NATO representative: Armenia “decided take distance from Moscow”

Armenia – Dec 25 2023

“It is something that we have encouraged. The Armenians are free to take their own decisions. In my opinion, Armenia has already started to get closer to us, to ask for more cooperation, more political dialogue with NATO. We encourage whatever is decided by our partners that we believe is good for the stability of the region,” Colomina said in an interview with Georgia’s First TV Channel.

 

The representative of the North Atlantic Alliance also expressed support to the process of normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which, in his words, is of fundamental importance for maintaining stability in the Caucasus.

No Scheduled Bilateral Meeting Between Armenian PM and Azerbaijani President at CIS Summit

 bnn 
Hong Kong – Dec 25 2023

By: Momen Zellmi

Press Secretary of the President of Russia, Dmitry Peskov, has revealed to RIA Novosti that there are no current plans for a separate bilateral meeting between Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev at the approaching Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) summit. This announcement comes amid longstanding tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region.

While there is no formal scheduled meeting, the sidelines of the summit provide an opportunity for all attending leaders to engage in discussions. The lack of an official dialogue, therefore, does not rule out the possibility of informal interactions between the two leaders. The CIS summit, a platform for leaders of former Soviet republics, is primarily aimed at facilitating conversations around cooperation and matters of mutual interest.

The backdrop to this summit is a series of geopolitical tensions. Armenia and Azerbaijan have been in negotiations to normalize relations and potentially sign a peace agreement, a process in which Russia and the West have been competitive participants. The U.S. and EU’s involvement in these peace negotiations, alongside Azerbaijan’s strained relationship with France and the EU’s support for Armenia’s armed forces, further complicate the situation.

Prime Minister Pashinyan has publicly criticized Russian President Vladimir Putin, implying that the loss of Nagorno Karabakh was due to him and demonstrating a potential inclination towards the West. This has been met with mockery and warnings from the Russian side. Despite these tensions, Pashinyan and President Aliyev signed a declaration acknowledging Yerevan’s recognition of Baku’s sovereignty over Karabakh. The potential shift in Armenia’s allegiances, from friendly Russian-Armenian ties towards the West, has raised concerns and is a subject of keen interest at the upcoming CIS summit.

RFE/RL Armenian Service – 12/25/2023

                                        Monday, 


Armenia-Azerbaijan Peace Deal No Panacea, Insists Baku


Azerbaijan - Azerbaijan's Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov attends a joint news 
conference with French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna in Baku, April 27, 
2023.


An Armenian-Azerbaijani peace treaty would not end all disputes between the two 
South Caucasus states, Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov said over 
the weekend.

“It cannot be said that the peace treaty will ensure a 100 percent solution to 
all issues but it can lay the groundwork for the development of relations 
between Azerbaijan and Armenia,” Bayramov told Azerbaijani state television.

He did not say which issues will remain unresolved if Baku and Yerevan succeed 
in negotiating such a treaty.

One of the remaining sticking points in their discussions is how to delimit and 
demarcate the long Armenian-Azerbaijani border. Yerevan has insisted until now 
on including in the peace accord a clear delimitation mechanism that would 
commit Baku to recognizing Armenia’s international borders.

The Azerbaijani side has been reluctant to do that. It is also against using 
late Soviet-era maps for the delimitation process, an idea advanced by Armenia 
and backed by the European Union.

Hikmet Hajiyev, a top foreign policy adviser to Azerbaijani President Ilham 
Aliyev, said last week that Baku believes "the border delimitation issue should 
be kept separate from peace treaty discussions." Alen Simonian, the Armenian 
parliament speaker and a leading member of the ruling Civil Contract party, said 
that Yerevan does not object to this in principle.

Armenian opposition leaders expressed serious concern over such an arrangement, 
saying that Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s government is ready to make more 
concessions to Azerbaijan without securing anything in return.

Pashinian and other Armenian officials themselves suggested this summer that 
Aliyev wants to leave the door open for future territorial claims to Armenia. 
Some Armenian analysts believe this is the reason why Aliyev keeps delaying 
further negotiations mediated by the United States and the European Union.

The Azerbaijani leader said earlier this month that the peace treaty would not 
be enough to preclude another Armenian-Azerbaijani war. He demanded concrete 
safeguards against Armenian “revanchism.”




Pashinian Allies Lash Out At Karabakh Leader

        • Ruzanna Stepanian

Armenia - Samvel Shahramanian addresses protesters outside the Karabakh mission 
in Yerevan, October 20, 2023.


