AW: Armenian Literarian, Translator Yervant Kotchounian Passes Away

Yervant Kotchounian

Yervant Kotchounian was born on May 20, 1950, in Damascus, Syria. He was the youngest son of Garabed and Tshkhoun (Vanes Kehian) Kotchounian. He came to join his siblings Kalousd and Elmasd.

His mother passed away when Yervant was an infant. In 1958, with the help of his brother Kalousd, Yervant and his sister Elmasd were accepted into the Armenian Evangelical Secondary School of Anjar, Lebanon, where they spent the next ten years.

In 1968, Yervant moved to the capital city of Beirut where he attended Haigazian College for four years, graduating in 1972 with a degree in English literature. He taught at Shamlian-Tatigian High School in Beirut for two years after completing his degree. Yervant also hosted a radio program called Armenian Hour, which aired in Beirut. He hosted another radio program that aired in Cyprus.

In 1974, he married Grace Varbedian and together they immigrated to the United States in 1975, where they settled in Los Angeles and where their children — son Todd and daughter Tara — were born.

For many years, Yervant worked at Blue Cross in an administrative capacity.

At his core, however, Yervant was a man of letters. He loved words and ideas — in all languages. The best living examples of that are his children and their names. Todd is “tahd” — cause, the permanent Armenian call for justice. And his daughter is Tara — terra, land, the resolution that justice would bring. This is how he was in all things: he was true to himself, honest and very smart — sometimes even practical.

His true passion was Armenian letters. He was a translator who sought to preserve and extend the essence of Armenian for its rich and expansive vocabulary while creating a bridge for Armenian writers to reach new audiences. He was the translator and editor of a number of scholarly and literary books — some on commission — most out of love and curiosity. He had translated a series of adventure novels because he wanted them available to Armenian language readers. His writings appeared in all of the local Armenian newspapers, and he was respected as a theater critic.

He served as a jurist for many years for the Hamazkayin Tololyan Prize in Contemporary Literature, awarded to authors of various genres in both English and Armenian whose themes centered around Armenian issues.

Yervant had a passion for music and was always quick to sing or hum along, especially if it was country music. He especially appreciated classical and Armenian music and was an avid supporter of the Lark Conservatory and the Dilijan Chamber Music Series.

He loved gathering with friends and family, sharing poetry and telling stories — a smile never far and his booming laugh often filling the room.

In the past few months, he was in significant pain when he agreed to enter the hospital. On Friday, September 29, he had been in good spirits, laughing and talking. Later that night, he suffered a heart attack that greatly deteriorated his overall condition. After two weeks of treatment in critical care, Yervant died on Saturday, October 14, 2023, surrounded by loved ones.

He is lovingly remembered by: former wife, Grace Kotchounian; son, Todd Kotchounian; daughter, Tara Kotchounian; brother, Kalousd Kotchounian; sister, Elmasd Kotchounian Miller; niece, Nanor and Elie Tashdjian and family; niece, Houry and Zohrab Ghazarian and family; niece, Hasmig and Kevork Harboyan and family; nephew, Garo and Katie Kotchounian and family; nephew, Greg and Katrina Miller and family; and the entire Kotchounian, Miller and Varbedian families, relatives, friends and colleagues.

A celebration of life will be held on October 28 at 5 p.m. at Phoenicia Restaurant (343 N. Central Ave., Glendale, CA). In lieu of flowers, the family has asked that remembrances be made by supporting Abril Bookstore or by donating to an Armenian literary cause in Yervant’s name.

Armenpress: Argentina sends humanitarian aid to Armenia for forcibly displaced persons of Nagorno- Karabakh

 09:56,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 23, ARMENPRESS. Argentina has sent humanitarian aid to Armenia to meet the needs of the forcibly displaced persons of Nagorno-Karabakh.

The plane carrying approximately 11 tons of humanitarian aid consisting of warm clothes, footwear, children’s hygiene products, towels, electric heaters and other items has landed in Zvartnots airport.

The flight from Buenos Aires was organized by the Argentinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship and its White Helmets agency, in collaboration with Enrique Piñeyro's Solidaire Foundation.

Photos by Hayk Manukyan




As Azerbaijan and Turkey join forces, fears of Armenia conflict grow

rfi, France
Oct 22 2023
Fears are growing of a conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia as Baku ratchets up its rhetoric against Yerevan, reiterating calls for a corridor through Armenian territory. The move comes as Azerbaijani forces prepare joint military exercises with Turkey, which backs the idea of the passage.

Turkish and Azerbaijani forces are to hold three days of military exercises next week across Azerbaijan and Nakhchivan, an Azeri enclave that borders Turkey.

Baku and Ankara are calling for a 40km corridor through Armenia to connect the Azeri territories. The passage, dubbed the Zangezur corridor, would also create a land route between Turkey and Azerbaijan, a long-term goal of the two allies.

