he believes the current crisis is in continuity with a genocide of Armenians 100 years ago, which killed as many as 1.5 million people. And he said Armenians need the help of American Catholics.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

The situation is this: Currently, this crisis, is I think, a continuation of the Armenian genocide of 1915. 

Why am I saying that? 

Because in 2020, when Turkey and Azerbaijan together attacked this region, the consequence of which is the crisis that we are living now, the president of Turkey boasted, saying that this is the fulfillment of “the mission of our grandfathers” in the Caucuses. 

Can you imagine that? 

This means that a genocidal mentality — to eradicate the presence of the Armenians in the Caucasus — it’s not left the mind of Turkey or Azerbaijan. 

To boast in saying that “we are fulfilling the mission of our grandfathers,” I don’t know. These people are inheriting the bloodshed or the… I don’t know how to explain it … the sense or the taste for blood, and unfortunately for Armenian blood.

The thing is this, that when in 1915 they did the genocide, Nagorno-Karabakh was far away on the east, so they didn’t reach Nagorno-Karabakh. 

Just after the First World War, there was a little free Armenian Republic, which lasted only two years: 1918-20, I think, not more. Then it was occupied by the Red Army of the Soviet Union, and Armenia became part of the Soviet Union.

Stalin was the dictator, and from what I know, he didn’t like so much Armenia. 

He dismembered Armenia. He took what is now the region of Kars and Ardahan, the historical city of Ani, which used to be one of the oldest capitals of an Armenian kingdom back in the Middle Ages. He struck this off from Armenia and gave it to Turkey.

And then he struck off the north of Armenia, which is now the southern part of Georgia. But there are 26 Armenian Catholic villages in that region — there are almost 300,000 Armenians living there. And Stalin struck this from Armenia and put it into the map of Georgia. 

Then for Nagorno-Karabakh, he took Nagorno-Karabakh and put it in the map of Azerbaijan, giving it an internal independence and autonomous status.

At the same time, he struck the Nakhchivan region in the south of Armenia, on the east side, which was occupied by the Azerbaijanis even until this day. Nowadays, there is not even one Armenian there, because during the Soviet regime, the Azerbaijani government did not give any jobs to the Armenians, and they were obliged to flee.

In 1991, when the Soviet Union collapsed, the Nagorno-Karabakh region, which was 95% Armenian, declared its independence, and wanted to join the Republic of Armenia. From that day, there was this war between the so-called autonomous republic of Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan. 

There were so many years of war. But by 2020, at first, things had cooled down, everything was okay, and the region was flourishing.

Except that during the COVID period, everyone was preoccupied with COVID. And that’s the same scenario that happened during the genocide of 1915. The entire world was preoccupied with World War I, and the Ottoman Empire saw that was the opportunity — that no one was seeing what they were doing. They organized and perpetrated the Armenian genocide. 

This was the same scenario. The entire world was preoccupied with the COVID situation. We were all in our houses. We couldn’t go out.

So beginning in 2020, Turkey and Azerbaijan did military exercises together in the valley in front of Nagorno-Karabakh. 

Then suddenly in the autumn of 2020, this military exercise turned into an unprovoked attack on the region of Nagorno-Karabakh. 

Unfortunately, during the last 20 years, Azerbaijan — with the wealth that they gained from the gas oil that they have — invested in quantities of armaments, even prohibited armaments. With the help of Turkey, the generals who planned and controlled the attack on Nagorno-Karabakh were not actually Azerbaijanis. They were three Turkish generals.

They brought from Syria and Libya Muslim terrorists, at least 6,000 of them, who participated in the war. People say that some of them were paid $2,000 a month by Turkey and Azerbaijan to participate in the war. 

I know that the drones were fabricated in Turkey, and were run by Turkish people. 

They used even prohibited bombs like the phosphoric bombs. If you go to Armenia, there are in the hospital still Armenian soldiers whose bodies are completely burned from the phosphoric bombs, which were prohibited internationally to be used.

[Editor’s note: Azerbaijan has also accused the Armenian military of using phosphoric weapons.]

The outcome was that at least between 5,000 or 6,000 Armenian soldiers were killed. The majority of these soldiers were 19, 20, or 21 years old. 

Turkey and Azerbaijan took all the surrounding parts of Nagorno-Karabakh and seized territory from Nagorno-Karabakh. 

