Armenia, Surrounded By Enemies, Must be Brought Out of Russia’s Shadow

Oct 16 2023

We always underestimate the power of propaganda and dictators. No one believed that Putin would start a full-scale war in Ukraine, but he did. Before that, Russia waged war in Georgia, Syria and Donbass.

Now, weeks after seizing control over the breakaway Armenian region of Nagorno-Karabakh, Azerbaijan could be readying an invasion of southern Armenia proper, according to U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken. It may happen as soon as in the coming weeks.

It is rather difficult to react to news like this. I thought perhaps Azerbaijan is trying to distract us from the ethnic cleansing in Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenian name) that took place just a few weeks ago. These statements were later refuted, and it turned out that they were apparently only discussing theoretical possibilities. But as experience shows, dictators usually do not stop until they are resisted. And unfortunately, the threats are more than theoretical. They are real.

On one side are Presidents Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Ilham Aliyev of Turkey and Azerbaijan, who demand the opening of a corridor linking Azerbaijan with its exclave of Nakhchivan and Turkey through the Syunik region in southern Armenia. On the other side stands President Vladimir Putin, who does not want Russia to lose influence in the region.

After the Armenian Genocide and the wars that followed, the independent First Republic of Armenia, which had an area twice the size of Armenia's current territory, was divided between Turkey and the Soviet “Union” (actually occupation). Now, unfortunately, the inheritors of these same empires are moving to solve the Armenian Question once and for all. 

And now Russian propaganda has started discussing war in Armenia as a way to compensate for the failures in Ukraine. It is simple street gang logic. Always strike first. If rebuffed, you always can attack someone else. 


It is difficult to predict how this will play out. Perhaps Azerbaijan will attack and Russia will again put itself forward as a peacekeeping force. But we already know the price of Putin's promises. Moscow and Baku violated the 2020 ceasefire by starting the blockade and military operation. As a result, 100,000 people were forced to leave everything and flee the lands where they had lived for 3,000 years to Armenia, a poor country with closed borders with most of its neighbors. This reminded many people of the first genocide, when Armenians were massacred and no one helped. Almost all Armenians say now that Russia betrayed Artsakh and Armenia, and the government has started to distance itself from Moscow. But this will not be the end of Armenia’s troubles.

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Russian propaganda is trying to lay the groundwork for instability. One of Russian television’s most influential propagandists, Vladimir Solovyov, said a military operation in Georgia and Armenia would be good for Russia, as it would give Moscow a land connection with its wartime ally Iran.

Few people paid attention, but these are not empty threats. Russia still has a military base in Armenia, posing a threat to Armenian statehood. Armenians understand this. But they also understand their economic dependence on Russia as the largest economy in the region.

Russia also uses soft power. Moscow had close ties with Armenia’s former corrupt presidents, who maintain their platforms and managed to grow rich at the country’s expense. But, unfortunately, perhaps because of Russia's influence, some of these corrupt officials like former President Robert Kocharyan have escaped jail.

And there is, for example, Mika “Burger” Badalyan, a pro-Russian blogger who calls for a revolution in Armenia. His message is boosted by Solovyov and the editor-in-chief of RT, Margarita Simonyan, who have promoted fundraisers for his activities. When he violates Armenian laws, the Russian Foreign Ministry intervenes for him, even though he is an Armenian citizen.

After Baku launched airstrikes against Stepanakert, these propagandists promoted protests against the Armenian government based on false claims. But the government in Yerevan did not fall, as Badalyan and his supporters failed to appreciate that activism needs organization to succeed.

I am an activist myself, and have been to many protests in Russia. If it were not for the fact Moscow would exploit any power vacuum, I, as a soon to be Armenian citizen, would support the protests calling for change in Armenia. The government has made many mistakes in recent years, adopting populist tactics and saying Armenia was ready to recognize Baku’s claims over Artsakh. But at least Pashinyan has started to take steps away from Russia, such as ratifying the Rome Treaty to bring Armenia under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court.