"God willing, we will implement the Zangezur corridor as soon as possible and thereby make our land road and railroad connection with friendly and brotherly Azerbaijan uninterrupted over Nakhchivan," said Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan at a ceremony with his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilhan Aliyev in Nakhchivan last month.

Yerevan is strongly opposed to the corridor, but Baku insists it will not use force to achieve its goal.

"Azerbaijan doesn't have any military goals or objectives on the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia," said Hikmet Hajiyev, a foreign policy advisor to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev in a recent interview with Reuters news agency.

But the Turkish-Azerbaijani military exercise is interpreted as a strategy to put pressure on Yerevan, suggesting a conflict could be looming.

"Turkey does not necessarily want a militarised solution, but the nature of the relationship between Azerbaijan and Turkey and between President Aliyev and President Erdogan is more or less a blank cheque," said Asli Aydintasbas, an analyst with the US-based Brookings Institution.

She believes that the Turkish government would prefer to establish a trade route by peaceful means, "but if Azerbaijan chooses to do it through military means, it does seem like it can count on Turkish support".

The prospect of conflict comes as Yerevan is still reeling from Azerbaijan recapturing the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh enclave held by ethnic Armenians.

Despite over 100,000 residents fleeing to Armenia, Yerevan is trying to secure a peace agreement with Baku, which the Armenian government sees as vital to its long-term goal of breaking away from Russian influence.

"You know, the economy's moving in the right direction. The Western pivot is moving in the right direction. Democratisation is moving in the right direction. The only thing interfering with that is the threat of war," says Armenian political analyst Eric Hacopian.

"So you take away the threat of war, all of this becomes easier, and any kind of a peaceful situation will quicken and hasten the de-Russification of Armenian politics, economy and other things – and by the way, it has broad popular support."

However an opportunity for a peace deal between Azerbaijan and Armenia brokered by the European Union at a summit in Spain this month fell victim to diplomatic infighting between EU leaders and Turkey.

"The Azeris said that Turkey ought to be in the talks. The Germans and the French said Turkey cannot be in the talks," says Soli Ozel, professor of international relations at Istanbul's Kadir Has University.

"You really wonder which world they're living in. I would have expected that the Europeans, particularly the French, would work with Turkey and get Azerbaijan and Armenia out of the orbit of Russia."

  • Can Turkey tip the balance of power in the Caucasus conflict?

Since the failed EU peace effort, Baku has been hardening its stance against Yerevan. Azerbaijan's Foreign Ministry accused Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan of undermining the peace process with "aggressive rhetoric".

Baku's harsh language comes after Russian President Vladimir Putin invited Azerbaijan President Aliyev to a regional summit in Kyrgyzstan. Experts suspect Putin is using centuries-old Russian diplomatic tactics to maintain hegemony in the region.

  • West looks on as Turkey-Russia relations deepen following Sochi summit

"Russia was always playing on these contradictions and mutual dissatisfaction," says Russian expert Tatiana Mitrova, a visiting professor at the Paris School of International Affairs.

"It is a typical divide-and-rule policy starting from Czarist Russia before the Soviet Union, so it has very, very long historical roots. Moreover, I would say my impression is that these days Moscow would do everything to create instability everywhere."

With growing international turmoil, Baku could be eyeing an opportunity to pursue its agenda.

"Washington is too distracted right now to think about the Caucasus," predicts analyst Aydintasbas, noting the ongoing war in Ukraine, domestic political turmoil and the conflict between Israel and Hamas.

"The US has long prided itself on being able to chew gum and walk, but at this moment, the geopolitical pressures, whether it's Taiwan or Ukraine or the Middle East, are so crushing that there is a sense that they do not have the bandwidth to deal with other regional issues."

Baku insists it is not seeking another conflict with Armenia. But analysts warn Armenia's pro-Western government would likely be at risk if it suffered a further military defeat to a Turkey-backed Azerbaijan attack.

And Putin would probably welcome such an outcome as he seeks to maintain his grip on the Caucasus.

https://www.rfi.fr/en/podcasts/international-report/20231022-as-azerbaijan-and-turkey-join-forces-fears-of-conflict-with-armenia-grow

A Freelance War Correspondent Covers Ethnic Cleansing of Her Indigenous Nation

Oct 22 2023

For nearly three years, Siranush Sargsyan has documented Azerbaijan’s siege of the 120,000 indigenous Armenians in her disputed homeland of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh). The former history teacher and state worker turned wartime freelance journalist is now among the over 100,700 forcibly displaced taking refuge in neighboring Armenia.