Armenia’s ruling party lashed out at Nagorno-Karabakh’s exiled president at the 
weekend after it emerged that he declared null and void his September 28 decree 
liquidating the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic.

Samvel Shahramanian’s decree came just over a week after Azerbaijan’s military 
offensive that forced Karabakh’s small army to lay down weapons and restored 
Azerbaijani control over the region. Shahramanian said afterwards that he had to 
sign the decree in order to stop the hostilities and enable the Karabakh 
Armenians to safely flee to Armenia.

Shahramanian’s adviser Vladimir Grigorian told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service Friday 
that the Karabakh leader invalidated the controversial decree on October 19 and 
that that all senior Karabakh officials will keep performing their duties after 
January 1 without getting paid.

Shahramanian met with those officials later on Friday. He was reported to tell 
them that “there is no document in the legal framework of the Republic of 
Artsakh that mandates the dissolution of state institutions.”

Armenia’s political leadership reacted furiously to the development through 
senior lawmakers representing Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s Civil Contract 
party.

“Who is Samvel Shahramanian to sign a decree in Yerevan?” one of them, Artur 
Hovannisian, wrote on Facebook. “There is only one government in Armenia. Any 
attempt to challenge this will be seen as anti-state activity, outlawed and 
prompt the toughest measures from the state.”

Armenia - Deputies from the ruling Civil Contract party talk on the parliament 
floor, Yerevan, March 1, 2023.

Hovannisian went on to accuse Karabakh’s Yerevan-based leadership of “trying to 
involve Armenia in a new military provocation.”

“Those who signed Karabakh’s capitulation must be aware that any document signed 
in Yerevan regarding Karabakh has no legal force,” warned another pro-government 
lawmaker, Lilit Minasian.

Gevorg Papoyan, a deputy chairman of Pashinian’s party, labeled Shahramanian as 
a “forcibly displaced person” who is no different from the more than 100,000 
other Karabakh Armenians who took refuge in Armenia following Azerbaijan’s 
recapture of the region.

Armenian opposition representatives as well as some Karabakh figures rejected 
the harsh criticism and warnings voiced by Pashinian’s political team. Artak 
Beglarian, Karabakh’s former human rights ombudsman, dismissed the Armenian 
authorities’ implicit claims that Azerbaijan could use continued activities of 
Karabakh bodies as a pretext to attack Armenia as well.

“If you do not allow Artsakh’s state institutions and officials to represent the 
rights and interests of their people on various issues while you yourselves are 
not going to do it in terms of collective rights, then who should deal with 
those issues?” he wrote.

Armenia - Samvel Shahramanian meets other Karabakh officials in Yerevan, 
December 22, 2023.

Beglarian also clarified that contrary to what Grigorian said, Shahramanian did 
not specifically sign the October 19 decree to scrap his September 28 decision. 
He suggested that the Karabakh leader simply made clear that he had no legal 
authority to disband the unrecognized republic and its government bodies.

The Shahramanian aide resigned shortly after his interview with RFE/RL’s 
Armenian Service. He gave no clear reason for the decision, saying only that his 
comments “do not reflect any official position at this point.”

Even before those comments, Pashinian’s allies said that Karabakh government 
bodies should be dissolved. Parliament speaker Alen Simonian claimed on November 
16 that they would pose a “direct threat to Armenia’s security.”

In its December 10 statement, the Karabakh legislature balked at attempts to 
“finally close the Artsakh issue” while signaling its desire to discuss them 
with Pashinian’s government.




Pashinian Ends Boycott Of Ex-Soviet Summits

        • Shoghik Galstian

Russia - Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian arrives in St. Petersburg, 
.


Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian flew to Saint Petersburg on Monday to meet with 
the leaders of Russia and other ex-Soviet states after boycotting their previous 
summits amid Yerevan’s rising tensions with Moscow.

Russian President Vladimir Putin hosted later in the day a meeting of the 
leaders of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) member states. He is due to chair 
on Tuesday a separate summit of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), a 
larger and looser grouping of ex-Soviet republics.

Pashinian skipped EEU and CIS gatherings held in Kyrgyzstan in early October. He 
went on to boycott a Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) summit held 
in Belarus’s capital Minsk in late November.

Other Armenian officials have also boycotted high-level CSTO meetings held in 
recent months. One of them, parliament speaker Alen Simonian, has not ruled out 
the possibility of Armenia’s exit from Russian-led military alliance accused by 
Yerevan of not honoring its security commitments. Pashinian’s government has 
said, though, that it is not yet considering such an option.

