France examines Armenia’s defense needs – Sébastien Lecornu

 15:14, 1 October 2023

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 1, ARMENPRESS. France is examining Armenia’s defense needs, French Defense Minister Sébastien Lecornu has said.

In an interview with Franceinfo, Lecornu said that French President Emmanuel Macron is personally following the situation concerning Armenia.

“The President of the Republic is personally following this issue, which is important for France, important for many French people who love Armenia or have ties with Armenia,” the French Defense Minister said when asked whether France could intervene militarily to support to preserve Armenia’s territorial integrity.

“The President has said that the integrity, sovereignty and defense of the Armenian population are an absolute goal for us. I’ve met with Armenia’s Defense Minister multiple times. Besides, I think I am the first Minister of the Armed Forces who’s had so many contacts with the Armenian partner. We’ve opened a defense mission in Armenia that didn’t exist before, and which allows to have daily dialogue with the Armenian military and Armenian authorities, particularly to examine their needs in case of necessity,” the French Defense Minister said.

Regarding the question on possible military intervention, Lecornu said he doesn’t believe that could happen, but noted that it is up to the President to give an answer to this question. “In any case, looking at the demands that come from Armenia so that it can defend itself is obviously something that we do,” he added.

Armenpress: Nagorno-Karabakh President to stay in Stepanakert until completion of search and rescue operations

 10:29, 2 October 2023

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 2, ARMENPRESS. Nagorno-Karabakh President Samvel Shahramanyan, together with a group of officials, will stay in Stepanakert until the completion of the search and rescue operations for the bodies of the victims and the missing persons of the September 19-20 hostilities and the September 25 fuel depot explosion, the Nagorno-Karabakh InfoCenter reported.

The InfoCenter said that the NK authorities continue to focus on the issue of the persons who want to move to Armenia but who, for various reasons, could still be in the territory of NK.

ABANDONED BY RUSSIA, ARMENIANS AGAIN FACE ETHNIC CLEANSING OR EVEN GENOCIDE

The Sunday Guardian
Oct 1 2023

In the past week the world has unquestionably witnessed the vast ethnic cleansing of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh.

LONDON

You have to feel for the Armenians. This ancient 2,000-year-old Christian civilisation, speaking an Indo-European language, suffered enormously during the breakup of the Ottoman Empire a century ago. It is happening again.

Large-scale exterminations of Armenians took place in the 1880s, but it was after a series of defeats the Ottoman Empire suffered during the Balkan Wars that over one million Armenians were massacred in 1916 at the orders of Talaat Pasha, a Turkish Ottoman leader. While the menfolk were exterminated, some 200,000 Christian Armenian women and children were forcibly converted to Islam and integrated into Muslim households. Massacres and ethnic cleansing of Armenian survivors continued throughout the Turkish War of Independence after World War I, all carried out by Turkish nationalists.

The Turkish government strongly objects to this carnage being described as “genocide”, maintaining that the deportation of Armenians was a legitimate action. But only two Muslim countries—Azerbaijan and Pakistan—agree with Turkey.

Relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey, the only two predominantly Turkic countries located west of the Caspian Sea, have always been strong, so it’s not surprising that Turkey is on Azerbaijan’s side in the current conflict. Former Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliyev frequently described the two countries as “one nation two states”.

Once again, Armenia fears that genocide or at least ethnic cleansing has reared its ugly head, this time by Azerbaijan on ethnic Armenians in the break-away region of Nagorno-Karabakh, an enclave at the heart of one of the world’s longest-running conflicts. The name reflects its turbulent past: “Nagorno” means “mountainous” in Russian, while “Karabakh” is Azeri for “black garden”. Nagorno-Karabakh is recognised internationally as part of Azerbaijan, but large areas have been controlled by ethnic Armenians for three decades. Azerbaijan and Armenia fought a bloody war over the enclave in the late 1980s and early 1990s, and it has been the trigger for further violence in the years since. The last major escalation in the conflict took place in 2020 when thousands of people were reported killed during six weeks of fierce fighting. It was only the deployment of Russian peacekeepers that brought the fighting to a halt. However, tensions had been ratcheting up for months ahead of the latest fighting, resulting in the movement of thousands of Armenians, fleeing to the safety of their mother country.