“I’m the protagonist of the photos and articles I produce because I want to tell these stories. This is history. This is the reality we must show,” said Sargsyan, an Artsakh native, now living in the neighboring Republic of Armenia. “This is also my story, my family story. I’m also the victim of the war that I report on. This is also my reality and I show it with hopes to end the atrocities we endured.”

Sargsyan, 39, has survived two major wars (1992-94 and 2020) while documenting Azerbaijan’s systematic ethnic cleansing of the disputed enclave. She has witnessed indiscriminate atrocities upon her people, and lost countless family members, acquaintances, classmates and teachers. She lived through the Azerbaijan-imposed starvation campaign for nearly 10 months—which sealed off Artsakh from the outside world, cutting off electricity, food, gas and medical supplies.

Azerbaijan’s final offensive, under the guise of “anti-terrorist activities” on Sept. 19 brought further bombing to the besieged civilians across Artsakh. Sargsyan’s social media posts showed weary residents sheltering in basements, scenes of barraged apartment buildings, and a haunting image of a mother and child clinging together (distributed via AP). In her BBC article on a traumatized mother whose 8- and 10-year-old sons were victims of the bombing, she detailed a mother’s insistence to transport her children’s remains to Armenia for burial.

“When the Sept. 19 bombardment started, I first rushed into a basement shelter, then soon walked out and started to video the distant smoke from the bomb blasts, the silence and the voices. The neighborhood’s bombed buildings haunted me the most—I walked the backyards under the sky-high laundry lines the women proudly hung.” said Sargsyan. Her footage of backyard laundry lines flapping in mid-air between high-rise buildings was among her last from Artsakh.

Delaying her departure, Sargsyan couldn’t reconcile the emotional trauma of leaving behind her generational home, her life of 39 years—unable to physically disconnect from her homeland.

“Azerbaijan didn’t provide a realistic option of co-existence. Its military took over our lands letting us know that we should leave,” Sargsyan’s posted on X, formerly known as Twitter, captured her state of mind:

In like one day, you lose everything. I lost myself. I wanted to stay more, to remember every corner of my city.

Siranush Sargsyan

When she finally packed, she chose a few precious earrings and books from her collection. She left behind most of her clothing with memories of a happier life in Artsakh, and her special rug, too heavy to carry. She met others in the crowded town square of the capital city Stepanakert to join the snaking queue of overpacked cars and buses spilling out of Artsakh through the mountainous road toward Armenia—an exodus visible through satellite images from space. The heavens watched the trail of tears and memories of the horrors of an exodus from the ancient land while world powers remained largely immobile to calls for action.

Sargsyan compares the “physically, emotionally and psychologically unbearable” 30-hour grueling exodus, to the forced march of her ancestors 108 years ago during the Armenian genocide. The Ottoman Turks forced hundreds of thousands of Armenian refugees into death marches through the scorching heat of the Deir ez Zor desert in modern-day Syria.

“Maybe it’s not comparable, but the pain and trauma we lived through over the past years, and the nearly 10 months of blockade, felt like we were bleeding daily, drop by drop. Then Azerbaijan completed its mission by bombing us—and the final assault of the gas depot explosion was indescribable. Azerbaijan turned our heavenly country and our lives into a hellish existence. People just wanted to run away from that hell.”

At each stop on the journey toward Armenia, she conversed with the dazed and traumatized residents—some displaced multiple times—but all aspiring to return to Artsakh. After some 30 hours, arriving at the central-eastern border village of Kornidzor in Armenia, in the early morning hours, she was welcomed to her “homeland” of Armenia by volunteers offering food and water. 

Feeling “limbless,” she walked through the large crowds of her countrymen hovering and lined up around humanitarian aid tents.

“It was unbearable. We didn’t realize at that time that this was our last journey out of our homeland. For the first time, I realized I was a refugee who didn’t have a home,” Sargsyan said.  

“I’m surprised when journalists ask me ‘Why didn’t you stay in Artsakh?’ It’s really frustrating—they don’t know or pretend they don’t know that we didn’t have any other choice—and wouldn’t be alive if we stayed. We want the rest of the world and everyone to know that we had no other choice but to leave our homeland. We were victimized and not offered any other alternatives.”

Sargsyan said many families lost loved ones days before their departure. “This is not a normal thing for people, to bury relatives and the next day flee their homeland.”

Sargsyan is a native of Sos, a grape farming community in eastern Artsakh of just over 1,000 inhabitants—home to the Fourth-Century Christian Armenian Amaras Monastery, where Armenian alphabet creator, Mesrop Mashtots, established the first Armenian school. Armenia adopted Christianity as its state religion in 301 AD, which is reflected in the centuries-old Christian Armenian cathedrals and monasteries dotting Artsakh and Armenia’s rugged mountain terrain and valleys. 

In her quest to “change the world,” Sargsyan entrenched herself in politics. She taught herself English and was employed in the Artsakh parliament, where she enrolled in the Public Administration Academy to study political science.