Escaping the influence of Russia may still prove difficult. There are currently more than 100,000 Russians living in Armenia, many of whom fled repression and mobilization in their home country. Armenia is one of the few democratic countries where Russians are allowed without a visa. They do not extradite people at the behest of Russia. Nor do they stop people entering for unspecified reasons, as Georgia does. But attitudes toward Russia will worsen every year, especially as the new arrivals drive up the cost of living. It is in the interest of all people who oppose Russian imperialism to build a civil society that can resist Putin's fascism.

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As important as helping refugees from Artsakh is, that is only the first step. We have to fight for Armenia against Russian colonialism, which extends far beyond the borders of the Russian pseudo-federation. 

Now the Russian decolonial movement is awakening across Russia’s republics. And they are the key to mobilizing millions of people much less privileged than Alexei Navalny, who is of course a hero, Ilya Yashin and many other good Russian politicians who have been thrown in prison. Do you know why the Russian opposition failed to stop the war? Because they never became a real civil movement that fought for equal rights for all parts of society. Instead, they behaved as if they were any other political party.

Many Russians still struggle to understand what colonialism means to their neighbors. Before the war in Ukraine, I traveled to Georgia and visited the wonderful Museum of Soviet Occupation in Tbilisi. After I wrote that I dreamed about such a museum in Armenia, many "good" Russians came to my comments section to explain that nobody occupied Georgia and that Stalin was a Georgian. Moreover they, the "good Russians" that they are, tried to help their Soviet brother Armenia during the catastrophic Spitak earthquake.

It's a pity they didn't do something as simple as open Wikipedia to read the history of the Turkish and Soviet war against Armenia. History is repeating itself yet again. But I hope we can still prevent the worst from happening. To do so Armenia would need military support from the West and sanctions against Azerbaijan. The Armenian diaspora, including in Russia, will be essential for this.

Armenia may be an independent state, but it will be very difficult to wrench itself free from Russia's zone of influence. Putin still has a lot of instruments of pressure on Armenia. And rest assured, he and his dictator friends will continue to threaten Armenian democracy. That democracy, our mountains (though Mount Ararat, our national symbol, has long been controlled by Turkey), our lives and our history are the only things we have left.

Armenia needs allies now who can be trusted. I dream that the country will finally gain true independence and that the world will not let the empires of Russia and Turkey occupy Armenia again. I hope that a miracle will happen. But even if the war does not start tomorrow, we have a huge job ahead of us to save Armenia from the threats it faces on multiple sides.

The views expressed in opinion pieces do not necessarily reflect the position of The Moscow Times.
https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2023/10/16/armenia-surrounded-by-enemies-must-be-brought-out-of-russias-shadow-a82782

Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 16-10-23

 16:59,

YEREVAN, 16 OCTOBER, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 16 October, USD exchange rate down by 0.99 drams to 401.22 drams. EUR exchange rate down by 0.48 drams to 422.52 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate down by 0.01 drams to 4.12 drams. GBP exchange rate down by 1.77 drams to 487.56 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price up by 394.42 drams to 24627.77 drams. Silver price down by 1.48 drams to 284.82 drams.

First Person: ‘A handful of soil’ – refugee stories from Armenia

Oct 15 2023
People who have fled to Armenia from the Karabakh region of Azerbaijan have been talking about how their lives have been shattered by the recent escalation in hostilities there. Some 100,000 refugees have arrived in Armenia since the end of September and many have received support from the UN's International Organization for Migration (IOM). 

Here are some of their stories. ![Ophelia Aghajanyan](https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Collections/Embargoed/11-10-2023-IOM- Armenia-06.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg) © IOM/Joe Lowry Ophelia Aghajanyan **Ophelia Aghajanyan:** 

We are pensioners. My husband, who used to be a soldier, is a disabled man. My son as well. My sister's only child was brought here in a closed coffin. We buried a lot of our relatives. I have left my holy dead, and I don't blame myself; I have brought a handful of soil with me. What are we going to do? I don't know. Who cares about pensioners? ![Andranik Harutyunyan]

(https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Collections/Embargoed/11-10-2023-IOM- Armenia-02.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg) IOM/Joe Lowry Andranik Harutyunyan **Andranik Harutyunyan:** 