Kyrgyzstan - The leaders of Russia and other Commonwealth of Independent States 
(CIS) countries pose for a group photo at a summit in Bishkek, October 13, 2023.

Speaking during a December 14 news conference, Putin suggested that Armenia is 
not planning to quit the CSTO and attributed Yerevan’s boycott of the 
organization to internal “processes” taking place in the South Caucasus country. 
And he again blamed Pashinian’s government for the recent Azerbaijani takeover 
of Nagorno-Karabakh and the exodus of its ethnic Armenian population. Pashinian 
hit back at Putin a few days later.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov indicated on Monday that the two leaders will 
meet on the sidelines of the Saint Petersburg summits. The Armenian government 
did not comment on Pashinian’s decision to attend them.

Simonian said on December 15 that Armenia should not leave the EEU or the CIS. 
He pointed to its economic dependence on Russia and described the CIS as a 
“platform for cooperation that benefits our country.”

Armen Baghdasarian, a veteran political analyst, believes that Yerevan’s current 
foreign policy is contradictory and not realistic even if Pashinian has reason 
to be unhappy with Russia and other ex-Soviet allies.

“You can’t be part of one bloc for economic reasons but see solutions to your 
security problems in another security system,” Baghdasarian told RFE/RL’s 
Armenian Service. “That’s not possible. You can’t simultaneously sit on two 
chairs.”

“Armenia has previously made such attempts and their results were disastrous,” 
he said.




Yerevan Decries ‘Attempts To Politicize’ Russian-Led Trade Bloc


Russia - President Vladimir Putin greets Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian 
during an EEU summit, St. Petersburg, .


Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian spoke out against what he called attempts to use 
the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) for “geopolitical” purposes when he addressed 
a summit of the leaders of the Russian-led trade bloc in Saint Petersburg on 
Monday.
Citing its founding treaty signed by Russia, Armenia and three other ex-Soviet 
states in 2013, Pashinian said that the EEU must not have a “political and 
especially geopolitical agenda.”

“We continue to regard [the EEU] as such and to develop partnership within the 
framework of our economic cooperation in this context, seeking to thwart all 
attempts to politicize Eurasian integration,” he said. “The EEU and its economic 
principles must not correlate with political ambitions.”

“The basic freedoms of trade and integration cannot and must not be limited due 
to political considerations. This would definitely lead to an erosion of the 
fundamental principles of the union,” he added during the summit hosted by 
Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Pashinian did not elaborate on his trade-related concerns voiced amid 
unprecedented tensions between his government and Moscow that have deepened 
further since beginning of September. The two sides have repeated traded 
accusations, raising questions about the future of Armenia’s traditionally close 
relationship with Russia. In the meantime, Yerevan has sought closer ties with 
the United States and the European Union.

Citing food safety concerns, a Russian government agency blocked last month the 
import of many food products from Armenia for more than a week. The 
Rosselkhoznadzor agricultural watchdog alleged a sharp increase in the presence 
of “harmful quarantined organisms” in them.

Observers believe that Moscow thus underlined its strong economic leverage 
against Armenia to warn Pashinian against further reorienting the country 
towards the West.

Russia has long been the main export market for Armenian agricultural products, 
prepared foodstuffs and alcoholic drinks. Their exports totaled roughly $960 
million in January-October 2023.

Armenia’s overall trade with Russia has skyrocketed since the Russian invasion 
of Ukraine and the resulting barrage of Western sanctions against Moscow. 
Armenian entrepreneurs have taken advantage of those sanctions, re-exporting 
various goods manufactured in Western countries to Russia. This is the main 
reason why Armenian exports to Russia tripled in 2022 and nearly doubled to $2.6 
billion in January-September 2023



Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
Copyright (c) 2023 Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty, Inc.
1201 Connecticut Ave., N.W. Washington DC 20036.

 

10 People Killed in Shooting at University in Prague

 20:20,

YEREVAN, DECEMBER 21, ARMENPRESS. Ten people were killed and nine were seriously wounded in a shooting on Thursday at Charles University in central Prague, Czech emergency services said. The shooter, who was not immediately identified by officials, also died, the New York Times reports.

According to the source, the police said the shooter had been “eliminated’’.

Armenia considers possible future outside Russia-led military bloc

eurasianet
Dec 20 2023

Arshaluis Mgdesyan

Armenia's possible exit from the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) is being discussed more and more actively as differences grow between Yerevan and Moscow.

Many in Armenia are wondering what the point is of remaining in a military alliance that has demonstrated its unwillingness to protect the country. 