“I wanted to see more women in politics who could improve decision-making and create a better living environment in Artsakh,” Sargsyan said. She even campaigned, unsuccessfully, for the 15-member all-male Stepanakert City Council.

In September 2020, Azerbaijan, with NATO member Turkey’s backing, unleashed an unprovoked 44-day war on Artsakh. Amnesty International’s Crisis Response experts “identified Israeli-made M095 DPICM cluster munitions” used by Azerbaijan. Over 5,000 died and thousands were displaced by the time Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia signed a tripartite Russian-brokered ceasefire agreement on Nov. 9, 2020, ending the war in strong favor of Azerbaijan. Russia installed 1,960 peacekeeping forces in Artsakh, which failed to secure the Armenian population’s safety through the last hours of the exodus. 

“After the 2020 war, we lived under an information blockade. So, I decided I should speak up. The bloody war and the stories of all our suffering had to be told and published,” Sargsyan said.

Her mission to amplify the stories of those “still alive and struggling” brought her to a six-day training initiated by the AGBU Young Professionals of Madrid (Spain) and Ronak Press non-profit from Spain’s Basque Country, which convenes local journalists to cover war stories. Her first article covered the opening of a French cultural center in Artsakh, followed by “Female Faces of the Artsakh War” published in the Boston-based English language publication, The Armenian Weekly.

“I wanted to show the female face of the Artsakh war. Men are always portrayed as heroes. Surely many of our men lost their lives, but women suffered too. They took care of the children while enduring unbearable struggles. It’s no coincidence that most of my heroes happen to be women,” Sargsyan said.

Months after the 2020 war, walking the streets she imagined seeing the faces of those who had died. She remembers in tears the loss of her beloved uncle but gets most emotional detailing the death of her brother-in-law, a special forces soldier. His death dramatically impacted her “smart university graduate” sister, who had chosen to be a stay-at-home mom to “pamper her son and husband.” Their 20-year marriage ended on Nov. 7, 2020, two days before the ceasefire agreement, when Azerbaijani forces launched devastating attacks on the strategic Armenian fortress stronghold of Shushi—crowned atop mountains and home to the iconic Ghazanchetsots Cathedral which was damaged by two targeted missiles. 

“My sister refused to cross the border into Armenia from Shushi, because that’s the road where her husband’s blood spilled.”

Sargsyan says her 3-year-old nephew never questioned his father’s absence but obsessively watched the TV program that profiled martyred soldiers. “I wondered whether he understood that his father wasn’t coming back because we didn’t tell him he had died. He never asked for toys, but one day he asked me, ‘Can you ask them to show my father on TV?’”

Sargsyan said she felt most protected (despite Azerbaijan’s siege), and psychologically stronger while living in Artsakh. 

“Since my childhood, I’ve considered living in Artsakh as a special privilege because we have sacrificed a lot,” she said. “This is the high price we paid for living in our homeland. This is our choice. Our mountains, our culture, are part of our being. I exist within my land and soil. We sacrificed our blood to remain in our ancestral land where our spirits lie. Even to the last moments before our exodus—we hoped for a chance to live in our country. We won’t ever find another place as beautiful as Artsakh.

While she’s come to terms that Armenia is now her home, she feels weakened—she said she has “lost almost everything,” but is grateful for “the beautiful homeland which still exists and must be preserved.”

Sargsyan recalled seeing one of the village teachers at the border. The young, hardworking teacher had a large vineyard and had built a beautiful house she frequented. She was saddened to see all that he had now, was a tightly packed, small car—carrying his children, wife and elderly parents. 

“Their stories, every house, every person, every plot of land and mountain that made up our homeland of Artsakh is now strewn.” Sargsyan said the blockade felt like being imprisoned and the prospects of its lifting felt as impossible “as reaching another Galaxy”. 

Azerbaijan’s siege over Artsakh continued to the end, despite a February 2023 order by the International Court of Justice ordering Azerbaijan to end the blockade, echoed by countless international and humanitarian organizations.

In her dreams, Sargsyan said she sees herself “back in Artsakh.” Her compatriots share her sentiments—reliving in their minds their previous lives spent baking bread, harvesting their vineyards and gardens into wine and pickled vegetables, building their homes, and surviving Azerbaijan’s “agricultural terror” sharpshooters targeting farmers in their fields. Talking about the memories and the trauma, she said, has healing powers for her and the others, “as painful as it is.”

“With each day passing, I feel as though the anesthesia is wearing out and the pain is harder to bear.”

For Sargsyan and over 100,000 forcibly displaced Artsakh Armenians, the personal trauma of ethnic cleansing and war atrocities remains constant and the post-conflict psycho-social needs will only deepen in the future.