The same day as they started striking our village, our whole community moved into to a cave. When it was time for all of us to leave the village, no one took anything from Berdadzor. Some people were able to get their family out by car, at least. But some were not. If anyone can help anyone in our community with a place to live, the rest will be taken care of by us. We all are working families. We all will work to provide for our families. ![Svetlana Lazaryan]

(https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Collections/Embargoed/11-10-2023-IOM- Armenia-04.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg) © IOM/Joe Lowry Svetlana Lazaryan **Svetlana Lazaryan:** (previously living in Armenia) 

When I decided to return back to Karabakh, the woman who I was living with asked me a question: 'Where are you going? You have no residence, no possessions. I said, 'I don't know where, but I'm needed there.' I don't know… The call of the heart… The call of blood. My parents are buried there. I have left my brother's grave. I have left my father's grave. We understand our own pain. We must support each other and not wait for some external assistance. Why does no one want to hear and see us, understand our pain? ![Edgar Yedigaryan]

(https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Collections/Embargoed/11-10-2023-IOM- Armenia-03.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg) © IOM/Joe Lowry Edgar Yedigaryan **Edgar Yedigaryan:** 

I am engaged, and my fiancée is currently displaced in Hadrut region. We had decided to get married, but unfortunately this tragedy happened. But again, we are not breaking apart, we are not falling into despair. We will be able to overcome this and stand up again. In terms of finding a job, if there's no vacancy in state institutions, we will definitely do agriculture, farming, and take care of our family. We are working folk; we all can create something. ![Marianna Grigoryan]

(https://global.unitednations.entermediadb.net/assets/mediadb/services/module/asset/downloads/preset/Collections/Embargoed/11-10-2023-IOM- Armenia-05.jpg/image1170x530cropped.jpg) © IOM/Davit Gyumishyan Marianna Grigoryan **Marianna Grigoryan:** 

My mum and grandma fled in the 1990s and we don't have a house. I am unaware of the concept of owning a house. And to be honest, I don't even want to know what that is. Because I have seen how people build up those walls, put bricks on each other, make a home to live in and then be obliged to destroy what they have worked on for 30, 20, 15 years, in one second. On the 19th, when that massive war situation started, people flowed to Stepanakert. Under bombardment and shooting, we started running from basement to basement. We figured out the amount of people per place and started quickly collecting blankets, shoes, everything we had. What's happening here (aid distributions), we were doing the same things under bombing.

A Game of Go in the Caucasus: Armenia

                                   Oct 11 2023
Armenia is not even a player in the Game of Go on its own territory.

By David Davidian

This article proposes a hypothesis explaining events in the Caucasus and the greater region since the mid-2010s. No right or wrong, good or evil, is assumed, only interests.

Understanding any strategic geopolitical arena is daunting. Without critical understanding and information, the best one can hope for is a leading hypothesis to explain seemingly isolated events or possible outcomes from a series of events. The strategic geopolitical landscape is an intricate system with shifting levels of state interests.

Each microcosm possesses internal and external goals and objectives, yet they all remain profoundly interconnected, even to varying degrees. The interplay among these often seemingly conflicting forces results in complexity and unpredictability. Perceptions can be deceiving, and the dynamics are subject to constant change. Many aspects may seem enigmatic. 

In essence, the strategic environment closely resembles the chaos and complexity of interlinked physical systems. A strategic analyst must understand intimately the past and present and continually study the strategic environment. Navigating and succeeding in this complex realm requires a blend of art and science. One must look back at events with as unbiased an eye as possible, determine who benefited from each scenario, and connect what may appear to be mutually exclusive or disjoint events over time; the international arena is a bazaar governed by the law of the jungle.