One hundred and fifty thousand people were obliged to leave their homes. I saw even people burn their own homes before leaving them, so that the Azerbaijanis would not use them. 

Imagine a person who worked for 30 years, 40 years to build up his home; and then he is burning it by his own hand. As I say, 150,000 were obliged to leave. One hundred and twenty thousand only remain in Nagorno-Karabakh.

So, the war ended in 2020 with three partial agreements of ceasefire between Russia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The understanding was that there would be this corridor that we call the Lachin Corridor — it is the sole road that connects Nagorno-Karabakh through Armenia and to the world. That’s the unique way to go to Nagorno-Karabakh.

But in December of 2022, Azerbaijan occupied this Lachin Corridor, creating a humanitarian crisis. 

It began with the pretext as an ecological protest against some mining works. But then it ended up with a complete military blockade of the region, beginning April 23, 2023. 

Then in the 11th of July, the Azerbaijani authorities prohibited even the International Red Cross to pass through this blockade, which means that these people who are now in Nagorno-Karabakh, 120,000 people who don’t have electricity, they don’t have gas, they don’t have water, they are malnourished, and we don’t know what will happen with them. 

Among them, 30,000 children and almost 3,000 pregnant women.

Unfortunately for me, this is another page of the genocide. 

It is genocide because when you kill 6,000 young men of the age of 19, 20, or 21, you are killing the future fathers of a nation. 

A generation is lost, not counting the moral and psychological difficulties that the people are living in Nagorno-Karabakh. 

For example, the teacher: What kind of lesson will a teacher give to a student about freedom? He will explain that God created us free. But the student is seeing that he’s not free. 

He cannot go out of his home to play with his friends. The children are so much traumatized that when they hear thunder, they look up to the adults just waiting for them to tell them, “Okay, it’s bombing. We are going to the basement.” 

You see, the children are already in that mentality that if there are big blasts, it’s bombing. 

That’s the psychological situation in which they are, these kids.

I have heard things from our people that give you — How do you say it in English? The goosebumps.

For example, a mother telling me that as her children play, they are always pretending that maybe they will have enough food, which they don’t. I heard about another mother who had two children — she left them at home, because she didn’t have any food. She went to another village to bring some food, but coming back, she found her two kids dead, who had starved. 

Oh, these things are terrible. 

It was the same thing during the Armenian genocide.

But back before the First World War, as Americans we created what is called the National Armenian Relief Committee, which was presided over by the influential American industrialist John D. Rockefeller, Spencer Trask, and others. Back in that time, Americans were organized and they sent help to the Armenians.

There is always some way to help. One thing that we can do or Americans can do is to speak about this. We don’t hear about it in the news. I call it the forgotten war. 

We don’t speak about it in America because unfortunately as Armenia, and the region of Nagorno-Karabakh — we don’t have natural resources to give to the world. 

Azerbaijan has gas, and their gas is sent to Europe. At the same time, because they are selling their gas, they have a big income and I know that they have big investments in America. Meanwhile, Armenia doesn’t have this.

For Nagorno-Karabakh, nowadays, we have to push our government to do something about the crisis.

Yes, President Biden declared something about the Armenian genocide, but it’s not enough to acknowledge something. If you are seeing that this is a continuous thing, you have to take proper steps to stop it from continuing. 

We should ask our government to uphold section 907 of the Freedom Support Act, which basically speaks about stop giving to Azerbaijan aid until they agree to not use offensive force against the Armenians and to stop this blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh.

And then to help these people, there are organizations that are helping.

I have a fund in our eparchy, the Armenia Fund, and I am trying to find donors to help these people.

And please understand, it’s not only the people of Nagorno-Karabakh — Nowadays, there is the big risk that Turkey and Azerbaijan will attack the territory of Armenia also. 

There is real fear that Turkey and Azerbaijan will attack the southern part of Armenia and take the entire south — what is the scenic region of Armenia, to connect Azerbaijan — with the Nakhchivan region and from there to connect with Turkey. 

So, you will have all these pan-Turkic countries, which are Turkey, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, these are all Turkic countries, and if they unite, mama mia! I don’t know what will happen.

What I am trying to do is to speak loud about it whenever I am.

At the same time, I ask the Americans to share what they are hearing or reading about Armenia.