For now, the fertile, bomb-strewed vineyards and orchards, overshadowed by the Kirs peak nestled within the Artsakh mountain range, remain unharvested. The ancient monasteries’ bell towers are silenced for the first time as the winds of despair swirl through the mountain ranges and valleys and across ghost towns and villages empty of their indigenous residents who for centuries cultivated the land and endured harsh mountainous winters through wars. For the first time since 1967, the Tatik-Papik We Are Our Mountains monument, symbolizing Artsakh’s resilience, is endangered.

https://msmagazine.com/2023/10/22/war-siranush-sargsyan-azerbaijan-armenia/

Violation of timeframes envisages sanctions – MP on Russia delaying arms supplies to Armenia

 12:38,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 23, ARMENPRESS. Armenia has paid Russia for new weapons and is still waiting for the supplies, Member of Parliament Andranik Kocharyan told reporters when asked what happened to the weaponry worth 400,000,000 dollars ordered from Russia.

“We’ve given those millions to have weapons, and we are now waiting for the weapons. I believe that any contract envisages timeframes, and sanctions in the event of violating these timeframes,” Kocharyan, the Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee on Defense and Security Affairs told reporters.

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan had earlier said that Armenia paid hundreds of million of dollars to one of its allies for new weapons, but the supplies never took place. Pashinyan did not explicitly name Russia in his comments.

Rafah border crossing between Gaza, Egypt opens for aid trucks

 11:47,

YEREVAN, OCTOBER 21, ARMENPRESS. First aid trucks are making their way through the Rafah border crossing from Egypt into Gaza, Al Jazeera reports.

“The relief aid convoy that is supposed to enter today includes 20 trucks that carry medicine, medical supplies, and a limited amount of food supplies (canned goods),” Al Jazeera reported citing a statement from Hamas.

Asbarez: Encino’s Holy Martyrs Armenian Church Marks 60th Anniversary

Zeron Titizian Honored With The “Knight Of Cilicia” Medal

A special dinner took place on October 7 to mark the 60th anniversary of the Holy Martyrs Armenian Church in Encino.

The event, held under the auspices of Western Prelate Bishop Torkim Donoyan, was chaired by benefactors Mr. and Mrs. Mike and Evelina Sarian and hosted by philanthropist and parish delegate Mr. and Mrs. Zeron and Sona Titizian at their residence.

During the gathering, Prelate Donoyan shared the contributions made by the dinner’s host and the Titizian family to our nation and community. He announced that at his request, His Holiness Aram I, Catholicos of the Great House of Cilicia, has decided to award Zeron Titizian with the Catholicosate’s “Knight of Cilicia” medal.

Dzeron Titizian and his wife, Sona were awarded the “Knight of Cilicia” medal by Catholicos Aram I

On this occasion, Holy Martyrs Church pastor Archpriest Razmig Khatchadourian read a special decree issued by the Catholicos, while the Prelate pinned the medal on Titizian and presented Sona Titizian with a special “pin” as a token of appreciation. Additionally, the Prelate presented to the Sarian family a special memento from the church Board of Trustees.

Titizian, the host of the evening, and her daughter Tamar extended their appreciation and sincere and heartfelt gratitude to Catholicos Aram I and Prelate Donoyan.

The dinner was attended by Vahe Hovaguimian, Chairman of the Executive Council of the Western Prelacy, his wife Hasmig, and members of the Board of Trustees. Also in attendance were representatives of local organizations and institutions, as well as members from bodies operating under the auspices of the Holy Martyrs Armenian church. In addition, the administration and Board members of Holy Martyrs Ferrahian Armenian School, benefactors, friends, and guests also attended the dinner.

Dr. Mike and Evelina Sarian were the event sponsors Dzeron and Sona Titizian hosted the event at their residence

After Rev. Khachadourian delivered the opening prayer and welcome remarks, Hovig Bedevian, chairman of the church Board of Trustees, gave brief evaluation of the 60-year contribution of Holy Martyrs Armenian church to the Armenian community.

Prelate Donoyan’s message exuded warmth as he addressed the attendees. He began by extending his congratulations to Holy Martyrs Armenian church on the occasion of the 60th anniversary, proceeded to express his wishes and prayed for “spiritual renewal, intellectual clarity, physical well-being, and unwavering faith to become a permanent presence in our lives.”

The Prelate acknowledged the current state of despair and pain affecting Armenians and Armenia, attributing it to various known factors. He emphasized the importance of relying on God to overcome these challenges, urging the audience to not settle for mere dialogue but to translate their faith into action, a principle that has guided the Holy Martyrs Armenian church throughout its 60 years of existence.

Bishop Donoyan also highlighted the ongoing efforts of responsible institutions, individuals, and benefactors affiliated with the Western Prelacy in promoting solidarity and ensuring a bright future for the Prelacy Armenian Schools, organizations, and the Armenian community.