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has repeatedly denied claims, including by Russian officials, of an imminent change in Armenia's foreign policy vector, but that has not stopped speculation as to how the country might leave the CSTO and what would come next. Representatives of the authorities are themselves musing about this prospect. 

 "There is of course the idea of Euro-integration in Armenia, but there is also the idea of becoming a country with non-bloc status, so there's a wide range of options. We are listening to civil society and trying to figure out what the best tools are for ensuring Armenia's security and development," Security Council Secretary Armen Grigoryan said at a forum in Brussels on November 10 titled, The Strategic Future of Armenia: Armenia-Europe.

Fifteen Armenian public organizations recently released a statement criticizing Russia for, as they put it, interfering in Armenia's internal affairs. The statement demands that the Armenian government expel Russia's 102nd military base, ban Russian broadcast media, and begin the process of ending the country's membership in the CSTO. 

Growing dissatisfaction with Russia

The CSTO, which also includes Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Belarus, is one of the main causes of the growing Armenian resentment toward Russia. 

The bloc, which is, theoretically, bound to come to the aid of a member state when it is attacked, took practically no action in September last year when Azerbaijani troops invaded border areas and took up positions on strategic heights inside Armenia.   

Since then, Armenia's approach to the CSTO, and to Russia, has been increasingly confrontational. Yerevan has reduced its participation in the bloc to an absolute minimum. Over the past year, it has snubbed CSTO meetings at practically every level and has reassigned its representative in the organization to other work and left his post vacant.

At the same time, Armenia has welcomed more intensive cooperation with the EU, which at the start of this year deployed a civilian monitoring mission to the Azerbaijani border with the aim of supporting stability there. 

This step elicited a sharply negative reaction from the Russian authorities, who claimed the mission's purpose was to "confront Russia geopolitically" in the South Caucasus region.

Such rhetoric from Moscow has done nothing to stop the growing cooperation between Yerevan and Brussels, including in the military sphere. 

At the summit of EU foreign ministers on December 11, it was announced that the EU would review the possibility of rendering military aid to Armenia through the European Peace Fund.

It was also announced that the EU mission in Armenia would increase the number of its monitors from 138 to 209. 

Another sore spot for Armenia is Russia's alleged failure to deliver weapons that Yerevan says it paid millions of dollars for.  

The Armenian authorities have no plans to sue Russia and instead seek to solve the matter in an "atmosphere of partnership," Deputy Defence Minister Hrachya Sargsyan told a briefing on December 4. 

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan recently proposed resolving the dispute through Russia canceling part of Yerevan's overall debt to Moscow. That total debt amounts to about $280 million, according to the Armenian Finance Ministry's latest calculations. (Armenia has not released precise figures on how much money Russia owes it for undelivered weapons.) 

Scenarios for leaving the CSTO

Most of the analysts Eurasianet spoke to see Armenia exiting the CSTO as a logical possible outcome of the current strained relations between Armenia and Russia. 

The head of the Research Center on Security Policy in Yerevan, Areg Kochinyan, says that Armenia could withdraw from the CSTO after approving a national security strategy that stipulates "non-bloc status" for the country. A new national security strategy is currently being drafted, and it's unknown now whether it will contain such a provision. 

If the national security strategy were amended so, "It would mean that Armenia has decided not to participate in any military bloc or alliance and therefore it would have to leave the CSTO. But at the same time it would mean that the country would not seek to become part of any other collective defense bloc," Kochinyan told Eurasianet. "I think this position would be more acceptable for Russia and the other regional powers, Iran and Turkey."

Yerevan-based political analyst David Arutyunov doesn't find it difficult to imagine Armenia leaving the CSTO.  

"In the context of the whole scope of Armenia's close relations with Russia, including in the economic sphere and the presence of the Russian military base here, leaving the CSTO is a relatively easy matter," Arutyunov told Eurasianet, adding that another crisis could provide the final impetus for quitting the bloc. 

He said the Armenian authorities have deftly managed to achieve domestic political aims by directing public discontent over the country's security problems towards Russia and the CSTO. 

"If something like the crisis of September 2022 happens again and causes internal political ructions in Armenia, it's possible that the Armenian government will resort to leaving the CSTO" in a bid to deflect criticism. 

What might Armenia's "non-bloc status" mean?  

Areg Kochinyan, of the Research Center on Security Policy, believes that a "non-bloc status" could open up opportunities for expanding Armenia's defense and military-industrial cooperation with various countries.

"We're talking not just about the West, but also other countries like India, that produce weapons. Armenia can enhance its relations with them even to the level of strategic partnership," he said. 