As in the current war in Ukraine, the root cause of the fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan lies in the collapse of the Soviet Union thirty-two years ago. For centuries, czarist Russia warred with Ottoman Turkey and backed ethnic Armenians living there. In 1946, Turkey hastily joined NATO to thwart Soviet ruler Joseph Stalin’s plans to annex its easternmost parts that were dominated by ethnic Armenians. Modern-day Armenia and Azerbaijan became part of the Soviet Union in the 1920s. At the time, the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh had a majority ethnic Armenian population but was controlled by Azerbaijan. Relationships held until the dissolution of the Soviet Union, when the regional government in Nagorno-Karabakh voted to become part of Armenia. The government in Yerevan backed the move, which was strongly resisted by the Azerbaijani government in Baku. Inevitably this led to ethnic clashes and—after both Armenia and Azerbaijan declared independence from Moscow—a full-scale war.

In a foretaste of the conflict in Ukraine, hundreds of thousands of ethnic Azerbaijanis were forced out of Armenia to become refugees in Azerbaijan. During the following years, tens of thousands of people from both sides were killed and more than a million were displaced. The first war over Nagorno-Karabakh ended with a Russian-brokered ceasefire in 1994, after Armenian forces had gained control over the enclave and the areas adjacent to it. Both sides agreed to a deal that Nagorno-Karabakh should remain part of Azerbaijan, but since the agreement was signed it has become a self-declared republic run by ethnic Armenians backed by 2,000 Russian “peacekeepers”.

Moscow was the key to keeping peace between the two sides, but when Russia invaded Ukraine and began to suffer from western sanctions, President Putin pivoted the Kremlin towards Turkey, calculating that his relationship with President Erdogan would help mitigate their effect.

Now that his sponsor, Turkey, had some influence over Russia which was so preoccupied with the war in Ukraine, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev saw the opportunity to solve the problem of Nagorno-Karabakh once and for all. Twelve days ago he ordered his troops to launch a new offensive against the enclave, which they took in just 24 hours. Having lost more than 300 of their fighters, the separatists agreed to surrender all their weapons as part of the subsequent ceasefire.

The fate of the 1,20,000 Christian Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh now rested with Baku’s will to build a multi-ethnic nation. However, few appear to trust the Azerbaijanis. Since Baku re-opened the only road linking Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia last Sunday, more than 1,00,000 people have fled their homes. Long lines of buses, trucks and cars have formed at the border, with many spending over 24 hours in their vehicles. While President Ilham Aliyev promised to guarantee the rights and security of the remaining ethnic Armenians, decades of distrust, wars, mutual hatred and violence, not to mention the lingering trauma of the genocide a hundred years ago, have clearly left many residents sceptical over the possibility of the region’s peaceful reintegration into Muslim Azerbaijani territory. They fear the erasure of what they consider a central part of their historic Christian homeland.
This fear was proved correct on Thursday. According to a decree issued in Baku, Nagorno-Karabakh will cease to exist and its remaining ethnic Armenian population will have to accept being ruled as part of Azerbaijan. In a statement, the unrecognised Karabakh administration said that de facto President Samvel Shakhramanyan had signed an agreement that would “dissolve all state institutions and organisations under their departmental authority by 1 January 2024”.

Many believe that Azerbaijan has still to achieve all its goals. Yerevan fears that Baku’s ultimate aim is to open a ground link to its own enclave embedded in Armenia: the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic, which has a population of just under 45,000. This would give mainland Azerbaijan direct access to its “brother” country, Turkey. Armenia has always bitterly opposed the so-called Zangezur corridor as it would effectively block the country’s border with Iran. Part of the agreement that settled the Karabakh war of 2020 was for Azerbaijan to have freedom of movement through Zangezur, but it was never implemented. Now the issue is back on the table, raised by President Ilham Aliyev during a meeting with Turkish President Erdogan last week when they met in Nakhichevan.

The downstream effects of Armenia’s capitulation over Nagorno-Karabakh are likely to continue for some time to come, creating instability in the South Caucuses. Baku’s military superiority over Yerevan and Turkey’s continued strong military and political support for fellow Muslim country Azerbaijan, together with Russian peacekeepers’ unwillingness to intervene, will give Azerbaijani authorities the perception that they are in a dominant position to press their advantage. It signals the start of a new era in the South Caucuses, with Russia’s influence declining and Turkey’s growing.

In Los Angeles, one of the world’s largest Armenian diaspora communities has staged several protests in recent days. Kim Kardashian, perhaps the best-known Armenian-American today, urged President Joe Biden to “Stop another Armenian genocide”. She needn’t worry—genocide is now very unlikely. But in the past week, the world has unquestionably witnessed the vast ethnic cleansing of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh. Best described, perhaps, by a 33-year-old Armenian priest, Father David, who travelled to the border to provide spiritual support for those ethnic Armenians arriving hungry and fearful: “This is one of the darkest pages of Armenian history—the whole of Armenian history is full of hardships”. Sadly, there is probably more to come.