He closed his remarks by expressing his gratitude to benefactors Mr. and Mrs. Mike and Evelina Sarian for their generous support of Western Prelacy projects.

Armenia invited to 3+3 format meeting in Tehran

TEHRAN TIMES
Iran – Oct 20 2023

TEHRAN – Armenia has received an invitation from Iran to attend a meeting of the 3+3 format of the countries of the South Caucasus region, according to an Azerbaijani news outlet. 

Deputy Foreign Minister of Armenia Vahan Kostanyan has said that the Armenian government is considering the possibility of a meeting in the 3+3 format at the level of Azerbaijani and Armenian Foreign Ministers in Tehran, APA reported. 

Kostanyan said Armenia was invited by Iran and he is currently discussing this issue with his Iranian counterparts. “An invitation at the ministerial level was received and sent to the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia,” he said. 

Kostanyan added that the 3+3 format also includes the participation of representatives of Türkiye, Iran, and Russia.

Earlier, the Azerbaijani outlet had reported that a meeting at the level of foreign ministers will soon be held in Iran in the 3+3 format (Azerbaijan, Türkiye, Russia, Iran, Armenia, and Georgia) and Armenia also agreed to participate in the meeting.

Armenia flounders as allies turn away

The Star, Malaysia
Oct 21 2023

ON the day Azerbaijan’s military sliced through the defences of an ethnic Armenian redoubt on Sept 19, American soldiers from the 101st Airborne Division had just finished a training mission in nearby Armenia, a long-time ally of Russia that has been trying to reduce its nearly total dependence on Moscow for its security.

The Americans unfurled a banner made up of the flags of the United States and Armenia, posed for photographs – and then left the country.

At the same time, nearly 2,000 Russian “peacekeepers” were dealing with the mayhem unleashed by their earlier failure to keep the peace in the contested area, Nagorno-Karabakh, recognised internationally as part of Azerbaijan.

The timing of the US soldiers’ rapid exit at the end of their training work – carried out under the intimidating name Eagle Partner but involving only 85 soldiers – had been scheduled for months.

Yet, coinciding as it did with the host country’s greatest moment of need, it highlighted an inescapable reality for Armenia: While it might want to reduce its reliance on an untrustworthy Russian ally that, preoccupied by the war in Ukraine, did nothing to prevent September’s debacle, the West offers no plausible alternative.

Later, the defeated ethnic Armenian government of Nagorno-Karabakh formally dissolved itself and told residents they had no choice but to leave or to live under Azerbaijani rule, acknowledging a new reality enabled by Russian passivity and unhindered by Washington.

The Biden administration rushed out two senior officials to the Armenian capital, Yerevan, to offer comfort to Armenia’s embattled prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan. But it has so far resisted placing sanctions on Azerbaijan for a military assault that the State Department previously said it would not countenance.

“We feel very alone and abandoned,” said Zohrab Mnatsakanyan, Pashinyan’s former foreign minister.

That is not a good position to be in for a country in the South Caucasus, a volatile region of the former Soviet Union where the destiny of small nations has for centuries been determined by the interests and ambitions of outside powers.

“Mentally, we live in Europe, but geographically, we live in a very different place,” said Alexander Iskandaryan, director of the Caucasus Institute, a research group in Yerevan. “Our neighbors are not Switzerland and Luxembourg, but Turkiye, Iran and Azerbaijan.”

This tough and predominantly Muslim neighbourhood has meant that Armenia, intensely proud of its history as one of the world’s oldest Christian civilisations, has traditionally looked to Russia for protection, particularly since the 1915 Armenian genocide by the Ottoman Empire, a perennial enemy of the Russian Empire.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Armenia in 1992 joined a Russian-led military alliance offering “collective security” and expanded close economic ties with Russia forged during the Soviet era. There are, by some estimates, more Armenians living in Russia than in their home country, which gets two-thirds of its energy from Russia.

These intimate bonds, however, have now frayed so badly that some supporters of Pashinyan fear that Russia wants to capitalise on public anger and daily protests in Yerevan over the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh to try to topple the Armenian leader for having let US troops in to help train his army.

The training mission was small and lasted just a few days, but that, along with other outreach to the West by Pashinyan – including a push to ratify a treaty that would make Russian President Vladimir Putin liable for arrest on suspicion of war crimes under a warrant issued by the International Criminal Court should he visit Armenia – infuriated Moscow.

“They blew it out of all proportion,” said Mnatsakanyan, because “in their view, you are either their stooge or an American stooge”.

Armenia, he said, never had any intention of “jumping to America”.

“That is childish,” he added. “Playing simplistic geopolitical games, allowing ourselves to be the small change in global competition, is going to be at our cost.”