David Arutyunov believes that it's too early to speak about any real prospect of Armenia being outside of any military-political alliances.

"For now all this talk is theoretical. There are no real discussions on realizing this in practice. And even so, the talk pertains to the CSTO specifically, while bilateral relations with Russia will remain in any case – alongside contacts with the West," Arutyunov said.

The head of the Armenian Institute for Resilience and Statecraft, Gevorg Melikyan, is doubtful that the Armenian authorities really intend to leave the CSTO and declare non-bloc status.

"I don't see any such clear policy or strategy. For now, it's a matter of the Armenian government's desire to make an impression on Western partners to extract some kind of security guarantees. Since there are none [such guarantees], the Armenian government will try to convince Western partners to treat Armenia like they would treat any other anti-Russian country and not accuse it of maintaining contacts with Russia in the security sphere because it remains in the CSTO," Melikyan told Eurasianet. 

Arshaluis Mgdesyan is a journalist based in Yerevan.

 

Central Bank of Armenia: exchange rates and prices of precious metals – 14-12-23

 17:04,

YEREVAN, 14 DECEMBER, ARMENPRESS. The Central Bank of Armenia informs “Armenpress” that today, 14 December, USD exchange rate up by 0.46 drams to 404.58 drams. EUR exchange rate up by 6.04 drams to 441.56 drams. Russian Ruble exchange rate up by 0.02 drams to 4.51 drams. GBP exchange rate up by 6.40 drams to 512.20 drams.

The Central Bank has set the following prices for precious metals.

Gold price up by 50.75 drams to 25787.46 drams. Silver price down by 2.65 drams to 295.60 drams.

Chess: Armenia’s Artur Davtyan wins GM Festival FIDE Blitz

Panorama
Armenia – Dec 14 2023

IM Artur Davtyan of Armenia took the 1st place in the Chessengland.com GM Festival FIDE Blitz tournament held in England on December 9.

Artur scored 13 points out of 14 and improved his blitz rating by 37 points, the Armenian Chess Federation reported.

Details can be found here.

https://www.panorama.am/en/news/2023/12/14/Artur-Davtyan/2939527

AW: The Next Step for the Diaspora: Make it Personal

Whenever the topic of diaspora relations with Armenia is reviewed, we should always preface by acknowledging that Armenians in the United States are very generous and committed to the homeland. This is not meant to suggest that we “Americahyes” do not need to improve our performance, but rather that since the devastating earthquake in 1988, Armenians in the U.S. have backed their rhetoric with a variety of support mechanisms, primarily in the financial domain but also with an impressive number of nonprofits. Yet Armenia needs a stronger presence from the diaspora, which goes beyond the transfer of funds. Times of tragedy are an opportunity to learn from our shortcomings, but only if we have the vision to take advantage of it. This requires a healthy dose of humility, as solutions require the admission of a problem. Historically, self-assessment is not our strongest suit, but there are signs of improvement. 

Many Armenians in the U.S. feel that organizational and individual donations to Armenia should entitle diaspora influence in Armenia. Beyond the impact of those investment relationships, it does not. Our romantic notion of a global Armenian nation should be balanced with the fact that Armenia is a sovereign country with a Constitution to govern itself. I absolutely believe we should encourage all Armenians to contribute to the homeland and build an identity based on this relationship, but this must be done in accordance with the laws of the nation. Identity is best built by adding value, not by seeking influence. There is an open door for greater diaspora participation. It starts with a curiosity that goes beyond sending money to a website or address. 

I would like to share what our family has learned in this regard that has afforded us such a rewarding experience. The first time we visited Armenia as a family several years ago, we were what I would describe as fairly typical of U.S.-born Armenians. Our relationship with the homeland was through our family tree in western Armenia and through our exposure to the current Republic of Armenia. The Armenian communities in the diaspora have done an admirable job of establishing patriotic values through knowledge of our history and tragedies such as the Genocide. Despite our involvement in the Armenian community in the U.S., we had the same questions many of you likely have had at some point—would we understand the eastern dialect? Would we be familiar with the food? Would we feel a connection? During that first trip, we felt like more than tourists yet less than contributors to the homeland. After all, which Armenian is truly a tourist in their homeland? The difference lies in the deeply rooted emotions in our hearts that are released when we face Ararat, pray at Etchmiadzin and experience our culture. I remember waking up one morning for our inaugural participation in a very touristy tour. Upon opening our hotel window, I was face to face with a crystal clear Mt. Ararat that seemed to say, “Welcome, it’s about time.” We arrived in Armenia not knowing a soul in the country but feeling as if we were home. We left drained by the emotions we expended but feeling incomplete. It was not enough to see the sites and enjoy the ambiance. We needed to know the people and become a part of a country that was far away in miles but close to our hearts. We needed to directly contribute to its development.