John Dobson is a former British diplomat, who also worked in UK Prime Minister John Major’s office between 1995 and 1998. He is currently Visiting Fellow at the University of Plymouth.

https://sundayguardianlive.com/investigation/abandoned-by-russia-armenians-again-face-ethnic-cleansing-or-even-genocide 

Turkish Press: The post-Karabakh geopolitical landscape in the Caucasus

Daily Sabah, Turkey
Sept 29 2023

The 44-day war between Azerbaijan and Armenia in 2020, which concluded with Baku’s victory, triggered a significant shift in the post-Cold War geopolitical landscape of the Caucasus region. Azerbaijan’s successful effort to partially end the Armenian occupation of Karabakh had two major implications.

Firstly, it bolstered Baku’s internal unity and gradually elevated its status as a regional player. Secondly, Türkiye’s substantial support to Azerbaijan’s military operations in Karabakh and the subsequent Shusha declaration solidified the strategic partnership between the two nations, necessitating the attention of all regional stakeholders. This situation prompted Armenia to reevaluate its foreign policy, while Russia had to adapt to a changing landscape. Iran, unable to respond to Baku’s victory as it desired, consistently voiced its discontent with the new situation. Other regional actors, such as Georgia, capitalized on the void created by Russia’s ongoing conflict in Ukraine, interpreting Azerbaijan’s military intervention as an opportunity to address their own issues.

Consequently, the Karabakh victory introduced new dynamics to the region.

The recent counterterrorism operation launched by Azerbaijan to enforce the provisions of the trilateral declaration signed between Russia, Armenia and Azerbaijan after the Karabakh war has completely altered the status quo imposed on Azerbaijan since the Cold War, giving rise to a new regional geopolitical landscape.

One notable aspect of post-Karabakh geopolitics is the evolution of the Türkiye-Azerbaijan partnership into a strategic integration. Both countries describe their relationship as “one nation, two states,” a discourse that fosters a strong sociological foundation between them. This unity is primarily rooted in ethnic and political factors. Politically, both states and societies consider Armenia as their historical “other,” although this opposition is mutual. In other words, for Armenia, Turks are also regarded as their historical “other.” With the liberation of Karabakh, the basis for this mutual antagonism may weaken, potentially paving the way for reconciliation among Türkiye, Azerbaijan and Armenia in the Caucasus region.

The military, political and economic dimensions of Türkiye-Azerbaijan relations that existed before the Karabakh conflict are expected to continue strengthening, becoming significant dynamics in post-Karabakh regional geopolitics. Militarily, the two countries are not only enhancing Azerbaijan’s military capabilities through defense industry agreements but also extending their military cooperation to mutual defense commitments, as evident in the Shusha declaration. This means that both nations pledge to defend each other in the event of conflict. This position was reaffirmed during the recent Karabakh crisis when Türkiye warned against Iran’s support for Armenia and assured Azerbaijan of protection. The Azerbaijani military’s capabilities have also established it as a crucial regional player. Politically and economically, Azerbaijan-Türkiye relations are emerging as a new axis in the post-Karabakh regional geopolitical landscape. Their collaboration in energy projects, including transferring Turkmenistan’s gas to Türkiye through the Caspian Sea and Azerbaijan, may elevate both countries’ prominence in the region, especially if the Zangezor corridor is opened, potentially impacting Central Asia.

However, the divergent positions among the regional and international actors in post-Karabakh geopolitics also bring uncertainties. The quest for a new foreign policy direction in Armenia is one of the uncertain dynamics. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s criticism of Russia, joint military exercises with the U.S., and anti-Russian measures could place Armenia in a delicate position between Russia and the West. Although trust in Moscow has waned in Armenian society due to events like the Ukraine war and the Karabakh conflict, Russia remains a crucial partner.

Therefore, Russia will likely play a decisive role in Armenia’s foreign policy. Nevertheless, given Russia’s entanglement in the Ukraine war and other challenges in the Caucasus, its effectiveness remains questioned. While there is potential for a Turkish-Azerbaijani axis to balance Russia’s regional involvement, neither Türkiye nor Azerbaijan may pursue such an orientation in the near term. The most pressing issue at this juncture is the potential developments in Armenian domestic politics, where a remobilization of nationalist discourse following the Karabakh defeat could prevent Armenia’s adaptation to the new situation and prolong the peace process.