But the cost for Armenia, whatever its intentions, has already been high and could get much higher if, as many fear, Azerbaijan, with support from Turkiye and a wink and a nod from a distracted Russia, expands its ambitions and tries to snatch a chunk of Armenian territory to open up a land corridor to Nakhchivan, a patch of Azerbaijani territory inside Armenia’s borders.

Benyamin Poghosyan, the former head of the Armenian Defence Ministry’s research unit, said Azerbaijan’s conquest after more than three decades of on-off war in Nagorno-Karabakh “is not the end; it is just the start of another never-ending story”.

Many Armenians blame Russian inaction for the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan, accusing Moscow of abandoning its small ally in pursuit of bigger economic and diplomatic opportunities offered by Turkiye and Azerbaijan.

That Russia would realign its priorities in favour of a former Soviet satrap like Azerbaijan or Turkiye, which it has long viewed as an impertinent interloper into former Soviet lands, is a sign of how much the war in Ukraine has rearranged and shrunk Russia’s horizons.

“Azerbaijan and Turkiye suddenly became a lot more important to Russia than we are because of the war in Ukraine,” Poghosyan said. “Russia is busy in Ukraine, and it doesn’t have a lot of interest in us.”

In a bitter speech last weekend to mark Armenia’s independence day, Pashinyan said responsibility for the suffering of tens of thousands of terrified ethnic Armenians fleeing their conquered enclave lies “entirely” with Azerbaijan and “on the peacekeeping troops of the Russian Federation in Nagorno-Karabakh”.

Armenia, he added, “has never betrayed its allies”, but “the security systems and allies we have relied on for many years have set a task to demonstrate our vulnerabilities and justify the impossibility of the Armenian people to have an independent state”.

For some of the more than 75,000 ethnic Armenians who had fled Nagorno-Karabakh, the explanation for their plight is simple: Unlike Azerbaijan, Armenia has neither large reserves of oil and gas nor control of vital transport routes to Iran, an important source of weapons and other support for Russia in Ukraine.

“They succeed because they have oil and they buy everyone,” said Naver Grigoryan, a Nagorno-Karabakh musician who joined a cavalcade of cars and trucks carrying refugees into Armenia. “We have nothing. We can only talk.”

Azerbaijan’s energy resources have also made it a vital partner for the European Union, whose hunger for energy as it tries to wean itself off deliveries from Russia make autocratic Azerbaijan a “reliable, trustworthy partner”, as a high-ranking EU official said last year.

The EU has condemned Azerbaijan’s attack on Nagorno-Karabakh but has taken no concrete action.

The Biden administration has stressed in the past that the use of force in Nagorno-Karabakh was “unacceptable”.

Nevertheless, in a meeting with Pashinyan in Armenia this week, Samantha Power, the head of the US Agency for International Development, said only that the United States expressed support for his leadership and “reformist government”. — ©2023 The New York Times Company

https://www.thestar.com.my/news/focus/2023/10/21/armenia-flounders-as-allies-turn-away


On Ethnic Cleansing, Washington DC Has Always Been the Hypocrite

Oct 17 2023


by Ted Galen Carpenter


U.S. administrations have repeatedly condemned foreign adversaries for engaging in ethnic cleansing of minority populations. That has been an explicit grievance against the People’s Republic of China (PRC) because of Beijing’s treatment of its Uygur population in Xinjiang province, and against Syria and Iran because of their conduct toward Kurdish inhabitants. Serbian authorities in both Bosnia and Kosovo became high-profile targets of Washington’s outrage because of their alleged ethnic cleansing campaigns directed against Muslim populations. In the latter case, Bill Clinton’s administration cited that factor as the most important justification for the U.S.-NATO air wars against Serbs in 1995 (Bosnia) and 1999 (Kosovo).

U.S. leaders have adopted a very different stance, however, whenever Washington’s allies or dependents behave in that fashion. Such hypocrisy became evident most recently when Joe Biden’s White House reacted with nonchalance as Azerbaijan’s military forces attacked and expelled Armenian residents from their long-standing enclave inside Azerbaijan, Nagorno-Karabakh. The principal policy statement came from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), and it treated the episode as akin to a humanitarian crisis caused by a natural disaster. “The United States is deeply concerned about reports on the humanitarian conditions in Nagorno-Karabakh and calls for unimpeded access for international humanitarian organizations.” The administration not only failed to explicitly condemn the brazen case of ethnic cleansing, it (along with Israel) had been providing arms aid to Azerbaijan.

It was hardly coincidental that the Azeris are important political and security clients of Turkey, while both Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh had close economic and military ties with Moscow. This episode offered an ideal opportunity for Washington to placate an increasingly restless Turkey and help take down two Russian clients. Considerations of justice and international law seemed to play little role in the U.S decision. Russia, bogged down in its stalemated war in Ukraine, was in no position to protect its Armenian allies.