Stepan and his family pictured on a small hill overlooking the village of Paruyr Sevak. The plaque was in dedication to his parents and grandparents. In yellow is Mayor Edik. In the background on the right is the Azeri border.

On our visits over the next few years, we focused on societal issues through visits to remarkable institutions such as Mer Doon, Orran and the Women’s Support Center. Our family discovered the true essence of building a sustainable bond with the homeland. These nonprofits and many others were started by diaspora Armenians who had a desire to become part of the nation building process and a vision to implement their dream. We learned about what was happening on the ground far below the radar of politics. We also spent more time in the villages, particularly the border villages in the eastern and southern areas of Armenia. It was there that we discovered what I consider the soul of Armenia. These people truly understand the purpose of life in terms of happiness, simplicity and giving. Our interests gravitated quickly towards the survival of border communities that are national security risks for Armenia. Whether in Isahakian on the Turkish border, Chambarak in Tavush on the Azerbaijani border or in eastern Syunik, the people are warm, generous and free of constraining complexity. Our identity journey was getting closer to the answer. 

In 2018, through our good fortune visiting the Armenia Tree Project and Jason Sohigian, we crossed paths with the Paruyr Sevak village in the Ararat Marz on the border of Azerbaijan’s exclave Nakhichevan. Our lives changed forever. Sohigian asked us a simple question: “Where would you like the trees planted that were donated?” Our equally simple response was in a border village, in the hope that we could one day build a relationship. It was God’s plan for us to make that visit in June 2018 with our cousins the Hamparians from Chicago. In matters of faith, there are no coincidences. I have written about our uplifting experience over the last five and a half years, which has resulted in many projects with our partner the Paros Foundation and expanded our extended family to include the people of this village. 

Fortunately, our family story is not unique. My friend John Mangassarian and his wife June are leading a similar adoption effort with another village. I met a young couple, Stephen Haroian and Astrid Mkhitaryan from New York, who have forged important relationships in the border villages of Syunik through their Little Bird Armenian Development group. A wonderful young woman from Boston, Nairi Krafian, started a nonprofit Oknooshoon in 2017 in Armenia to develop programs for the therapy benefits of human-canine relationships. Tim Straight, an American with Norwegian background, has lived in Armenia for over 20 years and runs the Homeland Development Initiative Foundation, which has employed Armenians from villages while distributing their crafts internationally. This is one way that any person can make a real difference for our brethren and ourselves. The personal satisfaction of working with these residents is beyond gratifying. It represents the fulfillment of establishing a special relationship with the homeland. 

There is a significant difference between providing long distance financial support and following your commitment to Armenia. Find your niche and follow the path to the homeland. Providing funding is important and noble and must continue. Going to Armenia and picking a place to make a difference can lead you into another realm of satisfaction.

The more Armenian Americans who take this step, the closer we come to building a pan-Armenian, one nation mentality. Armenian unity cannot be legislated or announced. It is the result of face-to-face relationships, knowledge and trust. Youth exchange programs and professional internships hold critical importance and open the door for diaspora professionals to work in Armenia and build a service mentality. Whether we work with a large nonprofit or participate individually, our quest begins with a desire to make an impact.

My family’s experience, and that of many people I have met, suggests that focus is a critical attribute. Many of us with good intentions spread ourselves too thin. If we each pick one area of focus, our impact will be greater. Projects that connect us with others will have an adjacency impact and satisfy the need to avoid forming silos. Through our work in Paruyr Sevak over the last five years, we have had the honor of meeting other groups on a mission of providing hope. Hoops For Haiastan, a U.S.-based nonprofit that advocates for basketball and sports in Armenia, built a basketball and soccer court in the village. Focus on Children Now is a wonderful group that provided furniture and playground equipment for the new pre-school. The Ohanyan school in Yerevan, a private K-12 school attached to Eurasia University, is establishing a working exchange relationship with the village school that will bolster the quality of education. The contact was made here in the U.S. as the Ohanyan family’s daughter, Anna Ohanyan, is a renowned scholar at Stonehill College. Once you find an area of focus, the relationships you will establish will bring such joy to your life. Imagine if 100 Armenian-American families established working relationships with 100 rural villages or you personally followed your contribution with an on-site commitment. Consider yourself an ambassador for the vast Armenian communities in America. Sometimes it starts with a simple, “How can we help?”