A Hypothesis

Of interest is the disposition of the region of Nagorno-Karabakh (see the map above) relative to, at a minimum, Armenia, Russia, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Iran, and Israel. The region known as Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh in Armenian) was inhabited by an absolute Armenian majority for millennia. It wasn’t until the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, the onset of the 1917 Bolshevik revolution in Russia, and the discovery of hydrocarbons along the Caspian Sea that the Armenian disposition of this rich agricultural region was challenged. For multiple reasons, in 1923, Nagorno-Karabakh was assigned to Soviet Azerbaijani jurisdiction by Joseph Stalin. A quick history can be read here. As the Soviet Union disintegrated, demands for Nagorno-Karabakh’s integration into the emerging Republic of Armenia resulted in a war between Azerbaijani and Armenian forces, known as the First Karabakh War. 1994, Armenians secured jurisdiction over Nagorno-Karabakh, declaring itself a republic while never achieving international recognition.

Ever since 1994, Azerbaijan demanded the relinquishing of Nagorno-Karabakh from Armenian rule. Decades of negotiation were fruitless. As Azerbaijani oil production created wealth and corruption, it also procured expensive weapons of advanced technology — considerably more than Armenia. Azerbaijan engaged in a massive international lobbying effort given the moniker Caviar Diplomacy. Azerbaijan drew upon NATO military expertise in a “One Nation, Two States” alliance with Turkey.

Relations between Azerbaijan and Israel began warming early in the post-Soviet Azerbaijan era, with Azerbaijan supplying about 40% of Israel’s crude oil and, in return, Baku purchasing many billions of dollars of Israeli high-technology weaponry. Israel uses Azerbaijani territory as a forward intelligence platform against Iran.

Some have suggested that it was only a matter of time before Azerbaijan would feel comfortable enough to conquer Nagorno-Karabakh militarily. In September 2020, Azerbaijan launched a massive attack on Nagorno-Karabakh and, after 44 days, conquered most of the territory it considers its own. Three years later, in September of 2023, Azerbaijan began a military offensive under the ludicrous pretext of an anti-terrorist operation, which resulted in the forced exodus of nearly all of Nagorno-Karabakh’s 120,000 Armenian population, most escaping to Armenia.

To gain insight into these seemingly isolated events, one must consider the broader geopolitical forces at work that go beyond the South Caucasus. The South Caucasus is, in fact, not isolated and disjoint from the world arena; in fact, the scenarios we see unfolding are a direct reflection of the machinations in Europe, the Middle East, Asia, and the Far East.

After Ukraine’s Western-inspired 2004 Orange Revolution and 2014 Euromaidan Revolutions, it soon became clear that Russia needed a non-enemy in Turkey; Moscow knew things would begin militarily in Ukraine given the failure of the Minsk Agreements. These agreements foresaw autonomy for eastern Ukraine’s Russian-speaking citizens. In reaction, Russia annexed Crimea as Ukrainian forces shelled these Russian-speaking eastern regions. To complicate relations, in 2015, the Turks shot down a Russian SU-25 over Northwestern Syria. After a short period of tension, however, relations began to warm between Russia and Turkey, especially after Russian President Vladimir Putin warned Turkish President Erdogan of an impending 2016 coup in Turkey moments before it began. Work resumed on the Rosatom’s Akkuyu Nuclear Plant, and by May 2017, construction began on the Turkstream gas pipeline from Russia to Turkey. Turkey eventually purchased a Russian S400 antiaircraft system, much to the dismay of the US and NATO. What might Turkey have asked from Russia in return, or what may Russia have offered Turkey? We may never know, but we can speculate by looking back in time. Given the right circumstances, Turkish President Erdogan could have hinted to Putin (or vice versa) that the Nagorno-Karabakh question needs to be addressed in Azerbaijan’s favor, Armenia being a thorn in everybody’s side, including the US.

For many reasons, Armenia’s second president, Kocharyan, and third president (and twice prime minister, Sargsyan) would not agree to place any part of Nagorno-Karabakh under Azerbaijani jurisdiction. This situation changed in 2018 when Nikol Pashinyan became prime minister. The show stopper was when pro-Moscow Sargsyan got up and left the stage in resignation, a surprising event that appeared to be an ominous portent. 