The United States and Turkey thus scored a geo-strategic victory and further eroded the Kremlin’s power in Russia’s near abroad. However, both countries were accomplices in a clear case of ethnic cleansing that has led to the expulsion of more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians from the enclave as of October 2, 2023. This episode has to be especially painful for all Armenians, given the history of Turkish oppression that culminated in the Ottoman government’s orchestration of the Armenian genocide during World War I that claimed the lives of at least 664,000 victims and involved the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of other Armenian inhabitants.

It is not the first time that Washington appeared to be content when an ethnic cleansing campaign benefited fellow NATO member Turkey. In July 1974, Richard Nixon’s administration—and especially Secretary of State Henry Kissinger—did little more than make insincere clucking sounds of disapproval when Turkish forces invaded the Republic of Cyprus and took control of the northern third of that country.  Kissinger and Nixon’s successor, Gerald Ford, remained indifferent even as Turkey expelled Greek Cypriot residents from the conquered territories. An angry Congress did impose sanctions on Ankara, but pro-Turkish elements in the executive branch worked assiduously during the following years to neutralize those sanctions and even restore military aid to Turkey. Ankara also proceeded to establish a puppet state, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, and bring in thousands of settlers from mainland Turkey.

The Cyprus episode is a flagrant case of ethnic cleansing, now about to enter its sixth decade. But one will look in vain for explicit, strong statements from U.S. leaders condemning Turkey’s behavior. Washington’s outrage is in short supply when a foreign ally or client is the guilty party.

Another graphic example of such double standards was the stance that U.S. government and its media allies took regarding the ethnic cleansing of Serbs at the hands of the Croatian government in the mid-1990s and the newly minted country of Kosovo at the end of that decade. Washington Post columnist Charles Krauthammer was one of few high-profile critics to point out the hypocrisy with respect to the events in Croatia. “In four days of blitzkrieg by the Croatian army, 150,000 Serbs living in the Krajina region of Croatia were ethnically cleansed, sent running for their lives to Bosnia and Serbia.” Those Serbs were not recent arrivals; most of them had family roots in Krajina going back many generations.

Krauthammer asked some highly pertinent questions. “In the face of what U.N. observers in Croatia call the largest instance of ethnic cleansing in the entire Balkan wars, where were the moralists who for years have been so loudly decrying the ethnic cleansing of Bosnia’s Muslims? Where were the cries for blood, the demand for arms, the call to action on behalf of today’s pitiful victims? Where were the columnists, the senators, the other posturers who excoriate the West for standing by when Bosnian Muslims are victimized and are silent when the victim of the day is Serb?”

A similar posture of indifference on the part of the U.S. government and the corporate news media was apparent with respect to the “reverse ethnic cleansing” that took place following NATO’s victory in Kosovo. More than 240,000 refugees—not just Serbs, but other ethnic minorities as well—were displaced from Kosovo. The Kosovo Liberation Army’s ethnic cleansing campaign took place on NATO’s watch, while thousands of alliance troops already occupying the province stood by and did nothing to prevent or reverse it.

The U.S. double standard has been apparent as well with respect to Israel’s “slow motion” ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from their homes on the occupied West Bank. For decades, Israeli governments have confiscated land—even portions long inhabited by Palestinian families—and turned those plots over to Jewish settlers. The once predominantly Palestinian West Bank now resembles a geographic Swiss cheese, with nearly 250 settler enclaves and a network of roads on which Palestinian inhabitants are legally impeded from using. Checkpoints and other barriers underscore the status disparity between the two populations. Militant settlers are stepping up their campaign to displace Palestinian residents.

Washington’s criticisms of Israel’s actions have been tepid (at best) over the years, and even such anemic statements have declined in frequency. The new surge of violence between Israel and Palestinian fighters in Gaza will likely assure even greater U.S. rote loyalty to the Israeli position on all issues.

Such repeated examples of hypocrisy bring discredit onto U.S. policymakers. Expelling people from their homes because of their ethnicity should be profoundly offensive no matter who does it. If the offender is a U.S. ally or client, Washington is especially obligated to condemn the behavior and not act as an enabler. The U.S. record regarding ethnic cleansing has been both cynical and shameful.

Ted Galen Carpenter is a senior fellow at the Libertarian Institute and a senior fellow at the Randolph Bourne Institute. Dr. Carpenter also served in various policy positions during a 37-year career at the Cato Institute. He is the author of thirteen books and more than 1,200 articles on international affairs and the threat that the U.S. national security state poses to peace and civil liberties at home and around the world. Dr. Carpenter’s latest book is "Unreliable Watchdog: The News Media and U.S. Foreign Policy" (2022)