Remember the original premise that our community is incredibly generous. It is generally assumed that this generosity requires only two prerequisites—integrity and visibility. Our people rightfully want to know that their kindness is properly accounted for and has visible results. Sadly, we have witnessed either credibility issues or a lack of visible results. Each person can play a critical role in solving that challenge. When we raise money for Paruyr Sevak, our family’s credibility is on the line. John and June Mangassarian represent a trustworthy bridge between Armenian Americans and their village partners. Your commitment can provide an important level of sustainable trust. It is extremely important to close the loop by presenting tangible results to our benefactors. Recently, our parish donated funds for three new bathrooms at the secondary school. Pictures of the new construction were greatly appreciated and led to further generosity. Personal participation in these projects can make them real for our communities in the U.S. and release the constraint of reluctance. If we truly believe that Armenia is our homeland, taking this next step with a high level of participation will provide incremental identity for the diaspora and measurable results for Armenia. In this time of crisis in our history, we should be finding new avenues of investing in Armenia. This starts with us as individuals. Find your zone and build a sustainable relationship.

Columnist
Stepan was raised in the Armenian community of Indian Orchard, MA at the St. Gregory Parish. A former member of the AYF Central Executive and the Eastern Prelacy Executive Council, he also served many years as a delegate to the Eastern Diocesan Assembly. Currently , he serves as a member of the board and executive committee of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR). He also serves on the board of the Armenian Heritage Foundation. Stepan is a retired executive in the computer storage industry and resides in the Boston area with his wife Susan. He has spent many years as a volunteer teacher of Armenian history and contemporary issues to the young generation and adults at schools, camps and churches. His interests include the Armenian diaspora, Armenia, sports and reading.


Armenia marks new era with French military purchases

Nov 28 2023

By Neil Hauer in Yerevan 

After months of speculation and waiting, Armenia’s growing defence partnership with France finally became tangible this month.

On November 12, reports emerged from Azerbaijani sources allegedly showing French-made Bastion armoured personnel carriers arriving in Georgia, at the Black Sea port town of Poti. The vehicles were reportedly destined for Armenia, as part of the first known shipment of French military hardware to the South Caucasian country in its history. Georgia’s foreign minister then confirmed that the shipment of 20-odd Bastions was indeed destined for Armenia.

For Armenia, this was a significant milestone. After its army was battered in the 2020 Second Karabakh War, and with its traditional supplier, Russia, both unable and unwilling to send arms shipments, Yerevan has been desperately seeking other procurement partners. Now, having already established a working defence procurement relationship with India, Armenia is hoping that the current French shipment is only the first step of a long partnership.

The arrival of the armoured vehicles came after long negotiations.

“It’s a result of at least year-long negotiations, if not more,” says Leonid Nersisyan, a defence analyst and research fellow at the Yerevan-based Applied Policy Research Institute. “I think the process actively started after the 2020 war. Relations between France and Armenia were always at a pretty high level, and now with better Armenia-EU and Armenia-US relations, these kinds of deals became realistic,” Nersisyan said.

The first official announcement of French arms sales to Armenia came on October 23, when the two countries’ defence ministers met in Paris. That deal included the transfer of three Thales-made Ground Master 200 air detection radars, along with a memorandum on the future sale of Mistral anti-aircraft missile systems. There have also been other reports that France has shipped, or will soon ship, 50 units of the VAB MK3 infantry combat vehicle to Armenia.

“France is the sole Western actor that has been adequately assessing the situation on the ground in the South Caucasus,” said Tigran Grigoryan, head of the Yerevan-based Regional Center and Democracy. “In Paris, there is an understanding that Azerbaijan poses a serious threat to Armenia's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the only viable approach to mitigate the risk of a new escalation is to assist Armenia in restoring its military capabilities,” Grigoryan said.

The 44-day war with Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020 resulted in heavy losses for the Armenian side. After losing control of the skies in the war’s opening days, Armenian forces were devastated by Azerbaijan’s high-tech, precision weaponry, most notably the TB-2 Bayraktar drone. The open source blog Oryx, which tracks and confirms losses based on public imagery, counts 1,676 pieces of Armenian military equipment lost during the war, including 255 tanks, 250 towed artillery pieces, and 39 surface-to-air missile systems.

There has been little breathing room in the three years since that war’s end, too. Azerbaijan has maintained a belligerent posture, launching assaults on either Nagorno-Karabakh or Armenia proper every year since then. In May 2021, barely six months after the 2020 ceasefire, Azerbaijani troops occupied heights in two border areas inside Armenia proper, followed by an assault into southern Armenia that November.