Nikol Pashinyan, on the other hand, generally followed the footsteps of Armenia’s first president, Levon Ter-Petrosyan, who championed a brotherhood between states at the expense of self-defense with Nagorno-Karabakh, a “monkey on the back” of Armenia. Neither had a national strategy or economic policy in detail. Indirectly, during his campaign and later tenure as prime minister, Pashinyan increasingly expressed more anti-Russian sentiment, leading many to speculate that he was a Western puppet. A question that might have been asked in Moscow is, could Pashinyan and his hand-picked government structure deliver Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan without losing a single Russian soldier? Such a conflict directed by the Turkish military could guarantee predictability against any immediate loss of Russian interests. Pashinyan could even appear to ‘give a good fight’ against Azerbaijani forces. From Moscow’s perspective, why not use Pashinyan and facilitate (don’t send weapons and ignore the CSTO alliance) a defeat of the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh?

Even worse, Pashinyan appeared to be setting up the conditions that would lead to a defeat of Nagorno-Karabakh. An example includes Pashinyan’s changing Directors of Armenia’s National Security Service five times since 2018. It may now be a moot point if Pashinyan was intent on delivering Nagorno-Karabakh or if his government and military were not being run by the best and brightest, with Armenia (and Artsakh) outmaneuvered strategically and militarily.

Was Pashinyan told that to be considered welcome into the Western fold, Nagorno-Karabakh must be released? Perhaps Pashinyan was played by Moscow and Washington – delivering Nagorno-Karabakh and allowing free-reign of Western NGOs throughout Armenia. We don’t know, but we do know that Turkey’s and Azerbaijan’s interests were fully served by the forced expulsion of Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh in late September 2023. This expulsion was a tactical blow to Russia, losing its raison d’etre for its peacekeeping bases on what Azerbaijan considers its territory. Russia lost an immediate lever of influence against Azerbaijan.

With an increasing anti-Russia sentiment expressed by Pashinyan and his government, shunning CSTO military events, blaming Russia for the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh, a small military exercise with US soldiers in Armenia, making claims that Moscow pays rent for their use of a Russian base in Gyumri, Armenia, ratifying the Rome Statute, and with Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov claiming Armenia’s government is a “temporary administration,” time will only tell if Russia wishes to upgrade its presence in the Southern Caucasus by a mild coup in Armenia replacing Pashinyan’s government with a clear pro-Moscow one. Such a coup will most likely take place at a peak in Western interest in Armenia, enacting maximum defeat for such efforts.

Again, all this is just conjecture; many unknown puzzle pieces still need to be included. It is interesting to note who has gained what in this international horse-trading. These four events have already happened.

– Azerbaijan conquered all of Nagorno-Karabakh, which is now absent of Armenians. It owes a lot to Turkey, who commanded the 2020 military operation against Nagorno-Karabakh.

– Russia facilitated an engineered defeat of Nagorno-Karabakh, perhaps as an element of quid pro quo with Turkey and Azerbaijan. What will Russia receive in exchange, even though Moscow may not have envisioned the eventual exodus of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians?

– Turkey’s and Azerbaijan’s demand for a sovereign corridor through Southern Armenia, connecting rump Azerbaijan with its exclave Nakhichevan, has been superseded by a similar corridor through Iran. Thus, just south of Armenia’s border with Iran, this corridor will now be co-sponsored by a NATO ally, Turkey. The US doesn’t want Russia controlling any corridor through Armenia. Was the Iran route a contingency against any eventual Russian-controlled route across Armenia?

– Israel expanded its existing covert bases in Azerbaijan used against Iran on conquered Nagorno-Karabakh territory. 

What might remain? A pro-Moscow government in Armenia can fulfill Russian interests, the final move in this Game of Go. We will likely not see tanks in the streets of Armenia’s capital, Yerevan. Pressure towards ousting the Pashinyan government can be applied by an Azerbaijani military buildup on Armenia’s borders – something that is not supposed to happen in a “brotherhood between states.” Russia has many other levels of strategic influence in Armenia, and not just limited to gas, electricity, transportation, and control of remittances into Armenia from Russia.