Iran’s actions and stance also introduce uncertainty into post-Karabakh geopolitics. Iran’s support for Armenia is motivated by geopolitical considerations and identity concerns. Tehran views backing Armenia as a means to counterbalance the emerging power center created by the Turkish-Azerbaijani partnership, which it perceives as a threat to its identity. Efforts to establish the Zangezur corridor could undermine Iran’s economic influence in the region and result in economic losses. The corridor’s creation, which would establish a direct land connection between the Turkic world and Türkiye, is seen as another threat to Iran.

Consequently, Iran must redefine its position in post-Karabakh regional geopolitics. Iran may opt to be a spoiler and destabilizer or adopt a stance contributing to regional stability. If Iran chooses to shift its rivalry with Türkiye from the Middle East to the Caucasus and views Azerbaijan as a competitor, it could play a significant role in shaping post-Karabakh regional geopolitics.

Another source of uncertainty is the future of the normalization process between Türkiye, Armenia and Azerbaijan. Normalization talks between Türkiye and Armenia can proceed more easily if the Karabakh conflict is resolved. While the normalization process encompasses issues beyond Karabakh, reopening border crossings could yield economic benefits for the parties, potentially expediting political normalization. However, there is a risk that anti-Türkiye Armenian politics, including international Armenian lobbies, could hinder this process. If Armenia and Azerbaijan can reach a political compromise, normalization could occur more swiftly, strategically contributing to regional stability.

Finally, it is crucial to underscore the role of the United States and Europe, particularly France, in post-Karabakh geopolitics. If these countries perceive the region as a competitive arena with Russia and Türkiye, it could transform the region into a competitive strategic environment. Such a scenario would heighten the potential for conflict, deepen regional uncertainties and exacerbate the crisis resulting from Russia’s involvement in Ukraine.

In conclusion, post-Karabakh geopolitics is reshaping regional dynamics, compelling all regional actors to recalibrate their positions in response to the evolving landscape.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Murat Yeşiltaş is a professor of international politics in the Department of International Relations at Social Sciences University of Ankara. He specialized in the study of international security, terrorism, geopolitics and Turkish foreign policy. Yeşiltaş also serves as the director of foreign policy research at SETA.


Much of Nagorno-Karabakh’s ethnic Armenian population flees as first UN mission in 30 years set to arrive

CNN
Sept 30 2023


At least 100,000 people have now fled the breakaway region of Nagorno-Karbakh – more than four-fifths of the population – since Azerbaijan reclaimed the territory in a lightening offensive, authorities in neighboring Armenia said.

The rapid exodus has prompted the United Nations to send its first mission to the territory in about 30 years.

Stephane Dujarric, the spokesman for the UN Secretary-General, said the UN team on the ground would “identify the humanitarian needs for both people remaining and the people that are on the move.”

Though internationally seen as part of Azerbaijan, the Armenian-majority Nagorno-Karbakh had spent decades under the control of a separatist, de facto government until Azerbaijan’s victory last week. The former breakaway republic will cease to exist as of next year.

Azerbaijan has long been clear about the choice confronting Karabakh Armenians: Stay and accept Azerbaijani citizenship, or leave.

As of Saturday morning, 100,417 people had been “forcibly displaced,” the Armenian prime minister’s spokeswoman, Nazeli Baghdasaryan, told reporters.

Armenian authorities have responded to the outflux of people by asking the International Court of Justice, a judicial arm of the UN, to tell Azerbaijan to withdraw its troops – citing fears of “punitive actions.”

They requested the court order Azerbaijan to “withdraw all military and law-enforcement personnel from all civilian establishments in Nagorno-Karabakh,” while refraining from “taking any actions directly or indirectly” that would have the effect of displacing the remaining ethnic Armenians or preventing those who fled from returning.

Azerbaijan should also allow people to leave the region “without any hindrance” if they wanted to, the Armenian authorities demanded.

Armenia also asked the court to direct Azerbaijan to grant the UN and the Red Cross access to Nagorno-Karabakh.

Azerbaijan should “refrain from taking punitive actions against the current or former political representatives or military personnel of Nagorno-Karabakh,” the Armenian authorities said.

The appeal comes as Azerbaijani state media reported Friday that the security services in the country had detained two former commanders of the self-proclaimed “Republic of Artsakh’s” military.

Loven Mnatsakanyan and Davit Manukyan were intercepted while attempting to cross from Nagorno-Karabakh into Armenia via the Lachin Corridor, the one road connecting the landlocked enclave to Armenia.