I was a priest in Armenia for 10 years — I was the first Armenian Catholic priest to go back to Armenia after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

And I helped to establish in 1995 the Caritas Armenia, the Catholic Charities office — which began with only two people, and now has 280 people working there. At the same time, we have our eparchy for the Armenian Catholics in Armenia, and we have a seminary over there, and there are 37 Armenian Catholic villages in northern Armenia.

A lot of the 6,000 or 5,000 Armenian military that were killed during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war are from these Armenian Catholic villages. 

Last year, we helped three families to have a home in Armenia. They didn’t have a place to stay, and I found some benefactors from America to help these families to have a home, a roof over their head. Or I help children for their studies in Armenia — we can organize help to children, where a family in America can support a child in Armenia to continue studies in the universities, and we help our diocese over there to organize summer camps for the kids — because these villages are very isolated, and the sole way for the children to even leave the villages is through these these summer camps that we organize.

And now we are helping the seminary over there, for the Armenian Catholics, in Yerevan, the capital city. 

There are also the Immaculate Conception nuns, working in Armenia, and my own sister is a member of this congregation. They have two daycare centers in Armenia where they take care of children, and they have a center for girls’ education in Yerevan. 

These are girls who are coming from the villages. The majority of them are orphaned or poor girls who go to university in Yerevan, but they don’t have the means to stay in Yerevan. So, the nuns have this dorm for them, and they welcome them in this center, where they give them shelter, food, and they help them to pay the tuition for the university.

At the same time, there is this social media thing, #SaveArmenia, and then the Philos Project, is doing a lot to give people updates. 

There are a lot of experiences that I had over there. 

First of all, I have to say that I went there as a missionary, to preach the gospel, but I think that in some places, from what I saw, I was educated in my faith.

Just to give you an idea, for example, I heard about families that during the Soviet regime kept in secret parts of the gospel — not the entire book, just some four, five pages of the gospel of the Church.And they hid it at home, and they read it in secret. 

If they were discovered, the entire family would have been sent to Siberia.

When I got to Armenia, and tried to find the Armenian Catholic churches, we learned that in 1937, Stalin with one signature closed up all the 73 Armenian Catholic churches in Armenia, and 94 priests were sent into exile in Siberia. 

Not one of them survived. 

Only one of them had the right to come back to Yerevan, the capital, in 1973, and he didn’t have the right to go to his own village. He had to stay in Yerevan. He passed away in 1975. I went to his tomb, and I found that even during the Soviet era, people had engraved on his tombstone a monstrance, at great personal risk to themselves. 

Once, I went to visit the village of Sucwalizi, in southern Georgia. I went there by car, it was a journey of five hours from where I was.

When I arrived at the village, people were waiting for me, on the road, at least one mile outside the village. They had been waiting to see a priest, after 70 years of having no priest in their village.

They had green branches in their hands, and they walked alongside my car while I was driving to the church of their village. They were singing hymns to the Holy Virgin Mary, hymns that they were learned by secret from generation to generation during the Soviet Union.

I had tears in my eyes, because I was thinking, “Who am I that, like Jesus, people are welcoming me with these green branches?”

But they were waiting because it was something special to have a priest finally again in their village. And I am humbled even now by that. 

I learned about people who, for so many years, were baptizing their kids in secret at home, because they couldn’t bring a priest in —- and teaching these children the Our Father, to keep the faith alive.

This is the faith of the Armenian people, who are now so threatened today.

I would wish that parishes might organize a novena to the Blessed Virgin Mary, for the blockade to cease, and for these 120,000 people to have access to the essential things of life — water, medication, and food. 

And also to pray that there will not be another genocide, to pray that Turkey and Azerbaijan will refrain from attacking Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh again.

I am afraid that really, we are there, we are seeing a genocide in Nagorno-Karabakh, but I am still confident that something will change, because if it doesn’t change, at least for these 120,000 people, everything is lost for them.

GLENDALE, Calif. – A group of local Armenian-American mothers who are deeply concerned about the children and people in Artsakh braved the heat and gathered for a third round of demonstrations in front of the American Red Cross office in Los Angeles on Thursday. 

As this humanitarian crisis continues — a disturbing recent report mentioned that the number of miscarriages has increased in the region.

“Open the road of life—open the road of life,” they chanted.