The West won’t attempt to project its military power in the region; it cannot and will not place soldiers in Armenia. In any case, Turkey is NATO’s representative in the region. The EU is going through the motions to fill the perception of a power vacuum developing in Armenia – until it comes time for Russia’s regional interests to be satisfied.

Two items to watch that can indicate an active Russian recovery in the Southern Caucasus region include:

1) Further success in the Republic of Georgia’s continued attempts to find common ground with Moscow, as China is seriously interested in Georgian Black Sea ports. The potential upside for Georgia may be too high to ignore, considering Tbilisi seems to have realized that EU ascendancy and NATO membership are empty words.

2)  If Ruben Vardanyan, the former state minister of the Republic of Nagorno Karabakh, who was arrested last month by Azerbaijan, slowly becomes a hero in the Russian media, this may be a sign of his ascension to a pro-Moscow government in Armenia. He may be one of many who could be in such a position.

One needs a strategy to play the Game of Go.

Yerevan, Armenia

Author: David Davidian – Lecturer at the American University of Armenia. He has spent over a decade in technical intelligence analysis at major high technology firms. He resides in Yerevan, Armenia.


 

Armenpress: Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights to visit Armenia

 10:05,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 16, ARMENPRESS. The Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Dunja Mijatović, will visit Armenia and Azerbaijan, including the Karabakh region, from 16 to 23 October 2023 with a focus on the human rights situation of people affected by the conflict, her office said in a statement.

The Commissioner will hold meetings with State officials, representatives of international organisations and civil society.

A statement will be published at the end of the visit.

Russian government seeks to expand petroleum product supplies to Armenia

 12:09,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 13, ARMENPRESS. The Russian government has submitted to parliament amendments to the agreement with Armenia on cooperation in supplying natural gas, petroleum products and uncut natural diamonds, TASS reports.

The protocol submitted for ratification was signed on June 1, 2023. It envisages the substitution of the option of supplying petroleum resin without exports customs duties with an option of supplying bitumen without exports customs duties.

Kidnapped Red Cross evacuee to stand trial in Azerbaijan on fabricated charges

 12:21,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 13, ARMENPRESS. A Baku court has held a preliminary hearing in the show trial of Vagif Khachatryan, an elderly Nagorno-Karabakh man who was kidnapped by Azeri border guards during his ICRC-mediated medical evacuation on July 29. 

In Baku, the Azeri authorities pressed fabricated charges against Khachatryan. Khachatryan has since been jailed in Azerbaijan. 

The hearing in the show trial will continue on October 17.

The Armenian foreign ministry earlier said that the arrest of the Red Cross-protected patient from Nagorno-Karabakh amounts to war crime.

Prominent lawyer Siranush Sahakyan earlier said that the kidnapping constitutes extraordinary rendition in terms of international law and a due process is therefore ruled out.

The kidnapped man’s daughter, in a plea to the UN to ensure the safe release of her father, said that all charges pressed by the Azeri prosecution are fabricated and her father is innocent.

Larnaca collections for Nagorno Karabakh refugees

Cyprus Mail
Oct 10 2023

Larnaca municipality on Tuesday announced the launch of a humanitarian campaign to aid refugees from Nagorno Karabakh, organised by the civil defence in collaboration with the foreign ministry.

An announcement said that the campaign, which aims to help people who fled Nagorno Karabakh for Armenia, will be active until Friday, October 13.

The collection point set up for Larnaca is the municipality’s multiuse space near Ayios Lazaros primary school on Phaneromeni avenue.

It will be open from 8.30am to 2.30pm, and can be reached at 99817979.

The public are asked to donate dry food such as cereal, biscuits, pasta, baby formula and baby food, as well as personal hygiene items and diapers for both children and adults.

All donations must be dropped off in cardboard boxes, while the announcement noted that anything straying from the above list will not be accepted.