Mnatsakanyan, who reportedly served as defense minister from 2015 to 2018, was arrested Friday and taken to the Azebaijani capital of Baku, according to state media. He was accused of illegally entering its territory.

Manukyan, who reportedly served as the former deputy commander of Nagorno-Karbakh’s armed forces, was detained Wednesday, Azerbaijani state media reported.

He was accused of engaging in terrorism, setting up illegal armed groups, illegal possession of a firearm, and illegally entering Azerbaijan, though no evidence was presented to support the claims.

A video published by Azerbaijan’s State Security Service showing Manukyan in Azerbaijani detention could not be independently verified by CNN.

The announcement of the arrests came after the indictment of prominent Nagorno-Karabakh politician and businessman Ruben Vardanyan on multiple charges in Azerbaijan Thursday after being detained while trying to cross into Armenia the day before, according to state media citing the Azerbaijani State Security Service.

A former Minister of State of the self-proclaimed republic, Vardanyan is accused of financing terrorism, participating in the creation and activities of illegal armed groups, and illegally crossing Azerbaijani borders, according to state media. Azerbaijan has not presented evidence to support its claims.

On Thursday, local politician David Babayan, an adviser to Samvel Shahramanyan, the president of the self-styled “Republic of Artsakh,” wrote on Telegram that he would hand himself over to Azerbaijan.

“My failure to appear, or worse, my escape, will cause serious harm to our long-suffering nation, to many people, and I, as an honest person, hard worker, patriot and Christian, cannot allow this,” Babayan wrote.

National Geographic: How the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been shaped by past empires

Sept 25 2023

A fateful decision by Stalin, and divisions drawn by the Soviet Union, still reverberate in a historic conflict that has recently re-erupted on the battlefields of the Caucasus.

When Azerbaijan launched a military offensive earlier this month to retake Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountainous region of the South Caucasus, it reignited the flames of a centuries-old dispute. The Azeri victory, which prompted thousands of ethnic Armenian residents to flee the region, is likely the last in a series of tumultuous battles over who can claim the disputed enclave, a question shaped in modern times by the rise and fall of the Soviet Union.

Officially, the 1,700-square-mile territory is part of Azerbaijan and is known by its Russian name, which translates to “mountainous Karabakh.” But to Armenians and the region’s Armenian-majority population, it’s been known as the Republic of Artsakh or the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, a de facto independent state that was outside of Azeri rule since 1988.

Contested lands

After the dissolution of the Soviet

Union, Azerbaijani and Armenian forces

fought for control of

Nagorno-Karabakh,

which is mostly

inhabited by ethnic

Armenians but

internationally

recognized as part of

Azerbaijan. Armenian forces seized

control of the area, as well as seven

surrounding provinces, and held it from

1988 until the war that began on

September 27, 2020.

Russian peacekeeping area formerly

under Armenian control

AZERBAIJAN

1994 cease-fire line

Former

Soviet

oblast

boundary

In November 2020 Armenia’s Prime

Minister Nikol Pashinyan agreed to a

Russian-mediated cease-fire.

Azerbaijan would keep the territory it

gained in the conflict, and Armenia

would hand over the districts, like

Agdam, that Armenian forces had

captured in the 1990s.

Contested lands

After the dissolution of the Soviet

Union, Azerbaijani and Armenian forces

fought for control of

Nagorno-Karabakh,

which is mostly

inhabited by ethnic

Armenians but

internationally

recognized as part of

Azerbaijan. Armenian forces seized

control of the area, as well as seven

surrounding provinces, and held it from

1988 until the war that began on

September 27, 2020.

RUSSIA

CASPIAN

SEA

GEORGIA

ASIA

EUR.

MAP

AREA

NAGORNO-

KARABAKH

AZERBAIJAN

AFRICA

ARMENIA

Baku

Yerevan

NAGORNO-

KARABAKH

TÜRKİYE

(TURKEY)

AZERB.

IRAN

Russian peacekeeping area formerly

under Armenian control

AZERBAIJAN

1994 cease-fire line

Former

Soviet

oblast

boundary

In November 2020 Armenia’s Prime

Minister Nikol Pashinyan agreed to a

Russian-mediated cease-fire.

Azerbaijan would keep the territory it

gained in the conflict, and Armenia

would hand over the districts, like

Agdam, that Armenian forces had

captured in the 1990s.

ARMENIA

NAXÇIVAN

AZERB.

IRAN

Rosemary Wardley, NG Staff.

Source: Russian Ministry of Defense

Read how Nagorno-Karabakh’s residents grappled with conflict and COVID-19.