“We are here to support the 120,000 Armenians that are being starved as we speak in Artsakh – they’re being starved by Azerbaijan for no other reason than ethnic cleansing – and we are here to pledge and ask and demand from Red Cross to deliver humanitarian aid to Artsakh.”

The next protest is scheduled for Tuesday, Aug. 1 at 7 p.m. in front of Glendale City Hall.

Right now, 360 tons of humanitarian aid is sitting still in Armenia—unable to be delivered to Artsakh because Azerbaijan continues to block the only road which connects Armenia to Artsakh. 

The Lachin Corridor has been blocked for seven months and counting. As supplies run out, 120,000 people living in Artsakh are on the brink of starvation. In fact, no food, medicine, or humanitarian supplies have entered the region in more than a month. The International Committee of the Red Cross was previously allowed to make limited deliveries through the Lachin Corridor – but now access is being denied. Concerns are growing – as are calls to action.

After reading an article by Amnesty International about the illegal blockade by Azerbaijan, musician and activist Serj Tankian, came up with the idea to draft an open letter alongside other well-known artists and actors to bring awareness to how serious the situation is.

“We can’t put pressure on such a dictatorial regime. So, it’s important for our democratic nations to put pressure on them, especially utilizing sanctions as we’ve used against Russia. And that’s important to do,” Tankian said. “There has to be a price to pay for creating this kind of humanitarian disaster, for trying to do ethnic cleansing, for trying to do a genocide. There’s got to be a price to pay. And you know, we have to try to impose sanctions on Azerbaijan to get that to get that message out.”

While a number of international human rights organizations and members of Congress have repeatedly called for the road to be reopened, many argue the State Department and the Biden Administration haven’t done enough.

Azerbaijan is calling Armenia’s attempt to send humanitarian aid into the region a “provocation”– while trucks loaded with rations of baby food, cooking oil, flour, pasta, powdered milk, salt, sugar and essential medicines— are sitting at the border. Azerbaijani has proposed that humanitarian aid can be routed to Artsakh through the Azerbaijani town of Aghdam. European Union’s foreign policy chief says this should not be seen as an alternative to the reopening of the Lachin Corridor.

Tankian also says Russia peacekeepers are not doing their job of keeping the Lachin Corridor open, which was part of the trilateral agreement between Azerbaijan, Armenia and Russia following the 2020 war. Tankian says it is unacceptable that people are on the brink of starvation– there’s humanitarian aid at the border, but the government of Azerbaijan is restricting access.

Click here to read Tankian’s full interview with Spin magazine.

As UNICEF Ambassador, Maestro Smbatyan will use his passion for music and cultural education to advocate for the rights and well-being of children.

YEREVAN, ARMENIA, /EINPresswire.com/ — Sergey Smbatyan, the esteemed Armenian conductor, is proud to announce that he has been appointed as the UNICEF Armenia Ambassador. In this role, Maestro Smbatyan will use his passion for music and dedication to cultural education to advocate for the rights and well-being of children.

“Throughout my career, I have witnessed firsthand just how powerful young people can be when given the right opportunities,” said Sergey Smbatyan. “As UNICEF Armenia Ambassador, I am determined to work towards creating a world where all children can thrive, where their potential is nurtured, and where they are empowered to become positive agents of change in their communities.”

Sergey Smbatyan is a highly accomplished conductor with an impressive track record in the world of classical music. He currently serves as the Founding Artistic Director and Principal Conductor of the Armenian State Symphony Orchestra and holds the position of Principal Conductor of the Malta Philharmonic Orchestra. Additionally, he is the Artistic Director of the renowned Khachaturian International Competition.

A firm believer in the transformative power of music and arts education, Maestro Smbatyan founded the “Music for Future” Cultural Foundation (M4FF) in 2019. Since its inception, he has served as the President of its Board of Trustees, working tirelessly to provide access to music education and cultural experiences for young people in Armenia.

One of Maestro Smbatyan’s most impactful initiatives is the ‘DasA’ program, launched in 2018 with the Armenian State Symphony Orchestra. This groundbreaking program has brought the magic of classical music to 28,000 students from 65 high schools, enriching their lives and fostering an appreciation for the arts.

To learn more about Sergey Smbatyan, visit class=”gmail-contact” dir=”auto” st1yle=”margin:1em 0px;font-family:Montserrat,sans-serif;font-size:16px”>Anna Ter-Hovakimyan
Music for Future Foundation
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