Those wishing to donate money can do so at the bank account below:

 

ACCOUNT NAME HUMANITARIAN SUPPORT – ARMENIA

ACCOUNT NUMBER 6001034

CURRENCY EURO

The IBAN number is

PAPER FORMAT CY47 0010 0001 0000 0000 0600 1034

ELECTRONIC FORMAT CY47001000010000000006001034

SWIFT BIC CBCYCY2NXXX

Armenians accuse Azerbaijan of ethnically cleansing Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenians, urge UN to impose measures

FOX NEWS
Oct 12 2023
  • Following three decades of separatist rule, Nagorno-Karabakh is planning to reintegrate back into Azerbaijan.
  • The reintegration of Nagorno-Karabakh into Azerbaijan has prompted 100,000 Armenians to flee the region.
  • Armenians is urging the United Nations’ top court to impose orders that would protect Nagorno-Karabakh’s Armenians.

Armenia urged the United Nations top court on Thursday to impose new interim orders on Azerbaijan to prevent what the leader of Armenia's legal team called "ethnic cleansing" of the Nagorno-Karabakh region by Azerbaijan from becoming irreversible.

Armenia is asking judges at the International Court of Justice for 10 "provisional measures" aimed at protecting the rights of ethnic Armenians from the Nagorno-Karabakh region that Azerbaijan reclaimed last month following a swift military operation.

In a 24-hour campaign that began on Sept. 19, the Azerbaijani army routed the region’s undermanned and outgunned Armenian forces, forcing them to capitulate. The separatist government then agreed to disband itself by the end of the year. More than 100,000 ethnic Armenians fled Nagorno-Karabakh.

THOUSANDS OF ARMENIANS FLEE NAGORNO-KARABAKH AS AZERBAIJAN RECLAIMS SEPARATIST REGION

"Nothing other than targeted and unequivocal provisional measures protecting the rights of ethnic Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh will suffice to prevent the ethnic cleansing Azerbaijan is perpetrating from continuing and becoming irreversible," the head of Armenia's legal team, Yeghishe Kirakosyan, told judges.

Lawyers for Azerbaijan are scheduled to respond Thursday afternoon. Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry has said that the departure of Armenians was "their personal and individual decision and has nothing to do with forced relocation."

After six years of separatist fighting ended in 1994 following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Nagorno-Karabakh came under the control of ethnic Armenian forces, backed by Armenia.

Azerbaijan took back parts of the region in the south Caucasus Mountains during a six-week war in 2020, along with surrounding territory that Armenian forces had claimed earlier. Nagorno-Karabakh was internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan’s sovereign territory.

20 DEAD IN NAGORNO-KARABAKH IN EXPLOSION AT GAS STATION CROWDED WITH RESIDENTS FLEEING TO ARMENIA

The world court is currently considering two cases focused on the deep-rooted tensions between the two countries. Armenia filed a case in 2021 accusing Azerbaijan of breaching an international convention aimed at preventing racial discrimination. A week later, Azerbaijan filed its own case, accusing Armenia of contravening the same convention.

The court has already issued so-called "provisional measure" rulings in both cases. The measures are intended to protect the rights of both nations and their nationals as their cases slowly progress through the world court.

Armenia on Thursday accused Azerbaijan of driving Armenians out of Nagorno-Karabakh even as the legal wrangling continues.

Alison Macdonald, a lawyer for Armenia, said court orders could prevent Nagorno-Karabakh being "swallowed up" by Azerbaijan.

"It is still possible to change how this story unfolds," she said. "The ethnic cleansing of Nagorno-Karabakh is happening as we speak. It must not be allowed to set in stone."

What Cultural Genocide Looks Like for Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh

TIME
Oct 12 2023

 

OCTOBER 12, 2023 7:00 AM EDT
Maranci is Mashtots Professor of Armenian Studies in the Department of Near Eastern Languages & Civilizations and the Department of the History of Art and Architecture at Harvard University

September 2023 saw the tumultuous and traumatic departure of over 100,000 Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh. This mass exodus of an indigenous people from their homeland followed nine months of starvation-by-blockade, which culminated in a murderous military assault on Sept. 19.

These men, women, and children, terrified for their lives, left behind entire worlds: their schools and shops; their fields, flocks, and vineyards; the cemeteries of their ancestors. They also left behind the churches, large and small, ancient and more modern, magnificent and modest, where they had for centuries gathered together and prayed. They also left behind bridges, fortifications, early modern mansions, and Soviet-era monuments, such as the beloved “We are Our Mountains” statues. What will happen now to those places? There is no question, actually.