For centuries, Muslim Azerbaijanis and Christian Armenians, both of whom call the region home, clashed over who should control it. Russian rule began in 1823, and when the Russian Empire dissolved in 1918, tensions between newly independent Armenia and Azerbaijan reignited. Three years later, Communist-controlled Russia set its sights on the independent states of the Caucasus region and began incorporating them into what would become the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

‘I don’t even know if my home still exists.’ Learn how the first Nagorno-Karabakh war displaced more than a million people in the southern Caucasus.

At first, it was decided that Karabakh would be part of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (S.S.R.). Though historians differ on the reasons, the initial incorporation of Karabakh into the Armenian republic is thought to have been a plan to ensure Armenian support of Soviet rule. But the Soviets’ new Commissar of Nationalities, Joseph Stalin, then reversed the decision. In 1923 Nagorno-Karabakh became an autonomous administrative region within the Azerbaijan S.S.R., even though 94 percent of its population at the time was ethnic Armenian. Ethnic Armenians complained that Azerbaijan restricted their autonomy and claimed Azerbaijan discriminated against them, but the Soviet Union was intolerant of ethnic nationalism and ignored a variety of protests against the status quo.

As the Soviet Union disintegrated in the late 1980s, the long-dissatisfied ethnic Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh petitioned to become part of the Republic of Armenia. Azerbaijan responded by trying to crush the separatists in 1988, and clashes intensified in the region. In 1991, both Azerbaijan and Armenia declared independence from the U.S.S.R., and the regional conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh flared into full-out war.

As a result, more than a million people became refugees, and around 30,000, including civilians, were killed. Both sides engaged in ethnic cleansing during the Nagorno-Karabakh War—the Azerbaijanis against ethnic Armenians, and Armenian forces against ethnic Azeris. Despite the brutal humanitarian toll, negotiations between the sides repeatedly broke down.

In 1994, the newly independent nations of Armenia and Azerbaijan signed the Bishkek Protocol, a ceasefire brokered by Russia that left Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan. But though the fighting ceased, the two sides could not agree on a peace treaty.

For the last two and a half decades, Armenian and Azerbaijani troops were divided by a contested “line of contact” laid out in the Bishkek Protocol. It became increasingly militarized over the years, and has been called one of the world’s three most militarized borders.

That’s of even greater importance because of the conflicted nations’ powerful allies. Azerbaijan is supported by NATO member Turkey, while Russia has supported Armenia, making the area a potential conflagration zone. While Nagorno-Karabakh is small, the geopolitical stakes are high due to its proximity to strategic oil and gas pipelines, and its location between the powerful regional forces of Russia, Turkey, and Iran.

The separatist government has announced it will dissolve by year’s end, and Azerbaijan has promised to guarantee Armenian rights in the region. But most of the region’s 120,000 ethnic Armenians won’t wait to find out if the Azeris will follow through on that pledge. “Ninety-nine point nine percent prefer to leave our historic lands,” David Babayan, an adviser to Samvel Shahramanyan, president of the self-styled Republic of Artsakh, recently told Reuters. As the mass exodus continues, the story of Nagorno-Karabakh appears to be coming to a close—still echoing with the fears and humanitarian toll that have plagued it for centuries. 

Editor’s Note: This article originally published on October 15, 2020. It has been updated to reflect the latest situation in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Joe Biden Must Act: Don’t Let Azerbaijan’s Regime Get Away With Murder

1945
Sept 30 2023
The Biden administration needs to act now to stop Azerbaijan from taking its repression on the road, right into the heart of America. 

by Michael Rubin

Just over two weeks ago, Acting Assistant Secretary of State Yuri Kim testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 

“We will not tolerate any attack on the people of Nagorno-Karabakh,” Kim declared. But the Biden administration tolerated just that. The best the State Department could do in the wake of an Azerbaijani aggression that has so far driven close to three-quarters of Nagorno-Karabakh’s indigenous population out of the region is to say “we are quite serious” about the U.S. desire to have an international monitoring mission. The White House has yet to declare a cessation of military aid to Azerbaijan, even as Congress grows more frustrated with its tepid response.

While Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has promised to ensure the rights of Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenian population, this is little comfort. Aliyev has never kept a promise, nor has the West held him to account for his duplicity. Further, Azerbaijanis in practice have no rights. Freedom House ranks the country alongside China and the military junta-controlled Myanmar in freedom. It ranks below Russia, Iran, and Cuba.