September 2022 saw a full-scale Azerbaijani offensive into Armenia itself, capturing dozens of square kilometres of territory in fighting that saw hundreds of casualties. Finally, just two months ago, a 24-hour assault by Azerbaijan on besieged Nagorno-Karabakh resulted in the effective destruction of the enclave and the forced displacement of its 120,000 inhabitants to Armenia.

Now, there are real fears that Azerbaijan will again attack Armenia itself. In this fraught environment, bolstering the country’s military has become a matter of crucial importance.

Replacing, not to mention upgrading, these capabilities will be an enormous undertaking. Alongside French systems, Armenia has been establishing a relationship with another up-and-coming player in the arms industry: India.

Following numerous reports of contracts signed in late 2022, a number of Indian systems arrived in Armenia in summer 2023, including the Pinaka rocket artillery platform and the 155mm Advanced Towed Artillery Gun System (of which 90 units have reportedly been purchased). Numerous contracts for small arms from Indian manufacturers have also been signed, while Armenia will reportedly also purchase anti-drone systems from India’s Zen Technologies.

The capabilities of hardware from each country, as well as the relative prices, dovetail in a way that makes it particularly attractive for Armenia as it addresses its many defence needs, analysts say.

“Indian equipment is important because it could be too expensive for Armenia to rearm only on French equipment,” Nersisyan said. “Armenia needs hundreds of pieces of artillery, not 20 French CAESAR [self-propelled 155mm artillery pieces] that could be the same price. But talking about domains like command and control or air defence – these are the areas where you will definitely see the advantages of top Western technologies. So both [France and India] have a role to play for Armenia,” Nersisyan said.

A major hurdle in the sale of Western military equipment to Armenia had always been the country’s close relationship with Russia. As both a member of the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and a signatory to several bilateral defence treaties with Russia, Yerevan had traditionally relied almost exclusively on Moscow for its defence needs. 

But Armenia’s sharp turn away from Russia in the past year or two has reshaped geopolitical realities in the region, analysts say.

“Armenia's attempt to diversify its foreign policy [away from Russia] undoubtedly played a role in facilitating such transactions,” Grigoryan said.

It is meanwhile Russia’s failure to fulfill its arms contracts with Armenia that has led the latter to seek alternate suppliers. Whether due to unwillingness or inability, particularly following its February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Russia has not fulfilled an arms order from Armenia reportedly worth up to $400 million signed in 2021. Yerevan is reportedly attempting to make Moscow return the funds for the already-paid contract, which Russia has so far refused to do.

Many are now wondering if Russia’s time as an active arms supplier to Armenia is over for good.

“It’s a good question,” Nersisyan said on whether Russia may be finished as a supplier for Armenia. “With Armenia’s current foreign policy shifts, that could definitely happen. The several hundred million dollars of supplies [from 2021] have not arrived, for both political reasons and practical causes, namely Russia’s war on Ukraine. Nowadays, Russia is only supplying the countries which are politically very important for them, like India, [and Armenia] is not one of these,” Nersisyan said.

The recent French-Armenian announcements go beyond arms supplies, as well. French Defence Minister Sebastien Lecornu declared during the October press conference with his Armenian counterpart that France would also “help Armenia train ground defence forces and support the country's efforts to reform and modernise its military.” Paris will also be deploying a military attache to its embassy in Yerevan to aid in coordinating trainings and identifying future areas for defence purchases.

“I think that’s probably even more important than the [air defence] radars,” said Nersisyan, of the French training mission. “The French minister mentioned that [France] will help with both training [Armenian] ground forces and with doing some kind of audit of our air defence capacities, helping to understand how to modernise it. So I think that’s a very high value thing, and hopefully the Armenian side will be open to such advise and consultations and will be ready to accept the necessary [reforms],” he said.

While these are important steps, Armenia’s efforts in rebuilding and upgrading its armed forces are still in their infancy. Far more needs to be done to achieve some sort of parity, or at least credible deterrent, with their adversary, Azerbaijan. Change is happening, but its pace leaves questions.

“Changes [in the military] are happening, but slower than they should, I suppose,” said Nersisyan. “There is a serious need to speed that up, because [Armenia] is under serious pressure now and doesn’t have a lot of time. But I expect more deliveries from France in the near future, and from India as well. Procurement is historically the easy part [of upgrading a military], but reforms in command and control – those are more difficult.”

https://www.bne.eu/armenia-marks-new-era-with-french-military-purchases-303180/?source=armenia