We know well what happened in Julfa, in Nakhichevan: a spectacular landscape of 16th-century Armenian tombstones was erased from the face the earth by Azerbaijan over a period of years. We know what happened to the Church of the Mother of God in Jebrayil and the Armenian cemetery in the village of Mets Tagher (or Böyük Taglar)—both were completely scrubbed from the landscape using earthmoving equipment like bulldozers. And we know what happened to the Cathedral of Ghazanchetsots in Shushi, which was, in turn, shelled, vandalized with graffiti, “restored” without its Armenian cupola, and now rebranded as a “Christian” temple. The brazenness of these actions, as journalist Joshua Kucera wrote in May 2021, “suggests a growing confidence that [Baku] can remake their newly retaken territories in whatever image they want.”

The annihilation of millennia of Armenian life in Arstakh was enabled by the inaction and seeming indifference of those who might have prevented it. The United States and the European Union speak loftily of universal human rights, but did nothing for nine months while the people of Arstakh were denied food, medicine, fuel, and other vital supplies. They did nothing to enforce the order of the International Court of Justice demanding back in February 2023 that Azerbaijan end its blockade. That inaction clearly emboldened Azerbaijan to attack—just as it will encourage others to do the same elsewhere.

It’s important to understand the stakes of this kind of cultural erasure: These monuments and stones testify to the generations of Armenians who worshipped in and cared about them. To destroy them, is to erase not only a culture, but a people. As art historian Barry Flood observed in 2016 about the destruction of cultural heritage by the so-called Islamic state since 2014, “the physical destruction of communal connective tissues—the archives, artifacts, and monuments in which complex micro-histories were instantiated—means that there are now things about these pasts that cannot and never will be known.” The Julfa cemetery is a tragic example of such loss.

If history is any indication, ethnic cleansing tends to be followed by all kinds of cultural destruction, from vandalism to complete effacement from the landscape. The latter tactic will be used with smaller, lesser-known churches. It will be a sinister way to remove less famous Armenian monuments, which will serve the narrative that there were no Armenians there in the early modern period to begin with.

Falsification will also occur, in which Armenian monuments are provided with newly created histories and contexts. The 13th-century monasteries of Dadivank (in the Kalbajar district) and Gandzasar (in the Martakert province), both magnificent and characteristic examples of medieval Armenian architecture, have already been rebranded as “ancient Caucasian Albanian temples.” Expect these and other sites to become venues for conferences and workshops to highlight “ancient Caucasian Albanian culture.” As for the countless Armenian inscriptions on these buildings, khachkars, and tombstones: these, as President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev announced in February 2021, are Armenian forgeries, and will be “restored” to their “original appearance” (presumably through gouging, sandblasting, or removing of Armenian inscribed stones, as was done in the 1980s).

Finally, there will be a celebration of the “multiculturalism” of Azerbaijan. “Come to Karabakh, home of ancient Christians,” people will say. “Please ignore the gouged-out letters on that stone wall, for it is not an Armenian inscription. There were never Armenians here!" Except for soldiers and invaders, like the ones depicted in a reprehensible museum in Baku, featuring waxen figures of dead Armenian soldiers—a sight so dehumanizing that an international human rights organizations, including Azerbaijani activists, cried out for its closure.

This is how cultural genocide plays out. A little more than 100 years ago was the Armenian Genocide waged by the Ottoman Empire, followed by largescale looting, vandalization, and destruction of Armenian sites across what is now modern-day Turkey. The prospect of a second cultural genocide is now on the table. Except now, Armenians will watch the spectacle unfold online, enduring the trauma site by site and monument by monument.

In 2020, Armenian activists called for international monitoring of vulnerable sites in Nagorno-Karabakh by UNESCO and other heritage organizations. Nothing happened. Now is the time for the world to protect what Armenian culture remains in Nagorno-Karabakh. If we don’t, what culture will be next to go?