To understand how Azerbaijan represses its own people, consider the case of Gubad Ibadoghlu, a prominent scholar the Aliyev regime detained. Aliyev’s security services said they arrested Ibadoghlu for allegedly being in possession of counterfeit currency. The problem is that they first reportedly tried breaking into his safe, and when they were unable to crack it, they simply left a paper bag with counterfeit currency in a paper bag on top. The alleged setup fails the logic test: Why would someone have a safe and keep their money on a bookshelf?

The episode is straight from the autocrat’s playbook. It does not pass the smell test. Nor does the whispering campaign about Ibadoghlu’s alleged religiosity. Put aside that religiosity is not a sin so long as no one tries to impose it on others. The fact is Ibadoghlu reportedly has one of the most impressive collections of wine that he shared openly with friends and associates. 

The real reason Aliyev may have acted against Ibadoghlu, his son Emin Bayramli told me, is that he was researching alleged corruption on the part of firms linked to Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan in portions of Nagorno-Karabakh seized by Azerbaijani and Turkish forces in November 2020.  Ibadoghlu also researched Azerbaijani “caviar diplomacy” in the United Kingdom, where Aliyev’s influence is high because of his partnership with BP (formerly British Petroleum).

Dictatorships thrive in darkness. This is why silence is never the answer when dictators arrest dissidents. After Ibadoghlu’s detention, his son Emin Bayramli worked to keep his father in the limelight and to focus attention on the conditions in which Azerbaijan kept him confined. 

It was an effective strategy that annoyed the Aliyev regime. Sometime late on Aug. 18 or in the early morning hours of Aug. 19, someone entered the New Jersey house in which Bayramli lived and ransacked his room. An investigation is ongoing, but Azerbaijani agents or those working on their behalf are among the chief suspects that federal law enforcement now investigate, Bayramli told me on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly. 

The case should worry all Americans. Dictatorships are becoming increasingly bold about targeting Americans not only abroad, but also inside the United States. Few remember that when Iranian radicals seized the U.S. Embassy in Iran and took 52 American diplomats hostage, President Jimmy Carter did not sever relations. He did that only five months later when the Iranian embassy in Washington, DC, organized the assassination of an Iranian dissident in nearby Bethesda, Maryland. That reaction set a red line that Iranian revolutionaries abided by until recently, even after repeatedly targeting dissidents in Europe.

Those red lines have eroded. The Iranian government, for example, has sought to kidnap Iranian-American dissidents from New York. Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi openly brags about putting hits on former American officials Mike Pompeo and Brian Hook. Erdogan’s bodyguards have attacked American protesters in the heart of Washington, DC. The Bayramli case marks the first apparent attempt by the Azerbaijani regime to target dissidents in the United States. That should be a wakeup call.

Aliyev is riding high. He has conquered Nagorno-Karabakh, a territory Azerbaijan has never truly controlled, and expelled the indigenous Armenian population. He has called the American bluff without consequence. He believes, quite literally, that he can get away with murder. Quite simply, Aliyev is out of control. Words are not enough. The Biden administration needs to act now to stop Azerbaijan from taking its repression on the road, right into the heart of America. 

Now a 19FortyFive Contributing Editor, Dr. Michael Rubin is a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI). Dr. Rubin is the author, coauthor, and coeditor of several books exploring diplomacy, Iranian history, Arab culture, Kurdish studies, and Shi’ite politics, including “Seven Pillars: What Really Causes Instability in the Middle East?” (AEI Press, 2019); “Kurdistan Rising” (AEI Press, 2016); “Dancing with the Devil: The Perils of Engaging Rogue Regimes” (Encounter Books, 2014); and “Eternal Iran: Continuity and Chaos” (Palgrave, 2005).

https://www.19fortyfive.com/2023/09/joe-biden-must-act-dont-let-azerbaijans-regime-get-away-with-murder/

EU Mission in Armenia adds 11 vehicles to its fleet to strengthen patrolling activity

 17:43,

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 30, ARMENPRESS. The EU Mission in Armenia (EUMA) has added 11 new vehicles to its fleet to strengthen its patrolling activity at the Armenian-Azerbaijani border areas.

“Today, 11 new vehicles arrived to Yeghegnadzor to join the EUMA fleet,” EUMA said on X.

“The vehicles will be distributed to our operating bases to strengthen the Mission’s patrolling activity at the Armenia-Azerbaijan border areas,” it added.

Azerbaijan falsely accuses Armenia of border shooting in renewed disinformation campaign

 18:51,

YEREVAN, SEPTEMBER 30, ARMENPRESS. Azerbaijan has falsely accused the Armenian military of firing at its troops on the border in a renewed round of disinformation, the Armenian Ministry of Defense warned Saturday.

“The statement disseminated by the Ministry of Defense of Azerbaijan claiming that at noon on September 30, units of the Armenian Armed Forces opened fire at the Azerbaijani outposts in the eastern part of the border, as a result of which a serviceman of the Azerbaijani armed forces was killed, is untrue,” the Armenian Ministry of Defense said in a statement.

Asbarez: UPDATED: Over 100,000 Displaced Artsakh Residents Enter Armenia; Experts Accuse Baku of War Crimes, Genocide

A caravan of vehicles on the road from Artsakh to Armenia (Photo by David Ghahramanyan for Reuters)As of 2 p.m. local time on Saturday 100,437 forcibly displaced persons from Artsakh have crossed into Armenia since the mass exodus began on Sunday, following Azerbaijan’s large-scale attack on Artsakh last week.

Artsakh’s former Human Rights Defender Artak Beglaryan said in a post on Saturday that only a few hundred people remained in Artsakh. “Artsakh is completely empty,” he warned.

“Artsakh is almost fully empty with at most a few hundred people remaining, who are also leaving,” Beglaryan said.

Legal experts are calling this forced exodus of Artsakh Armenians a war crime, while other international organizations are accusing world leaders of being complicit in Azerbaijan’s genocide of Armenians.

The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention criticized the United States for what it called Washington’s “reckless bothsideism” and its instance that the genocidal regime of President Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan can engage in dialogue in good faith.

The Lemkin Institute reacted to State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller’s recent statement on Nagorno-Karabakh that the US has done its best “to find a diplomatic solution, but at the end of the day, we must not forget that there are two sides here that simply have differences.”

“Demonstrating that it has learned nothing from the genocide currently being committed by Azerbaijan against the Armenians of Artsakh/Nagorno-Karabakh, the United States continues to enable the perpetrator with its reckless ‘bothsidesism’ and its delusional belief that the genocidal regime of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev can engage in good-faith talks or negotiations,” the Lemkin Institute said in a social media post on Thursday.

“Genocide is not a matter of ‘simply [having] differences.’ Furthermore, suggesting that the US has played no role in enabling Aliyev’s impunity to commit genocide is mendacious at best. The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention warns world leaders that they are behaving in ways that leave them open not only to charges of complicity in genocide but also to charges of aiding and abetting the crime,” the post added.

Several international legal experts believe the mass flight fits the legal definition of a war crime.

The International Criminal Court’s founding documents say that, when referring to forcible transfer or deportation, “the term ‘forcibly’ is not restricted to physical force, but may include threat of force or coercion, such as that caused by fear of violence, duress, detention, psychological oppression or abuse of power against such person or persons or another person, or by taking advantage of a coercive environment.”

Such a “coercive environment” was created in Nagorno-Karabakh before the offensive by Azerbaijan’s obstruction of essential supplies, international lawyer Priya Pillai and Melanie O’Brien, visiting professor at the University of Minnesota and president of the International Association of Genocide Scholars told Reuters.

“So the fear/apprehension of the population – due to the coercive environment created by the months-long blockade and the recent armed attack – would meet the threshold for this crime,” Pillai said, adding that it would be a more severe ‘crime against humanity’ if considered to be part of a widespread attack.

O’Brien told Reuters that the blockade — which Baku claimed was needed to prevent weapons smuggling — was in effect the start of a genocide because it was implemented with the aim of “deliberately inflicting conditions of life designed to bring about the physical destruction of the targeted group.”

The first prosecutor of the ICC, Luis Moreno Ocampo, agreed with O’Brien’s argumentation, noting that a ruling of genocide did not require mass killings.

“For me, it’s obviously a genocide,” he said.

Meanwhile Armenia’s Finance Ministry has established a treasury account for donations to meet the needs of the forcibly displaced persons Artsakh residents.

“Due to the crisis situation, numerous compatriots and organizations, both within Armenia and abroad, have expressed their willingness to offer assistance and donations to meet the basic needs of people who have been forcibly displaced from Nagorno Karabakh to the Republic of Armenia. A treasury account was opened in the Armenia’s Ministry of Finance in order to accept the donations and direct them to the socio-economic needs of the displaced persons,” an announcement on Friday said.

Individuals may make bank transfers in Armenian drams to the treasury account number 900005002762, or conduct online card transfers (in any currency) using an e-payment system. st1yle=”font-size:16px;margin:0px 0px 1.25em;padding:0px;border:0px;line-height:inherit;,Helvetica,Arial,sans-serif;vertical-align:baseline”>